Academic literature on the topic 'Brasil – Politica economica – 1995-2005'
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Journal articles on the topic "Brasil – Politica economica – 1995-2005"
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SAMUELS, DAVID. "Fiscal Straitjacket: The Politics of Macroeconomic Reform in Brazil, 1995–2002." Journal of Latin American Studies 35, no. 3 (2003): 545–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x03006825.
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Brazil's President Fernando Henrique Cardoso will be remembered for his administration's accomplishments as well as the problems his government left unresolved. On the one hand, fiscal policy represents one of Cardoso's success stories: the Plano Real curbed inflation, established economic stability, and enabled the central government to rein in subnational governments' out-of-control spending patterns, which had been a key source of macroeconomic instability. However, the question remains whether Brazil can truly escape from the political and economic consequences of past fiscal profligacy. Despite many successes, Cardoso's own policies have created additional obstacles that future administrations will necessarily confront, in particular a dramatic increase in Brazil's internal debt. Observers of Brazil should count both sides of the accounting ledger when evaluating the Cardoso administration. Much has been gained, but the costs of those gains must be recognised and the impact of those gains on the range of policy choice available to future administrations understood. This article explores the factors that contributed to Brazil's macroeconomic difficulties prior to 1995, and then explores how the Plano Real provided the Cardoso administration with leverage to constrain the capacity of subnational actors to affect Brazil's economy. Subsequently, however, the paper describes how the Cardoso administration's policies have created Brazil's current ‘fiscal straitjacket’, and concludes by discussing how Cardoso's policies will constrain future administrations.
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McAllister, Mary Louise. "Brazilian Politics." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 3 (2007): 793–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423907070989.
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Brazilian Politics, Alfred P. Montero, Cambridge: Polity Press, 2005, pp. 167.Brazil is a country of contrasts. This is one of the first, and most ubiquitous, phrases that one encounters with respect to this intriguing country. Visitors to Brazil soon echo this sentiment as they note its cultural sophistication in the arts, technological expertise in a number of industries, its vast, diverse territory, as well as its extreme economic and social disparity. It is the ninth-largest economy in the world, yet it is also one of the most inequitable; the top 1 per cent of the population retains 40 per cent of the country's wealth (5). It is fitting then that this reality provides the integrative theme in Alfred Montero's primer on Brazilian politics. The topic is first introduced with an effective depiction of Brazilian president “Lula” da Silva as he struggles to bridge competing social and economic imperatives when he attends the World Social Forum held at Porto Alegre, Brazil, and the World Economic Forum at Davos, Switzerland. The text concludes with an observation that the president's adoption of a pragmatic agenda in order to secure economic growth through global markets will not adequately satisfy the desperate and immediate need for social reform where millions suffer and comparatively few prosper. Montero asserts that the root of this misery can be traced to the state's historic pattern of clientelistic politics, oligarchical rule and bureaucratic-authoritarianism (25).
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Freitas, Antonio. "The Rate of Surplus Value in Brazil, 1996–2016." Review of Radical Political Economics 53, no. 3 (2021): 398–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0486613421989427.
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This paper estimates the Brazilian economy’s rate of surplus value as well as its underlying determinants, i.e., wage rate and labor productivity between 1996 and 2016. In addition, it builds a theoretical narrative of the Brazilian economy that integrates its political successions, highlighting the governments of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995–2002), Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003–2010), Dilma Rousseff (2011–August 2016), and the parliamentary coup d’état (December 2015–August 2016). The findings are presented based on the classical political economy tradition, which sees capital-labor struggle as a key, albeit nonexclusive, condition that frames the economic, political, and ideological disputes of society. JEL Classification: B51, E25, N16
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Franco, Ana Maria de Paiva, and Renato Baumann. "A substituição de importações no Brasil entre 1995 e 2000." Revista de Economia Política 25, no. 3 (2005): 190–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0101-31572005000300002.
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CYSNE, RUBENS PENHA, and PAULO C. COIMBRA-LISBOA. "Imposto inflacionário e transferências inflacionárias no Brasil: 1947-2003." Brazilian Journal of Political Economy 24, no. 4 (2004): 632–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-35172004-1602.
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RESUMO Este trabalho atualiza, para 2003, a série de taxas inflacionárias de 1947-1992, transferências inflacionárias para bancos comerciais e transferências inflacionárias totais anteriormente publicadas em Cysne (1994) e em Simonsen e Cysne (1995).
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SANTOS, CLAÚDIO H. M. DOS, ANDRÉ DE MELO MODENESI, GABRIEL SQUEFF, et al. "Revisitando a dinâmica trimestral do investimento no Brasil: 1996-2012." Revista de Economia Política 36, no. 1 (2016): 190–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-31572016v36n01a11.
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RESUMO Este texto discute os dados e os principais fatos estilizados da dinâmica da formação bruta de capital fixo (FBCF) no brasil após 1995. apresenta, ademais, especificações econométricas para a dinâmica trimestral da FBCF no período 1996-2012 que levantam hipóteses causais ainda relativamente inexploradas na literatura. os dados apresentados evidenciam as dinâmicas distintas da FBCF em máquinas e equipamentos e construções - e, consequentemente, o papel fundamental da primeira variável na dinâmica da FBCF total da economia. as estimativas apresentadas sugerem choques cambiais, nos preços internacionais de commodities e na FBCF pública como mecanismos causais da dinâmica trimestral da FBCF brasileira.
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Nagem, Fernanda Abreu, and Sandro Pereira Silva. "Institucionalização e execução das políticas públicas de economia solidária no Brasil." Revista de Sociologia e Política 21, no. 46 (2013): 159–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-44782013000200010.
