Academic literature on the topic 'Boston Tea Party, 1773'

How shall we face the enormous evidence of impersonation as a central cultural practice in the development of national discourses in the Americas?It is well known that, in December 1773, a ship named Dartmouth sat idle in Boston Harbor, prevented from unloading her cargo by the governor in protest of the import tax and prevented from leaving the harbor by customs rules. As the customs period came to a close, a group of newly patriotic Bostonians came up with a plan to resolve the crisis. One historian recounts, “a chorus of Indian war whoops sounded outside the hall and a party of what looked like Indian men ran to the wharf, entered the ships, and proceeded to dump the tea in Boston Harbor” (Deloria 2). And the rest, as they say, was history: the Boston Tea Party has since functioned as favored tale of origin for American independence and national identity.

This is an essay about an incident that took place in the Province of Massachusetts Bay during the period 1772–1774, an incident that I will call the Affair of the Royal Salary. Close relative of the Stamp Act Crisis, The Boston Tea Party, even the Boston Massacre, the Affair of the Royal Salary similarly involved a clash between the forces of popular government and those of imperial government; like its better known cousins it is part of the story of the coming of the American Revolution in Massachusetts. In addition, since the Salary around which the Affair developed was intended for judges, the Affair of the Royal Salary is part of the history of judicial independence in Massachusetts.

One of the key areas where behavioral economics offers major insights into developing successful policy involves issues of fairness. Taxation offers many examples, ranging from the Boston Tea Party of 1773 to the UK's unsuccessful community charge, often called the ‘poll tax', of the early 1990s, where a failure to appreciate fully taxpayers' perceptions of fairness led to unexpected outcomes. The use of behavioral economics to supplement mainstream economic analysis might not only reduce the risks of such tax disasters but also improve the development of tax reform more generally. This paper shows how such additional explanatory power contributes to our understanding of the success or failure of UK tax policy arising from the ‘natural experiments' of the successful introduction of value added tax in 1973 and the contrasting difficulties associated with the community charge in 1990 and, more recently, the abolition of the 10% rate of income tax in 2008.

Abstract Adam Smith finalised his magnum opus An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations between 1773 (Boston Tea Party) and 1776 (Declaration of Independence), and in its final paragraph Britain should “endeavour to accommodate her future views and designs to the real mediocrity of her circumstances”. The Wealth of Nations was “aimed to influence British MPs [Members of Parliament] to support a peaceful resolution to the American colonies’ War of Independence”, A. Smith “urged legislators to awaken from the “golden dream” of empire and avoid “a long, expensive and ruinous war”“, and “rejection of the protectionist Corn Laws in favour of opening up to the world economy marked the start of an era of globalization which contributed to Britain’s prosperity”, as Yueh (2019, p. 16f) puts it. Over the years, industrialization brought about by the Industrial Revolution has been challenged by deindustrialization, globalization by deglobalization. So with the “Brexit issue” at stake, what has been the “Brexitologic of Competitiveness”? In an earlier relevant series of analyses published by Čiderová et al. between 2012-2014 our focus was on the Global Competitiveness Index (alias the GCI by the World Economic Forum) in a spectrum of territorial and temporal perspectives related to the European Union. Now, in this follow-up comparative study zooming out to globalization and zooming in to competitiveness, our focus is streamlined to the “openended Brexit issue” on the background of updates of the GCI (alias GCI 4.0) and the KOF Globalisation Index (the latter by ETH Zürich).

Abstract “We Were Declared Enemies to the Country” brings to light two previously unpublished letters that describe the experience of Joshua Winslow, one of the consignees of the East India Company tea, as he and his associates were confronted by a violent crown in Boston in November, 1773. The letters afford the perspective of a man recently arrived from years in Canada to the fierce opposition to landing EIC tea in Boston.

This article addresses debates among revolutionaries in 1774 (omitted from Ideological Origins) about whether the East India Company should be compensated for the tea destroyed in Boston in December 1773.

This thesis aims to answer three questions that explore the ways in which preadolescent students participate in a reenactment exercise that is used as an educational technique at the Old South Meeting House, a historic site from the American Revolutionary War in Boston, Massachusetts: How do the students experience the performance-based approach to education?; Do the students enjoy their reenactment experiences?; and How do students navigate between the body of mythologized material surrounding the American Revolutionary War and the educational material with which they are presented during the reenactment exercise and during other formal (classroom) education? Written, drawn, and verbal responses from 76 participating 9- and 10-year-olds (American fourth and fifth graders) concerning their experiences with the reenactment program were gathered. Drawing from theoretical foundations in Museum Education, Museum Theater, Theater Education, and the mythologizing of American history, this project explores a convergence of these disciplines. The data generation and analysis of the responses that the students provided were based in Grounded Theory, and analysis was conducted through the use of phenomenographic transcription and categorization, including techniques for analysing drawn data based on models developed for use in studies in Environmental Education. The findings illuminate the dual understandings that students develop to navigate between exciting, mythologized histories of the American Revolution and more historically provable versions that, while providing accurate facts for education, might not possess the same dramatic appeal as exaggerated and romanticized versions. The data also points to the importance of the social aspect of reenactment to the participants. The primary contributions to the fields of Museum Education and Museum Theater Education herein lie mainly in this thesis’s additions to discussions on the use of reenactment as an interpretive tool, particularly in terms of exploring the reenactment exercise’s influences on the students by whom it was performed.

