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1

Sousa, Maria Sharmila Alina de, Dante Marcello Claramonte Gallian, and Rui Monteiro de Barros Maciel. "From ‘Me’ to ‘Us’: solidarity and biocitizenship in the Brazilian cancer precision medicine innovation system." Saúde em Debate 43, spe2 (2019): 114–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0103-11042019s209.

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ABSTRACT As biotechnology innovations move from the bench to the bedside and, recently, also to the Internet, a myriad of emanating challenges and potentials may rise under distinct sociocultural and political economic contexts. Using a grounded-theory-inspired case study focused on the Brazilian research consortium for Medullary Endocrine Neoplasia type 2 (BrasMEN) – an inherited syndrome where genetic tests define cost-effective interventions – we outline facilitators and barriers to both development and implementation of a ‘public health genomics’ strategy under a developing country scenari
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dos Santos, Pedro A. G. "Gendered path dependency: women’s representation in 20th-century Brazil." European Journal of Politics and Gender 4, no. 3 (2021): 441–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251510821x16236819716267.

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This study investigates women’s under-representation in national legislative elections and the gendered legacies embedded in Brazil’s electoral system and party dynamics. Focusing on the historical period prior to the 1996 implementation of a quota law, this article applies a feminist historical institutionalist approach to identify institutions and actors influencing women’s representation. Brazil’s electoral rules for legislative elections, that is, an open-list proportional representation system, remained surprisingly stable throughout periods of regime change and institutional uncertainty
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Queiroz, Allan S., and Raf Vanderstraeten. "Unintended consequences of job formalisation: Precarious work in Brazil’s sugarcane plantations." International Sociology 33, no. 1 (2017): 128–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580917747776.

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This article focuses on the shift from informal to formal employment in the sugarcane plantations of Alagoas, Northeast Brazil, and its unintended consequences. Drawing on the employment experiences of sugarcane cutters, the authors stress the main mechanisms that produce precarity within formal employment structures. Precarity is forged by means of employers’ hiring practices, which turn formal employment contracts into insecure and temporary ones, disciplinary techniques used to control workers’ daily productivity within this labour-intensive production process, and the parasitic uses of the
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Layton, Matthew L. "Welfare Stereotypes and Conditional Cash Transfer Programmes: Evidence from Brazil’s Bolsa Família." Journal of Politics in Latin America 12, no. 1 (2020): 53–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x20914429.

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Some observers claim that conditional cash transfer programmes limit the stigma of taking welfare and thereby promote social inclusion for beneficiaries. This article uses data from the 2014 AmericasBarometer to test these claims in relation to Brazil’s Bolsa Família programme (BFP). The results show that, despite the programme’s innovative design, beneficiaries encounter the stigmatisation and negative self-stereotypes that characterise more traditional anti-poverty programmes. Many Brazilians, recipient and non-recipient alike, endorse explicitly negative stereotypes of Bolsa Família assista
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Samuels, David. "Money, Elections, and Democracy in Brazil." Latin American Politics and Society 43, no. 2 (2001): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2001.tb00398.x.

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AbstractBrazil’s 1993 law requiring candidates to report their campaign contributions has generated a new source of data to explore the supposition that Brazilian elections are extraordinarily expensive. An examination of these data from Brazil’s 1994 and 1998 general elections reveals that most money for Brazilian electoral campaigns comes from business sources and that leftist candidates have extremely limited access to such financing. The effect on democracy is that Brazil’s largely unregulated campaign finance system tends to decrease the scope of interest representation.
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Teixeira, Sonia Maria Fleury, and Carlos Eduardo Santos Pinho. "Authoritarian Governments and the Corrosion of the Social Protection Network in Brazil." Revista Katálysis 21, no. 1 (2018): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1982-02592018v21n1p14.

