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Journal articles on the topic 'Boyle, Robert'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 31 January 2023

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1

Rose, F. C. "Robert Boyle." Neurology 42, no. 10 (October 1, 1992): 2058. http://dx.doi.org/10.1212/wnl.42.10.2058.

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2

Cheshire, W. P. "Robert Boyle." Neurology 42, no. 10 (October 1, 1992): 2058. http://dx.doi.org/10.1212/wnl.42.10.2058-a.

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3

Waldman, John. "Robert H. Boyle." Fisheries 42, no. 8 (August 3, 2017): 445. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03632415.2017.1348065.

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4

Jenkins, Jane E. "Robert Boyle Reconsidered (review)." Journal of the History of Philosophy 33, no. 3 (1995): 522–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hph.1995.0057.

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5

Osler, Margaret J. "Robert Boyle RecoveredThe Works of Robert Boyle. Michael Hunter , Edward B. Davis." Isis 92, no. 2 (June 2001): 351–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385187.

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6

MacIntosh, J. J. "Animals, Morality and Robert Boyle." Dialogue 35, no. 3 (1996): 435–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217300008817.

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In early life, the philosopher, theologian and scientist Robert Boyle (1627–1691) wrote extensively on moral matters. One of the extant early documents written in Boyle's hand deals with the morality of our treatment of non-human animals. In this piece (probably written about 1647) Boyle offered a number of arguments for extending moral concern to non-human animals. Since the later Boyle routinely vivisected or otherwise killed animals in his scientific experiments, we are left with the biographical questions, did his views change, and if so, why? as well as with the philosophical questions, what were his arguments and how good are they?
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7

Guerrini, Anita. "The Early Essays and Ethics of Robert Boyle. Robert Boyle , John T. Harwood." Isis 83, no. 3 (September 1992): 493–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/356237.

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8

Boantza, Victor D. "The Boyle Papers: Understanding the Manuscripts of Robert Boyle." Annals of Science 66, no. 4 (October 2009): 570–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00033790802315231.

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9

Dear, Peter. "Robert Boyle: the secret alchemist." Physics World 11, no. 12 (December 1998): 45–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/2058-7058/11/12/30.

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10

CLAY, JOHN. "Robert Boyle: a Jungian perspective." British Journal for the History of Science 32, no. 3 (September 1999): 285–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087499003660.

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Privilege brings obligations – noblesse oblige. Boyle came from a deeply privileged background. If we are to locate him through twentieth-century eyes in order to rediscover his psychic space, then this background needs to be borne in mind. It was a constant shaping force for him. Twentieth-century eyes mean a new perspective. As Eliot wrote of Pascal, Boyle's contemporary, ‘every generation sees preceding ones differently. Pascal is one of those writers who will be, and who must be, studied afresh by men in every generation. It is not he who changes, but we who change. It is not our knowledge of him that increases, but our world that alters and our attitudes towards it’ – and so it is with Boyle.Boyle's childhood was beset by tragedy. From a psychological point of view, there can be fewer worse tragedies than the premature loss of a mother. His mother died of consumption when he was three. She was forty-two and he was her fourteenth and penultimate child. It seems clear that this early loss haunted him for the rest of his life, its unconscious effect always there. At some level he may have felt partly responsible for her death – that his birth had helped to wear her out, to finish her off, to consume her. It would seem that he missed out on mourning in the conventional sense, or rather in the sense that Freud emphasized as being all-important in his paper ‘Mourning and Melancholia’. Boyle did use, in his autobiographical writing as ‘Philaretus’, the word ‘disaster’ to describe this early tragedy, and it is a powerful enough word in the context. But what happened to his grief ? Was it worked through? Was it lived with? Or was it just sublimated into his work, his wide range of preoccupations? Was it something that remained as a constant, underlying refrain in his life, that he needed to defend himself against?
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11

Garrett, Robert G. "Robert William Boyle - A Tribute." Geochemistry: Exploration, Environment, Analysis 4, no. 1 (February 2004): 3–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1144/1467-7873/03-022.