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O artigo investiga a política pública de economia solidária no governo federal, implementada a partir de 2003 com a criação da Secretaria Nacional de Economia Solidária (SENAES), visando analisar com que mecanismos a temática se converte em política pública no âmbito do governo federal. Partindo do modelo teórico de Kingdon (1995), o artigo analisa, em primeiro lugar, o processo político (em sentido lato) que sucedeu sua inserção como política pública para a geração de trabalho e renda. A seguir, analisa-se os projetos e ações desenvolvidas no programa entre 2003 e 2010, com ênfase nas suas diretrizes, estrutura interna, dotação orçamentária e capacidade de execução. Finalmente, o artigo analisa as parcerias engendradas pelo SENAES com outros programas governamentais que fazem interface com a economia solidária, com vistas a aumentar a aderência do tema no interior do governo federal. A análise sugere que o modelo de Kingdon explica o processo de inserção da economia solidária como política pública em 2003, ainda que essa inserção seja apenas uma etapa do seu ciclo. Definida sua constituição normativa, nota-se uma disputa do programa no interior do governo: passados oito anos, não se observou uma intervenção efetiva do governo ao ponto de consolidar as práticas socioeconômicas - difundidas pela economia solidária - como estratégia real para a inserção no mundo do trabalho, ou mesmo criar um ambiente institucional que incentive a formalização dos grupos econômicos associativos existentes. Em que pese sua baixa dotação orçamentária face a outros programas do MTE, o PESD não se constituiu em um programa de referência para uma nova estratégia de desenvolvimento, mesmo que a SENAES tenha conseguido aglutinar ao seu entorno forças sociais e políticas importantes para a defesa da economia solidária enquanto política pública. O trabalho situa e problematiza a inserção e a condução das politicas de economia solidaria no governo federal, revelando que a temática não ascendeu ao macrossistema político, gravitando em um campo marginal, fora desse núcleo, em busca de espaço para sua valorização interna. Enquanto ela for encarada meramente como uma alternativa paliativa ao problema do desemprego, dificilmente conseguirá enfrentar os antagonismos e conflitos de interesse que impedem sua viabilização.
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Vernengo, Matías. "The Political Economy of Monetary Institutions in Brazil: The Limits of the Inflation-targeting Strategy, 1999–2005." Review of Political Economy 20, no. 1 (2008): 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09538250701661863.
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SILVA, SANDRO PEREIRA. "A economia política do Fundo de Amparo ao Trabalhador (FAT): uma análise de seu desempenho recente (2005-2018)." Brazilian Journal of Political Economy 41, no. 3 (2021): 588–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-31572021-3040.
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RESUMO Este estudo analisou os fatores políticos e econômicos que condicionaram a evolução recente do sistema público de emprego no Brasil, tendo como foco os mecanismos operacionais do Fundo de Amparo ao Trabalhador (FAT). Com base em informações contábeis dos exercícios anuais, constatou-se que tal arranjo de financiamento vem demonstrando sinais de fragilidade, com diminuição da capacidade de custear o conjunto de suas despesas correntes. Contudo, os desequilíbrios são explicados em grande parte por decisões de política econômica que provocaram vazamentos expressivos em suas receitas nos últimos anos, sobretudo via desvinculações orçamentárias e desonerações tributárias.
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Maciel, Vladimir, Ulisses Ruiz de Gamboa, Julian Portillo, and Mariangela Ghizellini. "Brazilian States' Economic Freedom Index: Applying Fraser's Methodology for 2003–2016 Data." Quarterly Journal of Austrian Economics 22, no. 3 (2019): 428–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.35297/qjae.010028.
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The purpose of the paper is to apply Fraser’s methodology from the Economic Freedom of North America report to Brazilian data. government size, tax and labor market indicators vary among subnational entities. Following Friedrich A. Hayek’s tribute on the occasion the 70th birthday of Ludwig von Mises, the importance of an index for Brazilian States is to bring principles of liberalism—based on clear evidence—to public figures (Hayek 2012), particularly in a country dominated by interventionist ideas since the 1930s. Besides the academic challenge of obtaining and processing data in the same manner as the Economic Freedom of North America, the current turning point in politics and economics in Brazil demands this kind of applied research. The results suggest that the Brazilian states’ freedom scores are getting worse in recent years (2012–16), following the same trend as that of the national index. We argue for the idea that the increasing government interventions at the federal level have spread out to states and municipalities and have had the effect of institutionalizing and justifying decreases in freedom and greater influence of public entities on citizens’ everyday life. The final remarks point out improvement in institutional measures for the index, as an ongoing project as Milton Friedman stated on his foreword to Economic Freedom of the World: 1975–1995: to “bring the indexes of economic freedom up to date and to incorporate the additional understanding that will be generated.”
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Brasil – Politica economica – 1995-2005"
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Motta, Célia Maria da. "O modelo neoliberal brasileiro e o setor elétrico: reestruturações e crises (1995-2005)." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2006. http://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/2662.
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Previous issue date: 2006-11-16<br>Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico<br>This research stems from a theoretical reflection about the policy
implemented by the Brazilian capitalist State, along the 1990 s,
considering that the neolibera project developed national and
internationally in this period has established an operational
configuration of the State more suited to the promotion of
economical liberalization.
The policy of restructuring the economy, with which the Brazilian
State has worked out reforms (including institutional) required to
the fulfillment of the neoliberal program, reached infrastructural
areas, especially the field of energy.
Nevertheless, the rise of a scenery of crisis has not used up the
possibilities to open markets. Once accomplished the liberation of
those already existent, the State started to open new markets
those that the crisis itself made possible.
Neoliberal policies continued on the go, serving the aims of
fractions of class that control the great financial capital and so
ignoring the increase of social problems.