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Abstract What are the impacts of the austerity reforms on the social protection network and the legacy of Social Security, enshrined in the 1988 Constitution of Brazil? The hypothesis of this article is that Brazil’s recent political economy demonstrates the antinomy between financial capitalism and representative mass democracy, which results in the corrosion of social protection policies and the regulation of capital/labor relations. The political economy is immunized against democratic grassroots pressure in a clear dispute over public funds and the growing commodification and deregulation
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Szylovec, Ana, Isis Umbelino-Walker, Brittany Nicole Cain, Hoi Tung Ng, Antoine Flahault, and Liudmila Rozanova. "Brazil’s Actions and Reactions in the Fight Against COVID-19 from January to March 2020." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 2 (2021): 555. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18020555.

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The outbreak of the novel coronavirus SARS-CoV-2 and the disease it causes, COVID-19, which emerged in 2019, was identified by the World Health Organization as a public health emergency of international concern. Brazil actively responded to contain the virus. This case study aims to examine Brazil’s response to COVID-19 by investigating the country’s actions and reflecting upon the outcomes throughout January and March 2020. The data collection strategy included gathering data from the country’s intergovernmental organization’s official website, epidemiological bulletins, and news reports, gui
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Szylovec, Ana, Isis Umbelino-Walker, Brittany Nicole Cain, Hoi Tung Ng, Antoine Flahault, and Liudmila Rozanova. "Brazil’s Actions and Reactions in the Fight against COVID-19 from January to March 2020." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 2 (2021): 555. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18020555.

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The outbreak of the novel coronavirus SARS-CoV-2 and the disease it causes, COVID-19, which emerged in 2019, was identified by the World Health Organization as a public health emergency of international concern. Brazil actively responded to contain the virus. This case study aims to examine Brazil’s response to COVID-19 by investigating the country’s actions and reflecting upon the outcomes throughout January and March 2020. The data collection strategy included gathering data from the country’s intergovernmental organization’s official website, epidemiological bulletins, and news reports, gui
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von Borowski Dodl, Alessandra. "Central Bank of Brazil’s mission: Ensuring the stability of currency purchasing power and a sound, efficient, and ‘just’ financial system." Risk Governance and Control: Financial Markets and Institutions 10, no. 4 (2020): 44–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/rgcv10i4p4.

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This study assesses the convenience and timeliness of making changes to the Central Bank of Brazil’s mission. We undertake this analysis from the normative and practical approaches and consider the perspective of inclusive development and the National Financial System’s role to be the main determinants of the selected strategic solution. The insertion of justice into the institutional mission of the Central Bank of Brazil not only signals a new normative proposal for public policies in this arena but also publicly compromises all agents, suggesting an agreement that engenders the expectations
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10

Cyrino, Alvaro Bruno, Ronaldo Parente, Denise Dunlap, and Bruno B. de Góes. "A critical assessment of Brazilian manufacturing competitiveness in foreign markets." Competitiveness Review: An International Business Journal 27, no. 3 (2017): 253–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/cr-08-2016-0046.

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Purpose This study aims to examine the competitiveness of firms operating in the emerging economy of Brazil. This study examines the current perception of Brazilian business leaders regarding the level of competitiveness in various sectors of industrial activity and the country’s business environment. Design/methodology/approach Survey data were collected in a joint study developed by Brazilian School of Public and Business Administration (EBAPE) and the Brazilian Institute of Economics (IBRE). The population surveyed was composed of businessmen, managers and directors of Brazilian manufacturi
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Wenham, Clare, and Deborah BL Farias. "Securitizing Zika: The case of Brazil." Security Dialogue 50, no. 5 (2019): 398–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010619856458.

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Brazil’s Zika virus crisis (2015–17), following hot on the heels of the Ebola outbreak (2014–15), dominated newsfeeds and high-level discussions amid governments, the UN system and beyond, with emerging fears relating to Congenital Zika Syndrome (CZS), embodied by microcephaly. However, beyond the ensuing panic in Latin America facing a generation of Zika babies, the outbreak demonstrates key developments in our understanding of the interaction between health and security, based on the Copenhagen School’s securitization approach. It suggests that unlike previous diseases that were securitized,
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LESSING, BENJAMIN, and GRAHAM DENYER WILLIS. "Legitimacy in Criminal Governance: Managing a Drug Empire from Behind Bars." American Political Science Review 113, no. 2 (2019): 584–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055418000928.