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12

Wojcik, Jan W. "Correspondence of Robert Boyle (review)." Journal of the History of Philosophy 42, no. 1 (2004): 103–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hph.2004.0018.

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13

Hunter, Michael. "Report. Robert Boyle for the twenty-ndash;first century." Notes and Records of the Royal Society 59, no. 1 (January 22, 2005): 87–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2004.0072.

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In recent years, major steps have been taken in terms of understanding and exploiting the vast archive of Robert Boyle (1627–91), which was presented to The Royal Society in 1769. The collection was first catalogued in the 1980s; since then, it has been extensively used in preparing the definitive editions of Boyle's Works (14 vols, 1999–2000) and Correspondence (6 vols, 2001), both published by Pickering & Chatto, and the edition of his ‘workdiaries’, which has been available online since 2001. Now, thanks to a generous grant from the Heritage Lottery Fund, various steps have been taken to enhance access to the archive—particularly by electronic means, and especially through the provision of high–quality digitized images of its key components—and thus to increase understanding of Boyle and his significance for the origins of modern science. The project, entitled ‘Robert Boyle for the twenty–first century’, is a joint initiative between Birkbeck (University of London), The Royal Society and Access to Archives. It has three main components: first, the revision of the catalogue of the Boyle archive and its presentation in online, searchable form; second, the creation of digitized images of the entire content of the core volumes of the Boyle Papers and the publication of these on the World Wide Web, some as illustrations to an updated edition of the workdiaries; and third, the provision of introductory material on Boyle aimed at schools on the Boyle website at Birkbeck.
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14

Iliffe, Rob. "Essay Review: Boyle's Industry, Robert Boyle Reconsidered, Robert Boyle Reconsidered, Robert Boyle: By Himself and His Friends; With a Fragment of William Wotton's Lost, the Diffident Naturalist: Robert Boyle and the Philosophy of Experiment." History of Science 35, no. 4 (December 1997): 455–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/007327539703500403.

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15

Baker, Tawrin. "Color and Contingency in Robert Boyle’s Works." Early Science and Medicine 20, no. 4-6 (December 7, 2015): 536–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733823-02046p10.

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This essay investigates the relationship between color and contingency in Robert Boyle’s Experiments and Considerations Touching Colours (1664) and his essays on the unsuccessfulness of experiments in Certain Physiological Essays (1661). In these two works Boyle wrestles with a difficult practical and philosophical problem with experiments, which he calls the problem of contingency. In Touching Colours, the problem of contingency is magnified by the much-debated issue of whether color had any deep epistemic importance. His limited theoretical principle guiding him in Touching Colours, that color is but modified light, further exacerbated the problem. Rather than theory, Boyle often relied on craftsmen, whose mastery of color phenomena was, Boyle mentions, brought about by economic forces, to determine when colors were indicators of important ‘inward’ properties of substances, and thus to secure a solid foundation for his experimental history of color.
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16

Kaplan, Edward. "Robert Boyle and the English Revolution." International Studies in Philosophy 17, no. 3 (1985): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil198517344.

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17

O'Hare, P. A. G. "Robert Boyle: Pioneer of Experimental Chemistry." Books at Iowa 48 (April 1988): 6–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17077/0006-7474.1149.

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18

Sargent, Rose-Mary. "La philosophie naturelle de Robert Boyle." Early Science and Medicine 15, no. 3 (2010): 307–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338210x494030.

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19

Thomas, J. D. R. "Saluting mass spectrometry through Robert Boyle." Analytical Proceedings 29, no. 6 (1992): 221b. http://dx.doi.org/10.1039/ap992290221b.

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20

Hunter, Michael, and Lawrence M. Principe. "The Lost Papers of Robert Boyle." Annals of Science 60, no. 3 (January 2003): 269–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00033790210122433.

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21

Maddison, R. E. W. "The life of Robert Boyle: Addenda." Annals of Science 45, no. 2 (March 1988): 193–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00033798800200191.

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22

Maddison, R. E. W. "‘The portraiture of Robert Boyle’: Addenda." Annals of Science 45, no. 2 (March 1988): 196–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00033798800200201.