While examinating the new phase of neoliberalism, this research
attempts to grasp the new (or the old) elements responsible for
the configuration of the Brazilian reality emphasizing one of the
biggest accomplishments of neoliberal politics: the present crisis
(and related new businesses) at the field of electricity<br>Esta pesquisa parte de uma reflexão teórica sobre a política
implementada pelo Estado capitalista brasileiro, durante a década
de 1990, considerando que o projeto político-ideológico neoliberal
desenvolvido nacional e internacionalmente, neste período,
condicionou uma configuração operacional do Estado mais
adequada para a promoção das medidas de liberalização
econômica.
A política de reestruturação da economia, com a qual o Estado
brasileiro operou as reformas (inclusive institucionais)
necessárias à realização do programa neoliberal, alcançou os
setores infra-estruturais, notadamente o energético.
Entretanto, a configuração de um cenário de crise não esgotou a
capacidade de abertura de mercados. Realizada a liberação dos
já existentes, o Estado passou a abrir novos mercados
possibilitados pela própria crise.
As políticas neoliberais prosseguiram, atendendo a interesses
específicos das frações de classe detentoras do grande capital
financeiro e, por conseguinte, ignorando o crescimento dos
problemas sociais.
Acompanhando a nova fase do neoliberalismo, esta pesquisa
busca apreender os novos (ou velhos) elementos responsáveis
pela configuração da realidade brasileira -enfatizando uma das
maiores realizações da política neoliberal: a atual crise (e novos
negócios) do setor elétrico
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Habe, James Hiroshi. "Câmbio e preços no Brasil: uma análise do período 1995 2006." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2009. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/9369.
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Previous issue date: 2009-04-27<br>Price stability brought to the Brazilian economy a new reality. What was the
relationship between price and exchange rate necessary to achieve the new
scenario? The exchange rate anchor was the instrument used to reach the price
stability. In 1995 managed exchanged rates biased the prices. In 1999 the regime
of exchange rate anchor changed to inflation target. The modification in regimes
could have altered the relationship between exchange rates and prices.
Econometric tests, using monthly exchange rate data, provided evidence of a
connection among exchange rates and prices. From 1999 forward, the relations
among consumer prices (IPCA) happen through wholesale prices (IPA). The
separation of the IPCA in two groups allowed the verification of major influence in
monitored prices then in market prices, increasing the IPCA and affecting the
monetary policy decision<br>A estabilidade nos preços trouxe um novo cenário a economia brasileira e qual foi
a relação entre preços e câmbio para atingir a estabilidade? A âncora cambial foi
o instrumento para a estabilidade nos preços. A adoção do regime de câmbio
administrado, em 1995, manteve os preços atrelados ao câmbio. Em 1999, houve
a mudança da âncora cambial para as metas de inflação. A mudança de regime
cambial poderia ter alterado a relação entre câmbio e preços no atacado e ao
consumidor. Os testes econométricos, utilizando dados de variação cambial
mensal, comprovaram a existência da relação entre câmbio e os preços. E, a
partir de 1999, a relação existente entre os preços ao consumidor (IPCA) ocorreu
através dos preços no atacado (IPA). A separação do IPCA em dois grupos
permitiu verificar uma maior influência cambial sobre os preços monitorados do
que os preços livres, elevando o valor do IPCA e afetando a decisão da política
monetária
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Carmo, Edgar Candido do. "A politica habitacional no Brasil pós Plano Real (1995-2002) : diretrizes, principios, produção e financiamento : uma analise centrada na atuação da Caixa Economica Federal." [s.n.], 2006. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/285521.
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Orientador: Jorge Ruben Biton Tapia<br>Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T08:40:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2006<br>Resumo: Este trabalho tem por objetivo avaliar os resultados da política habitacional colocada em marcha a partir de meados da década de 1990, no governo FHC. Esta política tem como principais diretrizes: a descentralização das ações, a flexibilização no atendimento da demanda, a formação de parcerias com a sociedade civil, a criação de novas fontes de financiamento e a integração da política habitacional à política urbana. A partir de 1995 houve um reordenamento na política habitacional com a criação de programas e fontes de financiamento que deram algumas respostas para a quase paralisia na qual se encontrava o setor desde a extinção do Banco Nacional da Habitação (BNH), em 1986. Entretanto, velhos problemas persistiram: a formação de fundos para o financiamento de unidades habitacionais para as classes de baixa renda, por exemplo, não foi equacionada. A utilização de recursos não-onerosos foi mínima e, em conseqüência, a distribuição da produção ¿ tanto espacial quanto por faixa de renda ¿ não atendeu às reais necessidades, claramente apontadas pelos estudos sobre o déficit habitacional brasileiro<br>Abstract: The aim of this work is to evaluate the results of the housing policy that was introduced as from the mid-1990s, during the government of President Fernando Henrique Cardoso. The main directives of this policy were the decentralization of actions, the flexibilization of service relating to demand, the formation of partnerships with civilian society, the creation of new sources of financing and the integration of the housing policy with urban policy. As from 1995 laws were changed and programs and sources of financing were created that were a response to the paralysis in which the Brazilian housing sector had found itself since the disbanding of the National Housing Bank (BNH), in 1986. However, old problems persisted: for example, the setting up of funds for financing housing units for low income classes was never put into practice. The use of non-onerous resources was minimal and as a consequence, the distribution of the constructions, both in terms of where and which income band, did not meet the real needs, a fact that has been clearly pointed out in studies on the Brazilian housing déficit<br>Doutorado<br>Economia Social e do Trabalho<br>Doutor em Economia Aplicada
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Garcia, Junior Nelson Calsavara. "Grau de endividamento das maiores empresas privadas brasileiras por setores (1995-1998)." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2007. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/9321.