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States, rebels, and mafias all provide governance beyond their core membership; increasingly, so do prison gangs. US gangs leverage control over prison life to govern street-level drug markets. Brazil’s Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC) gang goes further, orchestrating paralyzing attacks on urban targets, while imposing a social order throughout slums that sharply reduces homicides. We analyze hundreds of seized PCC documents detailing its drug business and internal disciplinary system. Descriptively, we find vast, consignment-based trafficking operations whose profits fund collective benefits
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Palotti, Pedro Lucas de Moura, and Pedro Luiz Costa Cavalcante. "Does one size fit all? An analysis of portfolio allocation in the Brazilian multiparty presidential system." Opinião Pública 24, no. 2 (2018): 427–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1807-01912018242427.

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Presidents face a dilemma of whom to appoint for cabinet positions. They need to secure legislative support for their government and at the same time achieve their goals in terms of public policy. This work analyzes the portfolio allocation of Brazilian presidents in Brazil’s multiparty system. This study tests some hypotheses using multinomial logistic regression to identify appointment strategies adopted by the presidents in four different governmental sectors from 1990 to 2016. To do so, first, we create an index of ministerial politicization (IMP) and aggregate the ministries in these four
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Krasilshchikov, Victor A. "Brazil: From Successes to the Systemic Crisis." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 4 (2017): 114–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-4-114-129.

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The paper focuses on the socioecnomic development of Brazil from the mid-1990s up today. The author puts a special attention to the process of deindustrialisation, which has been expressed in the diminishing share of manufacturing industry in GDP, employment and the structure of goods’ export whereas the role of the primary sector increases in economy and the external trade. The paper scrutinises the achievements of Brazil in reduction of poverty and social inequality, in development of education and enlargement of the social mobility’s channels. At the same time, the author argues that the mo
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Paiva, Raquel. "#MeToo, feminism and femicide in Brazil." Interactions: Studies in Communication & Culture 10, no. 3 (2019): 241–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/iscc.10.3.241_1.

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In this article the international #MeToo movement is analysed from the perspective of Brazil: characteristics of the Brazilian feminist movement, historical paths and new approaches using social networks; #MeToo as one expression of new feminism; related movements and collectives and #EleNão (NotHim) as an offshoot of #MeToo and its failed attempt to avoid the 2018 election of a misogynist and chauvinist movement in Brazil. The campaign to denounce cases of assault neither prevent nor reduce the high femicide rates, with the country ranking fifth in the world and being qualified as one of the
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Alves, Jorge Antonio, and Christopher L. Gibson. "States and Capitals of Health: Multilevel Health Governance in Brazil." Latin American Politics and Society 61, no. 1 (2018): 54–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2018.59.

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AbstractScholars of Brazil’s public health system commonly note the intertwined roles that federal, state, and municipal governments play in delivering care, yet few studies systematically examine varying service performance in areas with overlapping mandates, such as state capitals. This study addresses that gap by developing and analyzing a novel measure of municipal primary care provision that accounts for the proportion of the population without access to private services in 11 large capital cities, then comparing them to the noncapital municipalities in their states. The study finds that
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Allgayer, Rochele, and Gizele De Souza. "The wonders of the Planetarium: intents and pitfalls for the implementation of a scientific facility in the midst of educational debates in Brazil in the 1930s." Rivista di Storia dell’Educazione 8, no. 1 (2021): 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/rse-10023.

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This study aims to highlight some articulations the intent of which was to set up Brazil’s first Planetarium in Rio de Janeiro during the organization of the 4th National Education Conference and pedagogy exposition in 1931. The Conferences, promoted by the Brazilian Education Association (ABE), were founded on strategies for disseminating educational practices and producing material for Brazilian schools. This mechanism was a tool not only to provide visibility but also to promote the debate on the material conditions needed for public education. ABE developed actions aimed at directing and p
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18

Pennaforte, Charles, and Nairana Karkow Bones. "China’s Influence in Latin America in the Brazilian Case (2002-2018)." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 2 (2020): 395–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-2-395-407.