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23

Holden, Thomas. "Robert Boyle on things above reason." British Journal for the History of Philosophy 15, no. 2 (May 2007): 283–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09608780701255469.

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24

Ruse, Michael. "Robert Boyle and the Machine Metaphor." Zygon® 37, no. 3 (September 2002): 581–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9744.00438.

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25

Wojcik, Jan W. "The Works of Robert Boyle (review)." Journal of the History of Philosophy 40, no. 4 (2002): 543–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hph.2002.0087.

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26

Boantza, Victor D., and Leslie Tomory. "The “Subtile Aereal Spirit of Fountains”: Mineral Waters and the History of Pneumatic Chemistry." Early Science and Medicine 21, no. 4 (November 15, 2016): 303–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733823-00214p02.

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The standard history of pneumatic chemistry is dominated by a landmark-discoverers-type narrative stretching from Robert Boyle, through Stephen Hales, Joseph Black, and Joseph Priestley, to Antoine Lavoisier. This article challenges this view by demonstrating the importance of the study of mineral waters – and their “aerial component” – to the evolution of pneumatic chemistry, from around van Helmont to the period before Black (1640s–1750s). Among key figures examined are Joan Baptista van Helmont, Johann Joachim Becher, Robert Boyle, Friedrich Hoffmann, and William Brownrigg.
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27

Porter, Roy. "Book Review: To Justify the Ways of Boyle to Man: The Works of Robert Boyle, Robert Boyle (1627–91): Scrupulosity and Science." History of Science 39, no. 2 (June 2001): 241–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/007327530103900205.

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28

Cárdenas B., José Luis. "Luciana Zaterka, A filosofia experimental na Inglaterra do século XVII: Francis Bacon e Robert Boyle." Crítica (México D. F. En línea) 39, no. 116 (December 7, 2007): 107–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/iifs.18704905e.2007.536.

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29

CANTOR, GEOFFREY. "Boyling over: a commentary on the preceding papers." British Journal for the History of Science 32, no. 3 (September 1999): 315–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087499003684.

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When Michael Hunter first publicized the idea of ‘Psychoanalysing Robert Boyle’ I understood that his main aim was to test three competing psychoanalytical theories against the historical evidence provided by the life and work of Robert Boyle. Although this would have been a valuable exercise, and one that the British Society for the History of Science meeting partly engaged, the papers by Brett Kahr, John Clay and Karl Figlio published here raise some far more compelling issues which I shall explore in the ensuing discussion. Before turning to this discussion I offer a few introductory remarks.
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30

MONK, CRAIG. "Textual Authority and Modern American Autobiography: Robert McAlmon, Kay Boyle, and the Writing of a Lost Generation." Journal of American Studies 35, no. 3 (December 2001): 485–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875801006685.

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By the mid-1960s, American writer Kay Boyle was in possession of a three-book contract from Doubleday publishers in New York. The cornerstone of this deal was to be a history of Germany, a manuscript she began in the late 1950s. Boyle encountered difficulties completing this work, and after lobbying successfully to write a history of German women instead, she eventually abandoned the project altogether. To help her meet her professional obligations, Boyle hoped that Doubleday would accept a new plan to republish Three Short Novels, a work that had appeared under the Beacon imprint in 1958. That publisher still had four thousand copies of the book in its warehouse, however, and Doubleday editor Ken McCormick was unable to agree to Boyle’s proposal. McCormick suggested instead that she undertake work revising Robert McAlmon’s 1938 autobiography, Being Geniuses Together. Indeed, in the years following his death in 1956, Boyle had been unsuccessful in locating an American publisher for her friend’s book, so when Doubleday brought forward an edition of the work in 1968, it contained alternate chapters written by Kay Boyle, herself. McAlmon’s original text is approximately one hundred and ten thousand words in length; Boyle’s edition is one hundred and sixty thousand words, only seventy thousand of which were written by Robert McAlmon. ‘‘This present book is his,’’ Boyle wrote of McAlmon’s achievement in her 1984 afterword (333), and while one might argue that this is the case, no one can question the fact that his book was altered substantially from its original form.
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31

Malcolm, Noel. "Robert Boyle, Georges Pierre des Clozets, and the Asterism: a New Source." Early Science and Medicine 9, no. 4 (2004): 293–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573382043004640.