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Previous issue date: 2007-10-18<br>This dissertation analyzes the evolution of the debt ratio of the biggest companies of Brazil in
the years from 1995 to 1998. The relevance of analyzing such a short period is justified for its
peculiarities: accentuated fall of the inflation, maintenance of the valued fixed exchange rate,
expressive increase of the tributary load and high interests rates, results of the implantation of
a new economic plan, Plano Real, as well as, of the turbulences brought by the crises in
Mexico in 1995, in Asia in 1997 and Russia in 1998. The analysis is made starting from
picked data of the Balance Sheet of the biggest companies of Brazil, published by the Exame
As Melhores e Maiores revue. The data are contained by economic sections and they show
strong differences among them. The general tendency is of debt growth, with significant fall
in 1996. The obtained results don't allow the establishment of clear relationships of this
growth with the main macroeconomics variable. It is not also possible to obtain of there
evidences that are indicated the increase of the debt elapsed of larger needs of working capital
for increase of the production or of financial embrittlement of the companies<br>Esta dissertação analisa a evolução do grau de endividamento das maiores empresas do Brasil
nos anos de 1995 a 1998. A relevância de analisar um período tão curto se justifica por suas
peculiaridades: queda acentuada da inflação, manutenção do câmbio fixo valorizado, aumento
expressivo da carga tributária e taxas de juros elevadas, resultados da implantação de um novo
plano econômico, o Plano Real, bem como, das turbulências trazidas pelas crises no México
em 1995, na Ásia em 1997 e na Rússia em 1998. A análise é feita a partir de dados colhidos
dos Balanços Patrimoniais das maiores empresas do Brasil, publicados pela Revista Exame
As Melhores e Maiores. Os dados estão agrupados por setores econômicos e mostram fortes
diferenças entre eles. A tendência geral é de crescimento do endividamento, com queda
significativa em 1996. Os resultados obtidos não permitem o estabelecimento de relações
claras deste crescimento com as principais variáveis macroeconômicas. Também não é
possível obter daí evidências que indiquem se o aumento do endividamento decorreu de
necessidades maiores de capital de giro para aumento da produção ou de fragilização
financeira das empresas
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Gomes, Djalma Santana. "A evolução da ocupação industrial na região do Grande ABC Paulista." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2008. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/9343.
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Previous issue date: 2008-06-02<br>This paper tries to evaluate the evolution process of Industrial Occupancy in the
Greater ABC Area, during the period 1995 to 2005. The first chapter points the
influence of macroeconomic policy, since Economic Collor Plan, over the labour
market of the industry. The second chapter describes the Industrial Occupancy in
Brazil, focusing the profile of the workers allocated on the Brazilian industry sector.
The third chapter analysis the profile changing on the industries of Great ABC
Area, showing up local characters, changes in organizational framework,
technological change and productivity. The fourth chapter introduces a discussion
about the workers allocation on the industries of Great ABC Area, with special
attention on the behavior of indicators related to the level of occupancy and the
profile of industries located on Great ABC Area<br>Esta dissertação busca avaliar o processo da evolução da Ocupação
Industrial na Região do Grande ABC, no período de 1995 2005. O primeiro
capítulo trata da influência da política macroeconômica, a partir do Plano Collor,
no mercado de trabalho da indústria. O segundo capítulo retrata a Ocupação
Industrial no Brasil, com destaque ao perfil dos ocupados da indústria do Brasil. O
terceiro capítulo traz a análise sobre a Transformação da Indústria no ABC, com
destaque aos fatores locacionais, transformações e mudanças organizacionais,
mudanças tecnológicas e produtividade. O quarto capítulo faz uma discursão
sobre a ocupação Industria na Região do ABC, com ênfase no exame do
comportamento das variáveis do nível de ocupação e o perfil dos ocupados na
indústria do ABC
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Dick, Patrícia Paloschi. "A parceria estratégica entre Brasil e China : a contribuição da política externa brasileira (1995-2005)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/8089.
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A identidade compartilhada de países em desenvolvimento confere ao Brasil e à República Popular da China interesses similares no cenário internacional e fortalece os elementos que compõem a relação bilateral, consolidando o caráter estratégico dessa parceria. A complementaridade econômica impulsiona os fluxos comerciais e os investimentos entre esses Países. O anseio pelo estabelecimento de uma nova ordem política e econômica, favorável à realização dos projetos nacionais de desenvolvimento econômico e social, estimula a aproximação e a cooperação em fóruns multilaterais, como na Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) e na Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC). A extensão dos campos de cooperação para outras áreas estratégicas, como a ciência e tecnologia, remete ganhos substanciais à indústria, à economia e à comunidade científica dos Países. A parceria estratégica entre o Brasil e a China está centrada nesses aspectos, que podem ser sintetizados em três vertentes: econômica e comercial; política; e científico-tecnológica. Essas vertentes não esgotam a realidade e a capacidade de cooperação entre os Países, mas constituem as áreas que apresentam os resultados mais significativos. Essa dissertação propõe uma leitura sobre as contribuições da política externa brasileira à parceria estratégica, durante o governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) e durante os três primeiros anos de governo Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2005), com base na evolução das três vertentes.<br>The shared identity of developing countries remits to Brazil and the People`s Republic of China similar interests on the international scene and strengthens the elements that compose the bilateral relation, consolidating the strategic character of this partnership. The economic complementarity drives on the commercial flow and the investments between these Countries. The craving for the establishment of a new political and economic order, favorable to the accomplishment of the national projects of social and economic development, stimulates the approximation and the cooperation on multilateral forums, such as United Nations (UN) and World Trade Organization (WTO). The extension of the cooperation fields to other strategic areas, such as science and technology, remits substantial gains for the Countries industry, economy, and scientific community. The strategic partnership between Brazil and China relies on these aspects, which can be summarized into three tracks: trade and economics; political; and scientific-technological. These tracks do not exhaust the reality and the capability of cooperation between the Countries, although they present the most significant results. This dissertation proposes a reading about the Brazilian foreign policy contributions for the strategic partnership, during Fernando Henrique Cardoso`s government (1995-2002) and the first three years of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva`s government (2003-2005), based on the evolutions of these tracks.