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In this paper the authors aim to establish the reasons that led the Chinese state to view Latin America as an important partner between 2002 and 2018 and try to analyse the development of Chinese presence in Latin America and its possible impacts and perspectives in the 21st century in Brazil. For that, both political and economic relations between China and Latin America’s countries, especially the relations between China and Brazil, and their development are examined by using a comparative and historical approach. This paper is divided in three sections. The first part characterizes the emer
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Fernandes, Edesio. "Extrajudicial Execution of Children: Shortcomings of Social Citizenship and the Fallacy of Criminal Justice in Brazil." Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights 12, no. 2 (1994): 117–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016934419401200202.

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The article analyzes some of the implications of the phenomenon of extrajudicial execution on ‘street children’ in Brazil. Following the presentation of basic information on the subject, as related to the general panorama of human rights violations in Brazil, the author looks for its immediate causes in the country's broader socio-economic and political reality. The killing of children exposes structural inequalities and injustices which result from the socio-economic conditions of wealth distribution in Brazil and from its political system. The phenomenon is analyzed in the context of Brazil'
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Curado, Marcelo. "China Rising." Latin American Perspectives 42, no. 6 (2015): 88–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x15593756.

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China’s economic rise has caused a radical change in the operating conditions of the capitalist system and opened a wide range of opportunities and challenges for Brazil’s development. The Brazilian productive structure is going through great changes, key among them being the loss of importance of the manufacturing industry in job creation and in total GDP, and the efforts of Brazilian capitalists to promote investment and innovation have fallen short. The latter is a key element for an understanding of Brazilian industry’s weak participation in the highly competitive international scene. Thes
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Paulino, Eliane Tomiasi. "The agricultural, environmental and socio-political repercussions of Brazil's land governance system." Land Use Policy 36 (January 2014): 134–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.landusepol.2013.07.009.

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Touchton, Michael, Felicia Marie Knaul, Héctor Arreola-Ornelas, et al. "A partisan pandemic: state government public health policies to combat COVID-19 in Brazil." BMJ Global Health 6, no. 6 (2021): e005223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2021-005223.

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IntroductionTo present an analysis of the Brazilian health system and subnational (state) variation in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, based on 10 non-pharmaceutical interventions (NPIs).Materials and methodsWe collected daily information on implementation of 10 NPI designed to inform the public of health risks and promote distancing and mask use at the national level for eight countries across the Americas. We then analyse the adoption of the 10 policies across Brazil’s 27 states over time, individually and using a composite index. We draw on this index to assess the timeliness and rigour
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CEPIK, MARCO, and PRISCILA ANTUNES. "Brazil's New Intelligence System: An Institutional Assessment." International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence 16, no. 3 (2003): 349–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713830446.

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Ramos, Guilherme, Yan Vieites, Jorge Jacob, and Eduardo B. Andrade. "Orientação política e apoio ao isolamento social durante a pandemia da COVID-19: evidências do Brasil." Revista de Administração Pública 54, no. 4 (2020): 697–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-761220200162.

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Abstract Social distancing practices have been widely recommended to curb the COVID-19 pandemic. However, despite the medical consensus, many citizens have resisted adhering to and/or supporting its implementation. While this resistance may stem from the non-negligible personal economic costs of implementing social distancing, we argue that it may also reside in more fundamental differences in normative principles and belief systems, as reflected by political orientation. In a study conducted in Brazil, we test the relative importance of these explanations by examining whether and how support
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Milnor, Jacob R., Clarice Silva Santana, Alexander J. Martos, Jose Henrique Pilotto, and Claudia Teresa Viera de Souza. "Utilizing an HIV community advisory board as an agent of community action and health promotion in a low-resource setting: a case-study from Nova Iguaçu, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil." Global Health Promotion 27, no. 3 (2019): 56–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1757975919854045.