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AbstractIn 1677-8 Robert Boyle fell victim to a French confidence trickster, Georges Pierre des Clozets, who claimed to belong to a secret society of alchemists, 'the Asterism'; the leader of the Asterism was described as the 'Patriarch of Antioch', resident in Constantinople. New evidence shows that Georges Pierre had contrived to publish two short articles about this 'Patriarch' in a Dutch newspaper, and that one of these was given to Boyle to corroborate Pierre's claims. These articles provide further information about the nature of Pierre's invention. Most importantly, they show that his 'Patriarch of Antioch' was modelled on, and explicitly connected to, a contemporary alchemist in whom Boyle already had an interest: Francesco Giuseppe Borri.
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32

Hunter, Michael. "Alchemy, magic and moralism in the thought of Robert Boyle." British Journal for the History of Science 23, no. 4 (December 1990): 387–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087400028065.

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At some point during the last two years of his life, Robert Boyle dictated to his friend, Gilbert Burnet, Bishop of Salisbury, some notes on major events and themes in his career. Some of the information he divulged in these memoranda has become quite widely known because Burnet used it in the funeral sermon for Boyle that he delivered a month after his death, at St Martin's in the Fields on 7 January 1692. In addition, these notes were cited several times by Thomas Birch in the ‘Life of the Honourable Robert Boyle’ that he prefixed to his edition of Boyle's collected works of 1744: he there describes his source as ‘Mr. Boyle's memorandums of his own life, dictated by himself to Bishop Burnet’.2 What has hitherto been virtually overlooked is that the manuscript of these notes, which is in Burnet's hand, survives among the Birch Papers in the British Library: it is this document—and particularly a substantial component of it which was publicized by neither Burnet nor Birch—that forms the starting point for this paper.
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33

Cook, A. "Varieties of science." Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 55, no. 3 (September 22, 2001): 349. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2001.0150.

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34

Hunter, Michael. "On editing the works of Robert Boyle." Intellectual News 10, no. 1 (March 2002): 54–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15615324.2002.10428828.

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35

Mandelbrote, S. "Robert Boyle (1627-1691): Scrupulosity and Science." English Historical Review 118, no. 478 (September 1, 2003): 1058–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/118.478.1058.

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36

FIGLIO, KARL. "Psychoanalysis and the scientific mind: Robert Boyle." British Journal for the History of Science 32, no. 3 (September 1999): 299–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087499003672.

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It is a tempting exercise, both historically and psychoanalytically, to contribute to a psychoanalytic understanding of Robert Boyle. Over many years, historians of science have been amassing evidence of science as a social activity, part of the culture of its time. As these studies progress, they stumble into psychoanalytic territory willy nilly. Indeed, the very notion of enquiry into nature becomes a psychoanalytic issue, as soon as we think of it as an emotionally charged approach to an object. If we think of Boyle as an early modern scientific investigator and as a personification of the tensions surrounding the investigation of nature as an object in the psychoanalytic sense, then we have a double reason for bringing a psychoanalytic understanding to bear upon him.One of the criticisms of a psychoanalytic enquiry into any historical figure or situation is that the object of study is not present in the way a patient is present. It is not simply that the patient is not there – after all, there is documentary evidence to stand in for the missing person – but that the key feature that makes the enquiry psychoanalytic is missing. There is no transference, and no way to monitor the accuracy of interpretations. That means that the analyst cannot sit in the place of the objects in which the subject has an intense emotional investment, and from which vantage the subject of these investments can be studied. In that sense, the enquiry cannot be said to be properly psychoanalytic in method.
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37

DUMSDAY, TRAVIS. "Robert Boyle on the diversity of religions." Religious Studies 44, no. 3 (August 4, 2008): 315–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034412508009529.