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Guerra, Daniel Lins Batista. "Os ciclos político-econômicos e os gastos dos Estados no Brasil: 1995-2013." Universidade Federal da Paraíba, 2016. http://tede.biblioteca.ufpb.br:8080/handle/tede/8644.
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Previous issue date: 2016-06-03<br>The contamination of the economies' public management by both political and partisan interests and the manifestation of economic cycles induced by electoral calendar has been the target of several studies both national and international. The aim of this work is to verify if there are empirical evidences of political-business cycles for the state governments of Brazil, being analyzed the fiscal policy and electoral results in the period from 1995 to 2013. Pursuit up to investigate if state government manipulates public spending as a way of showing competence to voters for with this to expand the electoral winning chances of the current ruler or political party. Secondarily will be verified if public spending is affected by ideological-partisan reasons. Was used as theoretical mark the proposed postulates by the Theory of Political Economic Cycles proposed fundamentally by Nordhaus (1975), Rogoff (1990), Hibbs (1977) and Alesina (1987). The fundamental basis of the theoretical foundation used is the linking of economic policies and its results in electoral interests and political power projects. Econometric estimates were realized using panel data, in an attempt of verify if there was manipulation of fiscal instruments in electoral periods as prescribed by opportunistic theoretical models. The results showed the presence of PBC in public spending at state level in Brazil, following, in general terms, assumptions outlined by opportunistic model. The public spending is increased at election years in compared to the others years of the mandate, confirming the adopted hypothesis. The presence of electoral calendar influence in the evolution of public spending was observed in a stronger way in some specific expenditure functions, which are, capital expenditures, investments, works and urbanism. Was observed that there is no important difference that distinguishes ideological parties in fiscal policy in Brazilian’s states. The conclusion is that the realization of public spending of the states in Brazil is affected by electoral calendar, oscillating cyclically according foreseen in the theory of Political Business Cycles. Such behavior occurs indistinctly between governments, independently of the ideological-partisan group or its rulers.<br>A contaminação da gestão das economias por interesses políticos e partidários e a manifestação de ciclos econômicos induzidos pelo calendário eleitoral vem sendo alvo de variados estudos nacionais e internacionais. O objetivo deste trabalho é verificar se existem evidências empíricas de Ciclos Político-Econômicos para os governos estaduais do Brasil, analisando-se as políticas fiscais e os resultados eleitorais no período de 1995 a 2013. Busca-se averiguar se os governos estaduais manipulam os gastos públicos como medida de sinalizar competência diante dos eleitores para com isso ampliar as chances de vitória eleitoral do governante/partido no poder. Secundariamente será verificado se os gastos são afetados por razões ideológico-partidárias. Foi utilizado como referencial teórico os postulados propostos na Teoria de Ciclos Políticos Econômicos assentados fundamentalmente por Nordhaus (1975), Rogoff (1990), Hibbs (1977) e Alesina (1987). A base fundamental do referencial teórico utilizado é a vinculação das políticas econômicas e seus conseqüentes resultados a interesses eleitorais e de projetos de poder político. Foram realizadas estimações econométricas utilizando-se Dados em Painel, na tentativa de verificar se houve manipulações dos instrumentos fiscais em períodos eleitorais, conforme prescrito pelos Modelos Teóricos Oportunistas. Os resultados evidenciaram a presença de CPE nos gastos públicos a nível estadual no Brasil, seguindo, em termos gerais, os pressupostos delineados pelo modelo oportunista. Os gastos públicos são ampliados nos anos eleitorais em comparação com os demais anos dos mandatos, confirmando-se a hipótese adotada. A presença da influência do calendário eleitoral na evolução dos gastos públicos foi observada de forma mais contundente em algumas funções despesas específicas, quais sejam, despesas de capital, investimentos, obras e urbanismo. Observou-se que não há uma diferença importante que distinga grupos ideológicos na política fiscal dos Estados no Brasil. A conclusão é de que a realização dos gastos públicos estaduais no Brasil é afetada pelo calendário eleitoral, oscilando de maneira cíclica conforme previsto na teoria dos Ciclos Políticos Econômicos. Tal comportamento ocorre de forma indistinta entre os governos, independentemente do grupo ideológico-partidário em que estejam inseridos os seus governantes.
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Neto, Fernando Ribeiro Leite. "Relações executivo-legislativo e presidencialismo: elementos teóricos aplicados à analise da agenda econômica presidencial no Brasil (1995-2006)." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2010. http://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/2167.
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Previous issue date: 2010-10-20<br>The study intends to identify the institutional relationships among between the executive and legislative branches in the Brazilian coalition presidentialism. The analysis lays its focus on the economic agenda carried on by Fernando Henrique Cardoso in his two mandates (1995-2002) and Lula s first mandate (2003-2006). It is understood that economic agenda can be addressed by Ordinary and Complementary Bills claimed by the executive and approved in the Chamber of Deputies.
First of all, the thesis deals with the generic institutional relations among executive and legislative branches within presidential governments (Chapters 1 and 2). After analyzing the institutional and political framework of Brazilian coalition presidentialism (Chapter 3), the study presents the institutional and political dynamics related to the process of executive bills at the Chamber of Deputies. The intention is to address economic agenda s political and institutional features (Chapter 4)<br>O estudo busca identificar as relações institucionais entre o Poder Executivo e o Poder Legislativo no contexto do presidencialismo de coalizão brasileiro. A análise foca-se na tramitação da agenda econômica dos dois mandatos de Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) e do primeiro mandato de Luis Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2006). A compreensão do desempenho legislativo presidencial foi apreendida pela tramitação dos projetos de lei ordinária de temática econômica encaminhados pelo Executivo à Câmara dos Deputados. As especificidades institucionais do trâmite da agenda econômica encaminhada pelo Executivo são identificadas em relação aos traços gerais que caracterizam os processos legislativos de outras agendas (projetos de lei ordinária com temáticas social, administrativa, política etc.).