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Introduction: Brazil’s HIV burden has greatly increased over the past decade, especially for socially marginalized and vulnerable groups such as adolescents, women, and men who have sex with men. The reasoning for worsening HIV outcomes is complex, but ongoing economic and political crises have placed extreme operational and financial burdens on both the public health system and HIV-related civil society, affecting both treatment and prevention efforts and delivery. Context: Community-based HIV-related health-promotion activities have continued in Nova Iguaçu, Rio de Janeiro, despite these set
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Matos da Rosa, Maria Eneida, and Ana Luíza De França Sá. "Literature and Subjectivity in Education in the Age of “Non-Party School and Gag Law”." Guará 7, no. 1 (2017): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.18224/gua.v7i1.5259.

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This work has emerged from a project called “Teachers training: interface between literature and subjectivity”, which focuses on the learning processes which occurs during IFB’s (Brasília’s Federal Institute of Education, Science and Technology) initial teachers training on Language. The project presents a brief genealogy of Brazil’s education from the perspective of our own literary system, which still pictures a punitive school when includes mandatory readings, reaffirming the authoritarian teacher’s role through time, and class readings with the only purpose of decoding texts. It adopts Gon
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Luna, Juan P., and Elizabeth J. Zechmeister. "Political Representation in Latin America." Comparative Political Studies 38, no. 4 (2005): 388–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414004273205.

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The authors combine elite and mass survey data to create indicators of representation for nine nations: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Mexico, and Uruguay. For the first time, a quantified measure of the extent to which political parties represent voters’ policy preferences in these countries is offered. The authors then examine the political, social, and economic correlates of representation. Consistent with extant literature and theory, they find that party system institutionalization and socioeconomic development are positively related to representation. O
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Fernandes, Bernardo Mançano, and Cliff Welch. "Brazil's Experience with Agrarian Reform, 1995–2006: Challenges for Agrarian Geography." Human Geography 1, no. 1 (2008): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277860800100104.

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This paper analyses one of the challenges facing agrarian geographers of Brazil: explaining land-tenure systems in light of persistently high levels of land occupations by landless peasants, the implementation of agrarian reform projects by the Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995–2002) and Luís Lula Inácio da Silva (2003-present) presidential administrations and the expansion of agribusiness. It examines the actions of families organized in the Landless Workers Movement (MST - Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem-Terra) and territorialization / deterritorialization processes from 1995 to 2006. W
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Garcia, Leice Maria, and Armindo dos Santos de Sousa Teodósio. "Análise de limites dos sistemas de contabilidade e controle para o enfretamento do problema da corrupção sistêmica no Brasil: lições dos casos da Suécia e da Itália." Revista de Administração Pública 54, no. 1 (2020): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-761220180115.

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Abstract This article seeks to understand the reasons for the persistence of corruption in the Brazilian federal government, despite strong public accounting and financial control systems in the country. More than two-thirds of the states in the world, including Brazil, face the challenge of plundering public finances by political, economic, and bureaucratic elites. In this context, the exclusive use of the dominant approach of economic theories for the structuring of public control systems is limited. It is more appropriate to consider corruption as a problem of collective action. Hence, the
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Armijo, Leslie Elliott, and Philippe Faucher. "“We Have a Consensus”: Explaining Political Support for Market Reforms in Latin America." Latin American Politics and Society 44, no. 2 (2002): 1–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2002.tb00204.x.

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AbstractBy the 1990s, to the astonishment of many observers, most Latin American countries had reformed their systems of national economic governance along market lines. Many analysts of this shift have assumed that it circumvented normal political processes, presuming that such reforms could not be popular. Explanations emphasizing economic crisis, external assistance, and politically insulated executives illustrate this approach. Through a qualitative investigation of the reform process in the region's four most industrialized countries, Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico, this study argue
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Moisés, José Alvaro. "Elections, Political Parties and Political Culture in Brazil: Changes and Continuities." Journal of Latin American Studies 25, no. 3 (1993): 575–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00006672.

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The 1989 presidential elections confirmed the thesis that Brazilian voters use their ballots as weapons to express their dissatisfaction with the performance of their governments and, in particular, with the incumbents' ability to cope with the serious economic difficulties that have plagued Brazil in recent decades. Nearly thirty years after the last free presidential elections, the ballots cast across Brazil and in all segments of the society reflected a heightened plebiscitary tendency, especially in the most developed regions of the nation, that is, in modern Brazil. Looking at recent poli
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Ferreira de Oliveira, Wilson José. "Anti-corruption protests, alliance system and political polarization." Civitas - Revista de Ciências Sociais 20, no. 3 (2020): 439–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-7289.2020.2.38032.