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AbstractRobert Boyle's treatise, ‘On the diversity of religions’, remains a little-known work, and was unpublished during his lifetime. Nonetheless it is of considerable historical and philosophical interest. In it, Boyle attempts to answer the question of how one can hope to obtain religious truth amidst the many competing claims to revelation, a concern which had grown acute in the early modern period. In this paper I examine Boyle's arguments, considering along the way their relationship to the various contemporary debates on diversity and evaluating their present relevance.
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38

Williams, Kathryn R. "Robert Boyle: The Founder of Modern Chemistry." Journal of Chemical Education 86, no. 2 (February 2009): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/ed086p148.

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39

Pinet, Patrice. "Robert Boyle (1627-1691) et la pharmacologie." Revue d'histoire de la pharmacie 88, no. 328 (2000): 471–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/pharm.2000.5153.

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40

Principe, Lawrence M. "Boyle Studies: Aspects of the Life and Thought of Robert Boyle (1627–91)." Ambix 63, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 72–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00026980.2016.1201299.

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41

Zuber, Mike A., and Leigh T. I. Penman. "Robert Boyle's anonymous ‘Crosey-Crucian’ identified: The German alchemist and religious dissenter Peter Moritz." Notes and Records: the Royal Society Journal of the History of Science 74, no. 1 (January 9, 2019): 95–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2018.0055.

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Using previously neglected manuscript sources, this paper sheds light on a puzzling episode in the later life of Robert Boyle and the early career of his laboratory assistant Ambrose Godfrey. Currently, the only account of their disappointing encounter with an unnamed German adept derives from Godfrey's lost manuscript treatise ‘An Apology and Letter touching a Crosey-Crucian’, excerpts of which were published in 1858. Based on a comparison between that source and the papers of the virtually forgotten chymical practitioner and convicted heretic Peter Moritz (1638– ca. 1700), the authors argue that Godfrey's anonymous ‘Crosey-Crucian’ was none other than Moritz himself. The first part establishes that various significant and seemingly insignificant details agree precisely and thus corroborate this identification. The second part focuses on those passages among Moritz's papers that contain explicit evidence of his dealings with both Boyle and Godfrey, a sheet of notes and a lengthy epistolary ‘Memorial’ to an unnamed addressee. The authors contend that Moritz's ‘Memorial’ is a version of the same document that the adept sought to deliver to Boyle who refused to accept it, according to Godfrey's ‘Apology’. For this reason, and on the basis of strong internal evidence, Boyle is identified as the intended recipient of Moritz's ‘Memorial’. Taken together, these two identifications solve a long-standing riddle in Boyle scholarship and introduce a significant addition to his extant correspondence.
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42

WRAGGE-MORLEY, ALEXANDER. "Robert Boyle and the representation of imperceptible entities." British Journal for the History of Science 51, no. 1 (November 6, 2017): 17–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087417000899.

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AbstractIn this essay, I examine Robert Boyle's strategies for making imperceptible entities accessible to the senses. It is well known that, in his natural philosophy, Boyle confronted the challenge of making imperceptible particles of matter into objects of sensory experience. It has never been noted, however, that Boyle confronted a strikingly similar challenge in his natural theology – he needed to make an equally imperceptible God accessible to the senses. Taking this symmetrical difficulty as my starting point, I propose a new approach to thinking about the interconnections between Boyle's natural philosophy and natural theology. For the most part, studies of science and religion in the early modern period work by seeking out the influence of explicitly stated religious beliefs on scientific ideas. I argue, by contrast, that we need to focus on Boyle's representational practices, using his attempts to represent imperceptible entities as a means of uncovering metaphysical and theological presuppositions that he did not always articulate when stating his religious beliefs. With new interpretations of bothA Discourse of Things Above Reason(1681) andSome Physico-Theological Considerations about the Possibility of the Resurrection(1675), I show that there were crucial similarities between Boyle's practices for representing both God and atoms. I go on to show, moreover, that Boyle used these practices to enact an ontological stance at odds with one of his most important professed beliefs.
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43

Silva, Carmen. "Escepticismo, mecanicismo, teología y alquimia en Robert Boyle." Theoría. Revista del Colegio de Filosofía, no. 18 (July 1, 2007): 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/ffyl.16656415p.2007.18.334.

