Journal articles on the topic 'Brazilian Dance music'

This paper presents the development process of TumTá, a wearable Digital Dance and Music Instrument that triggers sound samples from foot stomps and Pisada, a dance-enabled MIDI pedalboard. It was developed between 2012 and 2017 for the use of Helder Vasconcelos, a dancer and musician formed by the traditions of Cavalo Marinho and Maracatu Rural from Pernambuco, Brazil. The design of this instrument was inspired by traditional instruments like the Zabumba and by the gestural vocabulary from Cavalo Marinho, to make music and dance at the same time. The development process of this instrument is described in the three prototyping phases conducted by three approaches: building blocks, artisanal, and digital fabrication. We analyze the process of designing digital technology inspired by Brazilian traditions, present the lessons learned, and discuss future works.

This article explores how the body and dance play a central role in the transnationalization of Candomblé among Afro-descendant people and increasingly for white Europeans by creating a platform for negotiating a transatlantic black heritage. It examines how an Afro-Brazilian artist and Candomblé priest in Berlin disseminate religious practices and worldviews through the transnational Afro-Brazilian dance and music scene, such as during the annual presence of Afoxé – also known as ‘Candomblé performed on the streets’ – during the Carnival of Cultures in Berlin. It is an example of how an Afro-Brazilian religion has become a central element in re-creating an idea of “Africa” in Europe that is part of a longer history of the circulation of black artists and practitioners of Candomblé between West Africa, Europe and Latin America, and the resulting creation of transnational artistic-religious networks.

Choro is an instrumental Brazilian music genre that emerged in Rio de Janeiro in the nineteenth century. It can adopt various forms with a basis of guitar, flute and cavaquinho ‐ the latter, a small guitar of Portuguese origin. Musical arrangements are normally elaborate, although in Brazil the players gather in usually informal and open settings, in indoors or outdoors formations called rodas (‘circles’). Following the customs of many Brazilian genres, players sit in a circle facing each other, the audience stands around and, occasionally, skilled couples dance to it. A roda de choro is not a concert, yet it is not just a rehearsal, but also a musical experience based on spontaneity. This article, drawing upon an observation exercise in the Brussels (Belgium) Choro scene, intends to explore the multitude of meanings of Choro as a practice in which Brazilians in diaspora, other migrants and locals engage and share experiences with each other, focusing on the social geographies of Choro and the social networks derived from this musical practice. The observation of this music-making process in Brussels raises additional questions of Brazilian (musical) identity in diaspora and its relation to the notions of longing (saudades), authenticity, affinity, transcendence and joy.

In A Midsummer Night’s Dream (1594-1595), Shakespeare introduces elements borrowed from court masques, mainly music and dance. After a brief exploration of critical arguments claiming that Shakespeare’s play is the model for musical versions produced during and after the Restoration, this essay investigates the negotiations and shifts of meaning in the homonymous Brazilian adaptation (2006), staged by Cia. Rústica and directed by Patrícia Fagundes. The intermedial processes, articulated in the transposition from page to stage, will be analyzed in the light of contemporary theoretical perspectives.

How does slavery's memory work its way out in Afro-Brazilian syncretic culture (and particularly carnival) today? How does this African interculturation react with white Brazilian culture? I shall begin an answer to these questions by paying methodological homage to Raymond Williams and by turning to the contemplation of some “key words” which I believe provide “a vocabulary of [Afro Brazilian syncretic] culture and society.” Batuque and calunga are at the heart of the ceremony performed by Recife's Afro-Brazilian afoxés during the Noite do Tambores Silenciosos (“Night of the Silent Drums”). They are key words which encapsulate music and ritual focussed upon a remarkably charged engagement with Brazil's African inheritance, and its positive cultural manifestations both within and beyond slavery. They are also conceptually multivalent terms that finally emphasize their resistance to, and untranslatability within, the modes of white Euro-American academic thought.

The goal of this article is to analyse the musical preferences of Brazilian students by considering the variables of gender and religion. Using random sampling, a class was selected from each high school year group of 10 public schools in the city of São Luís (Brazil).The total study sample consisted of 658 students: 358 females (54.4%) and 300 males (45.6%). Of these, 343 (52.1%) were Protestants and 315 (47.9%) were Catholics, and their ages ranged from 14 to 19 years ( M = 16.24 years old, SD = 1.14). For the data collection, a version of the Questionnaire on Musical Style Preferences by Lorenzo, Herrera, and Cremades (2008) was used; however, it was shortened and culturally adapted to the Brazilian context. The participants were asked to evaluate how often they listened to 19 different styles of music. The overall results indicated that the participants’ musical preferences were heavily influenced by mass media. However, ANOVA results indicated significant differences and a variety of size effects in the frequency of musical listening based on gender and religion. Females had a greater preference for styles with emotional content, dance music and music with a strong connection to mass culture, while males preferred more vigorous styles. Regarding religion, Protestants had a stronger preference for gospel music, while Catholic preferences were more diverse.