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The fight against corruption has become, in recent years, one of the main international causes. Many studies have been done on the effects and consequences of corrupt and corrupting practices for the political system and for the general society. However, there are still few who are dedicated to analyzing the conditions and dynamics of the fight against corruption as a public and international cause and its consequences and impacts on national political systems. Therefore, the objective of this article is to examine the emergence and spread of anti-corruption movements and protests in Brazil, b
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Frank, Zephyr. "Banking and Economic Development: Brazil, 1889–1930. By Gail D. Triner. New York: Palgrave, 2000. Pp. xv, 333." Journal of Economic History 61, no. 4 (2001): 1131–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002205070100571x.

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This book marks an important addition to the literature on banks and capital markets in the economic development of Latin America. In the field of Brazilian economic history, it will take its place on a short shelf of basic reference works that engage their subject in a systematic fashion. What makes the book especially ambitious is its attempt to link financial markets and banking institutions to the development of the Brazilian state and economy. Triner argues that the rise of modern banking in Brazil was accompanied by economic growth, market integration, and political arbitrage based on cr
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Bentes, Bianca, Victoria Judith Isaac, Roberto Vilhena do Espírito-Santo, et al. "Multidisciplinary approach to identification of fishery production systems on the northern coast of Brazil." Biota Neotropica 12, no. 1 (2012): 81–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1676-06032012000100006.

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Artisanal fishing on the northern coast of Brazil is characterized by a set of different fishery modalities. Using a multidisciplinary approach, 20 fishery production systems were identified, with distinct characteristics regarding technology and purpose. The characteristics of each system were classified into five dimensions (ecological, economic, social, technological and political). Multidimensional scaling revealed that some of these 20 systems have greater similarities. Thus, a total of 10 groups were identified.
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FOLKE, OLLE, TORSTEN PERSSON, and JOHANNA RICKNE. "The Primary Effect: Preference Votes and Political Promotions." American Political Science Review 110, no. 3 (2016): 559–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055416000241.

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In this analysis of how electoral rules and outcomes shape the internal organization of political parties, we make an analogy to primary elections to argue that parties use preference-vote tallies to identify popular politicians and promote them to positions of power. We document this behavior among parties in Sweden's semi-open-list system and in Brazil's open-list system. To identify a causal impact of preference votes, we exploit a regression discontinuity design around the threshold of winning the most preference votes on a party list. In our main case, Sweden, these narrow “primary winner
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Zaidan, Saja Fattah. "The most prominent political ideas of the BRICS group." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 14 (March 2, 2019): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i14.120.

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BRICS is a model of intellectual diversity. The group comprises five countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa), which are the initials of the names of these countries, and the intellectual diversity emanating from the ideas of the systems and societies of these countries individually, as well as their ideas combined Through joint action within this international community, the constituent countries of this group are culturally diverse (Asian, Latin, African and European civilizations), and these civilizations carry a dynamic and effective intellectual structure in the internati
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Massard da Fonseca, Elize, Francisco Inácio Bastos, and Gilberto Lopes. "Increasing Access to Oral Anticancer Medicines in Middle-Income Countries: A Case Study of Private Health Insurance Coverage in Brazil." Journal of Global Oncology 2, no. 1 (2016): 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jgo.2015.001917.

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The World Health Organization estimates that approximately 60% of the world’s new annual cancer cases occur in Asia, Africa, and Central and South America, and that 70% of cancer deaths occur in these regions. Although oral chemotherapy is a promising intervention for cancer treatment, given its high cost, it is usually unavailable in middle-income countries. In 2013, after strong lobbying from civil society, Brazil's Congress passed legislation mandating that all private health insurance companies provide access to oral antineoplastic treatment. The decision to scale up the provision of oral
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Silva, Marcos Fernandes da. "The political economy of corruption in Brazil." Revista de Administração de Empresas 39, no. 3 (1999): 26–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0034-75901999000300004.