Inicialmente, o trabalho trata da dinâmica das relações entre os poderes no âmbito do presidencialismo em geral (Capítulos 1 e 2). Segue-se, após a discussão sobre as especificidades institucionais do presidencialismo de coalizão brasileiro (Capítulo 3), para a documentação e análise das dinâmicas institucionais e políticas pelas quais passam, no interior da Câmara dos Deputados, as peças legislativas da agenda econômica do Executivo. Busca-se, dessa forma, identificar a ocorrência ou não de especificidades no trâmite institucional e político das proposições de tema econômico (Capítulo 4)
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Leite, Neto Fernando Ribeiro. "Relações executivo-legislativo e presidencialismo: elementos teóricos aplicados à analise da agenda econômica presidencial no Brasil (1995-2006)." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2010. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/3227.
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Previous issue date: 2010-10-20<br>The study intends to identify the institutional relationships among between the executive and legislative branches in the Brazilian coalition presidentialism. The analysis lays its focus on the economic agenda carried on by Fernando Henrique Cardoso in his two mandates (1995-2002) and Lula s first mandate (2003-2006). It is understood that economic agenda can be addressed by Ordinary and Complementary Bills claimed by the executive and approved in the Chamber of Deputies.
First of all, the thesis deals with the generic institutional relations among executive and legislative branches within presidential governments (Chapters 1 and 2). After analyzing the institutional and political framework of Brazilian coalition presidentialism (Chapter 3), the study presents the institutional and political dynamics related to the process of executive bills at the Chamber of Deputies. The intention is to address economic agenda s political and institutional features (Chapter 4)<br>O estudo busca identificar as relações institucionais entre o Poder Executivo e o Poder Legislativo no contexto do presidencialismo de coalizão brasileiro. A análise foca-se na tramitação da agenda econômica dos dois mandatos de Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) e do primeiro mandato de Luis Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2006). A compreensão do desempenho legislativo presidencial foi apreendida pela tramitação dos projetos de lei ordinária de temática econômica encaminhados pelo Executivo à Câmara dos Deputados. As especificidades institucionais do trâmite da agenda econômica encaminhada pelo Executivo são identificadas em relação aos traços gerais que caracterizam os processos legislativos de outras agendas (projetos de lei ordinária com temáticas social, administrativa, política etc.).
Inicialmente, o trabalho trata da dinâmica das relações entre os poderes no âmbito do presidencialismo em geral (Capítulos 1 e 2). Segue-se, após a discussão sobre as especificidades institucionais do presidencialismo de coalizão brasileiro (Capítulo 3), para a documentação e análise das dinâmicas institucionais e políticas pelas quais passam, no interior da Câmara dos Deputados, as peças legislativas da agenda econômica do Executivo. Busca-se, dessa forma, identificar a ocorrência ou não de especificidades no trâmite institucional e político das proposições de tema econômico (Capítulo 4)
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Junqueira, Lavinia Moraes de Almeida Nogueira. "Efeitos cumulativos e progressivos na tributação de bens e serviços em 2005 e efeitos progressivos na tributação de salários em 2003, no Brasil." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2006. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/9277.
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Previous issue date: 2006-06-06<br>In light of ideal tax principles, this study computes and analyses the cumulative taxation of goods and services in Brazil from 2003 to 2005. Computes and analyses the effective tax rates on households´ consumption and wages as per ranges of total income. The study provides thereby a practical view of Brazilian taxation during this period, allowing further international comparative studies as well as the assessment of opportunities for tax reform<br>O trabalho calcula e analisa, à luz dos princípios ideais de tributação, a incidência em cascata de tributos sobre bens e serviços no Brasil de 2003 a 2005. Calcula e analisa também a alíquota efetiva de tributação das famílias brasileiras, incidente sobre o valor de bens e serviços consumidos e sobre os salários por faixa de renda. Traz assim um panorama prático da tributação no período estudado, permitindo comparação internacional e identificação de oportunidades de Reforma Tributária
Books on the topic "Brasil – Politica economica – 1995-2005"
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Junqueira, Rogério Diniz. Il Brasile e i paesi del cono sud: Dall'autoritarismo burocratico ai dilemmi del consolidamento della democrazia (1964-1995) : bibliografia. Il Nove, 1996.
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New Jersey. Legislature. General Assembly. Regulatory Oversight Committee. Committee meeting of Assembly Regulatory Oversight Committee: The committee will discuss the implementation of the Sudan Divesture Act, P.L. 2005, c. 162; discuss the justice gap in New Jersey, which refers to the need for increasing legal representation resources for low-income state residents; revisit the status and implementation of Danielle's Law, P.L. 2003, c. 191; and revisit the status of removing adjudicated juveniles with mental illness from juvenile correction facilities to provide them with mental health treatment : [December 8, 2005, Trenton, New Jersey]. The Unit, 2005.
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Nations, United. The United Nations and the advancement of women, 1945-1996. Dept. of Public Information, United Nations, 1996.
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Nehring, Daniel, Gerardo Gómez Michel, and Magdalena López, eds. A Post-Neoliberal Era in Latin America? Policy Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529200997.001.0001.