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The purpose of this article is to approach to the nature of Robert Boyle´s mechanicism and in this way be able to appreciate how this thesis or explanatory model, i.e. the mechanicism, which was fundamental for the philosophers of the XVII century, had important differences among its defenders. In other words, the hypothesis I want to suggest in this work is that mechanicism was, on the one hand, an efficient form to confront aristotelism and to approach to the natural world and, on the other, that in each author of that period we find variations of what each natural philosopher considered mechanicism. It appears to me that in Boyle we can find the following features that define his mechanicism and therefore his natural philosophy; and that he shares some of them with other contemporary philosophers of nature and not others, since in the natural philosophy of each of the authors we can find a distinct form of dealing with the pirronic skepticism, which will result in a specific epistemology and, therefore, both natural philosophy and epistemology were linked in a given theological perspective. In short, that the different combinations of the distinct epistemic as well as theological postures resulted in a specific natural philosophy. In other words, in this work I intend to illustrate all this by exposing some of the epistemic and theological elements that compose the natural philosophy of Robert Boyle and, therefore, approach to the nature of his mechanicism.
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44

West, John B. "Robert Boyle’s landmark book of 1660 with the first experiments on rarified air." Journal of Applied Physiology 98, no. 1 (January 2005): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1152/japplphysiol.00759.2004.

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In 1660, Robert Boyle (1627–1691) published his landmark book New Experiments Physico-Mechanicall, Touching the Spring of the Air, and its Effects… in which he described the first controlled experiments of the effects of reducing the pressure of the air. Critical to this work was the development of an air pump by Boyle with Robert Hooke (1635–1703). For the first time, it was possible to observe physical and physiological processes at both normal and reduced barometric pressures. The air pump was described in detail, although the exact design of the critical piston is unclear. Boyle reported 43 separate experiments, which can conveniently be divided into 7 groups. The first experiments were on the “spring of the air,” that is the pressure developed by the air when its volume was changed. Several experiments described the behavior of the barometer invented by Torricelli just 16 years before when it was introduced into the low-pressure chamber. The behavior of burning candles was discussed, although this emphasized early misunderstandings of the nature of combustion. There were some physiological observations, although these were later extended by Boyle and Hooke. The effects of the low pressure on such diverse physical phenomena as magnetism, sound propagation, behavior of a pendulum, evolution of gases from liquids, and the behavior of smoke were described. This classic book is brimming with enthusiasm and fresh ideas even for today and deserves to be better known.
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45

Turner, S., and R. Laroche. "Robert Boyle, Hannah Woolley, and Syrup of Violets." Notes and Queries 58, no. 3 (September 1, 2011): 390–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/notesj/gjr117.

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46

Cheshire, W. P. "Robert Boyle and a corpuscular model of tremor." Neurology 42, no. 2 (February 1, 1992): 455. http://dx.doi.org/10.1212/wnl.42.2.455.

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47

Gunnoe, Charles D., and Dane T. Daniel. "Anti-Paracelsianism from Conrad Gessner to Robert Boyle." Daphnis 48, no. 1-2 (March 19, 2020): 104–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-04801004.

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This article surveys the current knowledge of the anti-Paracelsian movement from a confessional perspective. It outlines the rise of the critique of Paracelsus by academic physicians such as Conrad Gessner, Thomas Erastus’s vociferous demonization, and an ambivalent Catholic reaction. Andreas Libavius and other chymical theorists remained critical of Paracelsus’s natural philosophy while engaging aspects of his alchemy. The cumulative impact reveals a widespread anti-Paracelsian discourse, which escalated in the seventeenth century due to the growing popularity of Paracelsian spiritualism.
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48

West, Noel. "Robert Boyle (1627–1691) and the vacuum pump." Vacuum 43, no. 4 (April 1992): 283–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0042-207x(92)90155-p.

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49

Anstey, Peter R. "Robert Boyle and the heuristic value of mechanism." Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part A 33, no. 1 (March 2002): 157–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0039-3681(01)00034-6.

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50

Hunter, J. Paul. "Robert Boyle and the Epistemology of the Novel." Eighteenth-Century Fiction 2, no. 4 (1990): 275–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ecf.1990.0033.

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