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This article is the first part of a research on corruption in Brazil and it is theoretical. Despite this, it provides an economic interpretation of corruption using Brazil as a case study. The main objective of this research is to apply some microeconomic tools to understand the "big corruption"�. However, I am going to show that corruption is not simply a kind of crime. Rather, it is an ordinary economic activity that arises in some institutional environments. Firstly, some corruption cases in Brazil will be described. This article is aimed at showing that democracy itself does not ensure con
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Loureiro, Paulo R. A., Tito Belchior Silva Moreira, and Roberto Ellery. "The relationship between political parties and tolerance to criminality." International Journal of Social Economics 44, no. 12 (2017): 1871–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-04-2016-0115.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate the impacts of left Brazilian political parties and partisan disruption on the homicide rate in Brazil. Design/methodology/approach The authors use panel data for the states between the years 1980 and 2011. The database used is an unbalanced panel covering a sample of 27 Brazilian states over 32 years, 1980-2011, totaling about 855 observations. Findings It is estimated that these two political factors are sources that have connection to the increased level of violence in Brazil. These analyses provide several important results. First, partis
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Downes, Richard. "Autos over Rails: How US Business Supplanted the British in Brazil, 1910–28." Journal of Latin American Studies 24, no. 3 (1992): 551–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00024275.

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The dynamics of Brazil's transportation sector early in this century reveal much about how and why US industries conquered the Brazilian market and established a sound basis for investment. Especially during the 1920s, US companies responded to the transportation needs of Brazil's rapidly growing economy and won the major share of its automobile and truck markets. This was crucial because of the automobile's central role as a leading sector of the world's economy during this period. Sales and then direct investment by US firms in automobile assembly plants placed US business on a more secure f
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CRIBELLI, TERESA. "‘These Industrial Forests’: Economic Nationalism and the Search for Agro-Industrial Commodities in Nineteenth-Century Brazil." Journal of Latin American Studies 45, no. 3 (2013): 545–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x13000771.

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AbstractIn the nineteenth century, members of the Rio de Janeiro-based Sociedade Auxiliadora da Industria Nacional promoted the development of new agro-industrial commodities from Brazil's native forests as substitutes for expensive foreign imports. Influenced by late colonial scientists and reformers who followed the political economy of Carl Linnaeus, the society turned a Portuguese imperial project of economic revitalisation into a vision for developing the nation's post-independence economy. For society members, Brazil's ‘industrial forests’ were essential for economic independence and def
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42

Avritzer, Leonardo. "Participation in democratic Brazil: from popular hegemony and innovation to middle-class protest." Opinião Pública 23, no. 1 (2017): 43–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1807-0191201723143.

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Abstract Brazil became a reference case of social participation after the success of participatory budgeting during the early 90s. The standard theory of the success of participation points to its positive impact on the political system. However, since 2013 Brazil has been experiencing some important changes regarding both participation and representation. In regard to representation, the strengthening of conservative forces in Congress is taking place because of a large increase in private financing. We are also seeing that participation alone cannot change the composition of the system of re
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43

Bizzozero, Lincoln, and Andrés Raggio. "El impacto de la República Popular China en el eje Argentina-Brasil entre el 2004 y el 2014. ¿Evolución sistémica-estructural o definiciones político estratégicas?" Araucaria, no. 35 (2015): 341–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2016.i35.17.

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44

Wylie, Kristin, and Pedro dos Santos. "A Law on Paper Only: Electoral Rules, Parties, and the Persistent Underrepresentation of Women in Brazilian Legislatures." Politics & Gender 12, no. 03 (2016): 415–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000179.

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This article advances a party-centric analysis of gender quotas in Brazil. We examine how parties mediate electoral rules, finding that neither the implementation of the Lei de Cotas (Quota Law) in 1995 nor its 2009 mini-reform was sufficient to induce significant change in party strategies for the nomination and election of women. Moreover, we find that while the open-list proportional representation electoral system is an important part of the explanation for the quota's failure to enhance women's representation, an analysis of how those electoral rules interact with decentralized party poli
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Alemán, Eduardo, Aldo F. Ponce, and Iñaki Sagarzazu. "Legislative Parties in Volatile, Nonprogrammatic Party Systems: The Peruvian Case in Comparative Perspective." Latin American Politics and Society 53, no. 3 (2011): 57–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2011.00125.x.