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In the mid-1970s, Latin America entered a period of profound social and economic crisis, marked by the rise of brutal military dictatorships across much of the region and the near-collapse of some of Latin America’s largest economies, in Mexico and Brazil. In response to this crisis, governments across the region adopted neoliberal structural adjustment programmes from the 1980s onwards, under the auspices of international organisations, such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. These reforms typically entailed sweeping cuts to public health and welfare programmes, the privatisation of large parts of the public infrastructure, the redistribution of wealth to economic elites, and a notable growth in poverty. As a result, these structural adjustment programmes faced growing resistance from the early 1990s onwards. Social and political movements, such as the Zapatistas in Mexico, formulated powerful challenges to neoliberal orthodoxy, while the election to government of left-wing populist leaders such as Hugo Chávez (1998), Evo Morales (2005) or Rafael Correa (2006) opened the door to experiments with a range of anti-neoliberal political programmes. The failures of these programmes and ongoing conflicts between neoliberal and anti-neoliberal elites and social movements have by the mid-2010s resulted in growing social instability. This book examines cultural responses to this instability. It looks at a wide range of cultural forms, such as literature, underground cinema, street fairs and self-help books to explore how Latin Americans construct subjectivities, build communities and make meaning in their everyday lives in during a profound crisis of the social. In this context, the book emphasises the role which neoliberal and anti-neoliberal narratives of self and social relationships may come to play in popular culture and everyday lived experience in Latin America today.
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Williams, Erica Lorraine. Introduction. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037931.003.0001.
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This book explores the cultural and sexual economies of tourism in the Brazilian state of Bahia, known as the “Black Mecca” of Brazil, in order to make sense of how racism, eroticization, and commodification play out in the context of transnational tourism. More specifically, it examines sex tourism's so-called ambiguous entanglements as well as the specter of sex tourism. It also examines the meanings and implications of sex tourism for daily life, romantic relationships, and the transnational mobility of multiple actors in Bahia based on interviews, conducted between June 2005 and August 2008, with a broad range of people, including foreign tourists, tour guides, sex workers, and representatives of nongovernmental organizations. Finally, the book interrogates questions of globalization, political economy, and transnationalism by analyzing the racialized and sexualized dynamics of Salvador, the capital of Bahia, as well as the implications of the specter of sex tourism in the city. This introduction provides an overview of the tourism industry and tourism studies research as well as the book's arguments, theoretical frameworks, research methodologies, and chapters.
Book chapters on the topic "Brasil – Politica economica – 1995-2005"
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Mayer, Jean François. "The Limits of Labor Legislation Reforms." In Labor Politics in Latin America. University Press of Florida, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9781683400455.003.0006.
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The literature addressing market dynamics within neoliberalism typically assumes that reforming labor legislation has a direct impact on economic performance, the configuration of labor markets, and the strength of labor organizations. Within this literature one prevalent school of thought advocates increased flexibility of labor laws as the key to creating economic prosperity, enhancing labor productivity, increasing formal sector employment, and successfully fighting poverty and socioeconomic inequality. This chapter tests these assumptions by analyzing the case of Brazil between 1995 and 2010. The chapter’s findings suggest that legislation reforms seeking to flexibilize the Brazilian labor code do not significantly change the country’s labor market or economy. The author therefore proposes that transformations in international economic contexts as well as differing policy orientations of successive Brazilian federal governments may hold more explanatory power in accounting for labor market changes during this time period.
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Glassman, Jim. "Conclusion: Thailand at the Margins." In Thailand at the Margins. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199267637.003.0015.
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The economic crisis and the rise of the Thai Rak Thai Party supplies a paradoxical dénouement to a half-century of rapid Thai economic growth and industrial transformation—as well as to a much longer period of internationalization and general social change. The paradox, however, is not an unsolvable riddle but rather the contradictory character of dependent capitalist development, which inevitably brings destruction along in the train of creation, predicating new possibilities of accumulation on processes of violent devaluation. The Thai political economy now experiences this volatility in virtually full force, having been ‘opened’ and integrated into the rhythms of global capital accumulation over the course of more than a century. The seeming stability and predictable growth of the years between 1950 and 1995 were facilitated tremendously by Thailand’s integral role in the Cold War system, which created various ‘conjunctural’ cushions against the underlying volatility (e.g. US aid, favoured trade status). With the end of the Cold War system, the Thai political economy is now being increasingly thrust into the less predictable world of global neo-liberalism and post-Fordism and is thus less cushioned against capitalism’s ‘gales of creative destruction’. To say this is not to say that growth and industrialization are now on hold. The crisis may well open new opportunities for accumulation and even resumption of rapid growth. But even successful capitalist growth has always done damage to a significant portion of the population—creating and perpetuating enormous socio-spatial disparities—and it will very likely continue to do so in the future. At the same time, the vagaries of the era of ‘globalization’ may make the growth dynamic much rockier than in the past. Boosters of East Asian ‘miracles’ should be reminded that other political economies—e.g. Mexico, Brazil, Argentina—have been regarded as ‘miracles’ in the past, and while these remain important industrial producers today, they would hardly be invoked as models for improvement of livelihoods and social welfare. A legitimate concern regarding many of the Asian NICs, including Thailand, may well be whether or not the international accumulation processes in which they are integrated will lead in the directions previously traversed by so many of the former ‘miracle’ economies of Latin America.
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Ochoa-Morales, Heberto. "The Globalization Paradigm and Latin America's Digital Gap." In Global Information Technologies. IGI Global, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-59904-939-7.ch230.