Le Tea Party entre en scène en février 2009 aux États-Unis. C’est notamment la tirade d’un journaliste qui s’insurge contre les plans de sauvetage de l’économie votés par le Président Barack Obama, en direct sur la chaîne CNBC le 19 février, et invite à organiser une « Tea Party » dans le port de Chicago, qui déclenche ce phénomène sans précédent. S’ensuivent de nombreux rassemblements protestataires de masse à travers le pays, puis la création de dizaines, puis de centaines de groupes Tea Party locaux. La rapidité et l’ampleur de ce mouvement surprennent les spécialistes. D’autant que dès 2010, le Tea Party affirme des objectifs politiques et une volonté d’institutionnalisation, se révélant une menace pour l’establishment républicain. Mais en 2012, la réélection du Président Obama peut être lue comme une défaite colossale pour le mouvement, et des chroniques de mort annoncée sont publiées par la presse libérale (au sens américain). Des résultats peu spectaculaires aux élections de mi-mandat en 2014 semblent confirmer ce pronostic, surtout que le Parti républicain réussit à tenir le mouvement en respect jusqu’aux primaires pour l’investiture présidentielle en 2015. C’est alors qu’on assiste à un retournement de situation ; la radicalisation du Grand Old Party est nette, visible entre autres dans la plate-forme très conservatrice des candidats républicains. En novembre 2016, l’élection de l’outsider Donald Trump à la présidence, conjonction de nombreux facteurs électoraux, est également le résultat d’efforts organisationnels de la Droite auxquels le Tea Party a largement contribué. Pour appréhender ce mouvement, il faut comprendre qu’il combine des forces top-down et bottom-up. Certes, le Tea Party bénéficie depuis son émergence de ressources inestimables de la part de groupes de pression et de think tanks comme FreedomWorks, American Majority, Americans for Prosperity ou Heritage Foundation, ainsi que des médias conservateurs. De nature organisationnelle ou rhétorique, ces ressources sont fondamentales car elles permettent au mouvement de s’organiser et de mener ses actions militantes. Il n’en reste pas moins qu’à la base se trouvent des acteurs bénévoles, qui consacrent leur temps et leur énergie au Tea Party, et revendiquent leur caractère grassroots. Des organisations nationales comme Tea Party Patriots s’imposent pour fédérer les groupes qui leur sont affiliés, cependant certains groupes locaux cherchent à protéger leur indépendance. Autour des groupes Tea Party gravitent des organisations libertariennes et conservatrices, l’ensemble formant une nébuleuse complexe, qui fonctionne par réseaux à différents niveaux et selon diverses configurations. L’objet de cette étude de terrain est donc d’apporter un éclairage de l’intérieur du mouvement Tea Party, par l’observation en immersion de groupes locaux situés dans les régions de Philadelphie en Pennsylvanie, et de Boston dans le Massachusetts. Il s’agit d’abord de comprendre les motivations et l’idéologie des militants, principalement d’orientation conservatrice, libertarienne et populiste. Ce sont les notions de souveraineté individuelle, d’anti-fédéralisme, et de respect de la Constitution qui dictent toute lecture des Tea Partiers. Ensuite, l’analyse des modes opératoires des groupes permet de clarifier le fonctionnement de l’ensemble. Le Tea Party se démarque en tant que mouvement de droite recourant à des stratégies organisationnelles jusqu’ici plutôt réservées aux mouvements progressistes - la façon dont il applique les principes de l’organisation communautaire est l’une de ses forces indéniables, en particulier à l’ère des nouvelles technologies, et des réseaux sociaux. Son utilisation de ressources Web et d’outils concrets pour l’action militante est remarquable. Enfin, il est essentiel de saisir que le Tea Party veut s’implanter dans le tissu décisionnel local. Pour y parvenir, l’une de ses tactiques consiste à infiltrer progressivement le Parti républicain
The Tea Party enters the scene in February 2009 in the United States. On February 19, a CNBC journalist protests on-air against the economic bailout plans voted by President Barack Obama, and invites viewers to organize a « Tea Party » in the Chicago harbor. This contributes to trigger an unprecedented phenomenon, as numerous mass protest rallies soon organize throughout the country, followed by the creation of dozens, then hundreds of local Tea Party groups. Experts are astonished at the swiftness and magnitude of the movement. All the more so in 2010, when the Tea Party starts claiming political objectives and shows intent of institutionalizing, proving a threat to the Republican Establishment. However, President Obama is reelected in 2012 and this is interpreted as a devastating loss for the movement, for which obituaries are published in several liberal media. Lackluster results in the 2014 mid-term elections seem to confirm this forecast, especially since the Republican Party succeeds at keeping the movement at bay until the primaries for the presidential candidate nomination in 2015. But then there is a reversal; the Grand Old Party clearly radicalizes, as the extremely conservative Republican platform notably shows. And the election of outsider Donald Trump to the presidency in November 2016, a conjunction of numerous electoral factors, is also the result of organizational efforts on the right side of the political spectrum, to which the Tea Party largely contributed. To better apprehend this movement, it is necessary to understand that it combines top-down and bottom-up forces. From its appearance, the Tea Party has indisputably benefitted from colossal resources from interest groups and think tanks such as FreedomWorks, American Majority, Americans for Prosperity or The Heritage Foundation, but also from conservative media. Either organizational or rhetorical, these resources are primeval for the movement’s organization and activism. Nevertheless, there are voluntary activists working at the basis of the movement, who devote their time and energy to the Tea Party, and claim its grassroots nature. National organizations such as Tea Party Patriots try to establish themselves as federations for the groups affiliated to them, while some local groups seek to remain independent. Libertarian and conservative organizations gravitate around Tea Party groups, the whole forming a complex cluster that operates at different levels and following diverse configurations. Thus the object of this field study is to shed light on the Tea Party movement from the inside, thanks to the observation of local groups from an embedded position. These groups are located in the Philadelphia and Boston areas, respectively in Pennsylvania and Massachusetts. First, it is necessary to understand activists’ motivations and ideologies, which are mainly conservative, libertarian and populist; and that Tea Partiers interpret everything though the lens of individual sovereignty, anti-Federalism, and respect of the Constitution. Then, analyzing the modi operandi of the groups allows to illuminate how the whole system works. The Tea Party distinguishes itself as a right-wing movement that recurs to organizational strategies that were predominantly used by progressive movements until recently – the way the movement applies the principles of community organizing is undeniably one of its strengths, particularly considering the new media revolution, and social networks. Its use of Web resources and concrete tools to encourage activism is impressive. Lastly, it is indispensable to grasp that the Tea Party aims for local decision-making positions. To this end, one of its tactics consists in progressively infiltrating the Republican Party