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AbstractThis article extends the analysis of political parties in electorally volatile and organizationally weak party systems by evaluating two implications centered on legislative voting behavior. First, it examines whether disunity prevails where weakness of programmatic and electoral commonalities abound. Second, it analyzes whether inchoate party systems weaken the ability of government parties to control the congressional agenda. The empirical analysis centers on Peru, a classic example of a weakly institutionalized party system, and how its legislative parties compare to those of Argent
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Okuneva, L. S. "Brazil-Russia: similarities, parallels, differences. Paradoxes of the phenomenon of transition 68." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 3 (September 28, 2015): 68–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2015-3-68-90.

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In the article are considered criteria and possibilities of comparative analysis of the processes of political modernization of Brazil and Russia that unfolded there at the turn of the 1980s-1990s. The article deals with the features of the formation of civil society and political culture on the stage of a radical transformation of political structures in both countries (party system, the role of political leadership, etc.). Also the article investigates character of the differences in the development of the both countries at the beginning of the XXI century.
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Borde, Elis, Marco Akerman, and Alberto Pellegrini Filho. "Mapping of capacities for research on health and its social determinants in Brazil." Cadernos de Saúde Pública 30, no. 10 (2014): 2081–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0102-311x00162513.

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This article describes tendencies in research on social determinants of health (SDH) and health inequities in Brazil (2005-2012) and maps research system structures to analyze capacities for research on health and its social determinants. Brazil has a strong national research system and counts on a wealth of research in the field of SDH drawing on a long tradition of research and political commitment in this area. While innovative strategies seeking to strengthen the links between research, policy and practice have been developed, the impact of SDH research continues to be largely restricted t
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Cardoso, José Luís. "Free Trade, Political Economy and the Birth of a New Economic Nation: Brazil, 1808–1810." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 27, no. 2 (2009): 183–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610900000744.

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ABSTRACTIn late 1807, Brazil was still a part of the Portuguese empire. As a consequence of the outbreak of the Peninsular War, the Prince Regent and the court moved to Brazil, an amazing voyage planned as a way of safeguarding Portugal's sovereignty over her vast territories. When the royal ships arrived in Brazil, the first measure to be taken was the decree which opened up Brazilian ports to British commercial vessels, thus putting an end to the old system of exclusive colonial trading between Brazil and Portugal. This was indeed the very first sign of a much larger process of economic libe
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Massuda, Adriano, Thomas Hone, Fernando Antonio Gomes Leles, Marcia C. de Castro, and Rifat Atun. "The Brazilian health system at crossroads: progress, crisis and resilience." BMJ Global Health 3, no. 4 (2018): e000829. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2018-000829.

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The Unified Health System (Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS)) has enabled substantial progress towards Universal Health Coverage (UHC) in Brazil. However, structural weakness, economic and political crises and austerity policies that have capped public expenditure growth are threatening its sustainability and outcomes. This paper analyses the Brazilian health system progress since 2000 and the current and potential effects of the coalescing economic and political crises and the subsequent austerity policies. We use literature review, policy analysis and secondary data from governmental sources in 2
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Ramos, Guilherme, Yan Vieites, Jorge Jacob, and Eduardo B. Andrade. "Political orientation and support for social distancing during the COVID-19 pandemic: evidence from Brazil." Revista de Administração Pública 54, no. 4 (2020): 697–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-761220200162x.

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Abstract Social distancing practices have been widely recommended to curb the COVID-19 pandemic. However, despite the medical consensus, many citizens have resisted adhering to and/or supporting its implementation. While this resistance may stem from the non-negligible personal economic costs of implementing social distancing, we argue that it may also reside in more fundamental differences in normative principles and belief systems, as reflected by political orientation. In a study conducted in Brazil, we test the relative importance of these explanations by examining whether and how support
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