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The Andean Community of Nations (CAN) and others countries in Latin America (LA), as any less developed countries (LDCs), are located by inception on the wrong side of the “digital gap”. Therefore, these countries confront an enormous challenge from the network revolution that is unfolding. Globalization represents a new paradigm composed of integrated and interdependent economies. The Globalization Index (GI) determines the rank of the countries within the model. This index is composed of several variables in which economic integration and technology, among others, play a very important role in country classifications. Currently, a diminishing trend of FDIs is preponderant in the region, and this affects the knowledge-based society and also the efforts to make these countries members of the new globalization paradigm. Dessler (2004) stated that globalization is the tendency of firms to augment their sales, ownership, and manufacturing facilities to new markets located abroad. The research literature is consistent with the definition of globalization. Hill (2003), among others, agreed that the term globalization refers to a new paradigm in which the world economy is more integrated and interdependent. Therefore, this integration demands new methodologies and mechanisms to allow countries to perform their new roles within this emerging framework. A preponderant element in this new array is the convergence of computer-based power and telecommunications. These parameters are interrelated to computing infrastructure, new communication technology, and governmental policies that will make the old telecommunication model, a monopoly, obsolete; therefore, a new paradigm will evolve that makes this technology accessible to everyone through a new system that promotes and encourages competition within the private sector (Ochoa-Morales, 2003c). Also, convergence that is taking place with computing and telecommunication demonstrates the importance of the development of this sector and the socioeconomic impact on the economic perspective and to the stimulus of economic growth (Ochoa-Morales, 2003a). Kearney (2003) classified countries using a Globalization Index (GI), which determines the rank of the country as a more global country. Sixty-two countries that represent 85% of the world’s population compose the sample used. The index is epitomized by 13 variables grouped in four baskets: (1) economic integration, (2) personal contact, (3) technology, and (4) political engagement. Economic integration is represented by trade, foreign direct investments (FDIs) and portfolio capital flows, and income payments and receipts. Personal contact consists of international travel and tourism, international telephone traffic, and cross-border transfers. Technology is characterized by number of Internet users, Internet hosts, and secure servers; and political engagement is characterized by number of memberships in international organizations, UN Security Council missions in which each country participates, and the quantity of foreign embassies hosted by the countries. The ranking for the year 2003 shows Ireland as number one, Switzerland number two, and the United States as eleventh. Ireland has large investments in high-tech and information technology. Its Internet infrastructure is still growing, and the number of secure servers has increased 32.6% from 337 to 500 in 2002. Also, it has been the most talkative country in the world, included heavy domestic and international traffic. The above is unequivocal proof of the high correlation that exists between technology, a parameter of the new paradigm, and access to new markets that will be the cornerstone of globalization. According to Kearney (2003), one variable is economic integration in Latin America (LA), and the Caribbean economic integration is extant. Numerous regional and multilateral agreements are present such as the Andean Community of Nations (CAN), composed of Bolivia, Ecuador, Colombia, Peru, and Venezuela; MERCOSUR, composed of Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay, and Argentina; The Group of Three (3), composed of Colombia, Mexico, and Venezuela; and the CARICOM, composed of English speaking countries (Islands) within the Caribbean Basin (Secretaria, 1998). Ochoa-Morales (2001) stated that, from an economic perspective, the outcome is trade and therefore stimulus to economic growth. Foreign direct investments (FDIs) can greatly contribute to a host country’s economy providing the required factors of production are present, making the countries more competitive within the globalization framework. Schuler and Brown (1999) emphasized that the most important occurrence in the location of the FDIs is the support or impediment exercised by the institutions in the host country. Another important factor within the GI is technology characterized among other parameters by Internet users and Internet hosts. In LA, the growth rate of the Internet has been the highest in the world, and the number of users has increased 14-fold within the 1995 to 1999 period (UIT, 2000). The literature defines teledensity as the number of main telephone lines for every 100 inhabitants, excluding wireless access. This term is also used as a parameter to measure the level of telecommunication infrastructure of any country. A review of the literature also shows the existence of a high correlation between teledensity and economic development, and a negative one between teledensity and population size has been found (Mbarika, Byrd & Raymond, 2002).
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Monge, Peter R., and Noshir Contractor. "Networks and Flows in Organizational Communication." In Theories of Communication Networks. Oxford University Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195160369.003.0006.
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Communication networks are the patterns of contact that are created by the flow of messages among communicators through time and space. The concept of message should be understood here in its broadest sense to refer to data, information, knowledge, images, symbols, and any other symbolic forms that can move from one point in a network to another or can be cocreated by network members. These networks take many forms in contemporary organizations, including personal contact networks, flows of information within and between groups, strategic alliances among firms, and global network organizations, to name but a few. This book offers a new multitheoretical, multilevel perspective that integrates the theoretical mechanisms that theorists and researchers have proposed to explain the creation, maintenance, dissolution, and re-creation of these diverse and complex intra- and interorganizational networks (Monge & Contractor, 2001). This focus provides an important new alternative to earlier reviews of empirical literature, organized on the basis of antecedents and outcomes (Monge & Eisenberg, 1987) or research themes within organizational behavior (Krackhardt & Brass, 1994). Although examining the emergence of communication networks is in itself an intellectually intriguing enterprise, the inexorable dynamics of globalization provide an even more compelling impetus for communication researchers and practitioners (Held, McGrew, Goldblatt, & Perraton, 1999). This chapter begins by underscoring the rationale for studying the emergence of communication networks and flows in a global world. The chapter also situates the contributions of this book in previous communication perspectives on formal and emergent communication networks in organizations as well as current philosophical perspectives on the study of emergence in structures. Communication networks and the organizational forms of the twenty-first century are undergoing rapid and dramatic changes (Fulk & DeSanctis, 1999). What is unfolding before our collective gaze is being driven by spectacular advances and convergences in computer and communication technology and by the collective economic, political, societal, cultural, and communicative processes collectively known as globalization (Grossberg, Wartella, & Whitney, 1998; Monge, 1998; Robertson, 1992; Stohl, 2001; Waters, 1995). While many of the changes brought about by globalization are beneficial to humankind, others are clearly detrimental (Scholte, 2000).