This chapter reviews the interplay of politics and tea between 1773 and 1776. It notes that the Coercive Acts heightened the all-or-nothing conflict between the Boston Patriots and the Boston consignees. In its post-Coercive Acts symbolism, destroying tea acquired a political “truth” concerning the common cause and resistance to what the Patriots saw as a dangerous new constitutional settlement. Moreover, the Acts made the Boston Tea Party seem heroic and justified, which is reiterated in other tea parties and the press. Eventually, Congress gave up its prohibition on tea in April 1776. The chapter looks into tea's final act in American politics as a symbol of economic independence.

This chapter examines the Charleston Tea Party, which was also known as the tea party that wasn't. It mentions how Charleston was one of four tea shipments the East India Company sent to North America in 1773. Patriots collected tea and burned it in the town center before a crowd, but many colonists were outraged by the destruction. The chapter mentions how the dominance of the Boston Tea Party in historical memory obscured the various ways Patriots approached tea in other cities. However, colonists destroyed 90,000 pounds of Company tea in Boston Harbor, but between Boston and Charleston, they drank nearly as much so colonists, Patriot and Tory were united in consumerism, and merchants were the men who best spoke to that consumption.

Abstract Thomas Paine arrived in Philadelphia on November 30, 1774. Political change was in the air; it dominated discussion in the city’s taverns and coffee houses, homes and workshops. Already, the port of Boston had been closed as punishment for the Boston Tea Party of December 1773 and the First Continental Congress had assembled in Philadelphia in the fall of 1774, composed of “the ablest and wealthiest men in America.”

Chapter 7 of The Overseas Trade of British America opens with a rescue plan for the East India Company that called for dumping vast quantities of tea in British North America and applying the infamous 1767 tax on tea. Resistance in New York, Philadelphia, and Charleston forced importing agents to back down. But not in Boston. There, toe-to-toe confrontation between political activists and the Massachusetts governor precipitated the Boston Tea Party. Britain’s punitive response ignited armed rebellion. In the War of Independence that followed, success on the American side hinged on acquisition of military supplies from abroad. Some came directly from Europe, but most arrived through Dutch, French, Danish, and Spanish intermediaries in the West Indies. By far the greatest sufferers from the breakdown of colonial trade were the thousands of enslaved Africans in the British West Indies dependent on food from North America. The revolutionaries succeeded in establishing the independence of the United States, but its commerce was in shambles. The economy of the young republic, having lost its privileged connection to the British Empire, slid into a deep depression. Optimism prevailed, however, as the United States prepared to step onto the world stage.

In 1772, religious leaders embraced optimism about their shared future; in 1774, the empire plunged toward rupture. This chapter details how the structures of imperial protestantism were turned away from their traditional goal of supporting the empire, despite a sense of optimism in the months around the Boston Tea Party. In that event's aftermath, three responses can be discerned across the imperial protestant system. In Britain, leaders of the Church of England stayed silent, drawing ridicule for their failure to defend the protestant empire. Meanwhile, in America, revolutionaries seized control of the rituals of public religion and enabled religious leaders to voice messages of resistance. Radical voices in both places, American Anglicans and English dissenters, decried the course of politics and advocated for their visions of protestant empire, but to little effect.