In this article we seek to understand the role of architecture in the theatrical process and the uses of old structures to house three contemporary productions: Zé Celso staged Os Sertões (The Hinterlands) in 2007 in a huge warehouse near the wharfs of Rio de Janeiro’s Docklands where he arranged the building as if it was his own Oficina Theatre in São Paulo; Miguel Vellinho staged Peer Gynt (2006) at the readapted SESC Copacabana Arena, and the Brazilian performance of Romeo and Juliet directed by Gabriel Villela was staged in 2000 at the reconstructed Globe Theatre not far from the real spot of the Shakespeare’s Globe. This version of the play combines circus acts, music, dance and Brazilian folk culture with the traditional story of the unlucky lovers. The perfect inner space of the playhouse and its architecture are discussed through the analysis of the many possibilities explored by Villela, who reinterpreted the spaces surprising the audience with a car on the stage.

SummaryThis article explores the relationships between young European women who worked in the growing entertainment market in Argentine and Brazilian cities, and the many people who from time to time came under suspicion of exploiting them for prostitution. The international travels of young women with contracts to sing or dance in music halls, theatres, and cabarets provide a unique opportunity to reflect on some of the practices of labour intermediation. Fragments of their experiences were recorded by a number of Brazilian police investigations carried out in order to expel “undesirable” foreigners under the Foreigners Expulsion Act of 1907. Such sources shed light on the work arrangements that made it possible for young women to travel overseas. The article discusses how degrees of autonomy, violence, and exploitation in the artists’ work contracts were negotiated between parties at the time, especially by travelling young women whose social experiences shaped morally ambiguous identities as artists, prostitutes, and hired workers.

Since 1994, the Health and African-Brazilian Ethnicity Research Group is focused on the social determinants of health inequalities. The group was created and is directed by Isabel Cruz, RN, PhD It is based in the Medical-Surgical Nursing Department, Fluminense Federal University (RJ, Brazil). Its aims were to undertake multi-disciplinary social and health science research to advance the understanding of the social processes, particularly the racism, which underlie and mediate socio-economic inequalities in health and to advance the methodology of health inequalities research.These aims are been taking forward through two projects. The project related to the nursing diagnosis chronic low self-esteem and the nursing intervention cultural brokerage is multi-disciplinary, involving collaborators from arts (music, dance, painting, literature), economics, history, psychology, social policy and sociology. The other project is related to the nursing diagnoses and interventions to the hypertensive client and his family. Both projects have a focus on racism and socio-economic inequalities in health, addressing for example ethnic and gender inequalities which are not yet on the scientific and policy agenda of public health.Communication with the users of research has been a priority for the HABERG, which was linked regularly to over 500 users in and beyond Brazil by the NEPAE-NESEN Eletronic Newsletter which provides updates on HABERG activities, researches, and its policy implications. The information on the website (www.uff.br/nepae/NESEN.htm) provides a record of the research group activities.Publications: all HABERG newsletter articles and research reports are displayed on the website www.uff.br/nepae or www.uff.br/nepae/NESEN.htm

This paper examines the representations of Africa in Rio de Janeiro’s carnaval. During the second half of the twentieth century, Afro-Brazilian self-assertion movements took inspiration from the African American movement for civil rights. At the same time, public cultural assertion largely relied on recreated connections with Africa, often perceived as an idealized continent. This Africanization, first developed at the religious level, later also became visible in other cultural manifestations such as music, dance, fashion, and carnaval. The analysis of the example of theescolas de samba’s parades held during Rio de Janeiro carnaval since the 1950s demonstrates how the promotion of bonds with “Africa” is part of a reconstruction process in which the South Atlantic becomes a common zone of claims for recognition of multiple identities, in which the legacy of slavery and the slave trade is reconstructed and renewed.

In this essay, we present a comparative analysis of the UNESCO heritage nomination process for two African Diaspora music and dance forms: samba de roda, from the Bahian Recôncavo (a coastal area of the northeastern Brazilian state of Bahia), and maloya, from Reunion Island (a former French colony in the Indian Ocean, which is now officially an "overseas department of France"). samba de roda, as the Brazilian candidate, was included in the III Proclamation of Masterpieces of the Intangible Heritage of Humanity, in 2005. And maloya, the French candidate, was inscribed onto the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, in 2009. Despite a number of formal commonalities between samba de roda and maloya, such as responsorial singing, choreography, and the main musical instrument types, the controversies raised during their respective processes of nomination were quite distinct. The former is regarded as a traditional and less well known style of samba, the musical genre widely recognized as the musical emblem of Brazil. The latter competes with séga-a genre of popular music consolidated in the local media-for the position of chief musical representative of Reunion Island. The disparate symbolic identities attributed to these musical expressions pave the way for a distinct manner of employing the international resources related to the safeguarding of intangible heritage. This suggests that the local impact of the inclusion onto international lists depends as much on the contextual particularities of each candidacy as on central decision-making bodies such as UNESCO.

This study investigates the relationships between ethnographic study and animation practice, focusing on the Brazilian martial art, capoeira, often referred to as a dance, fight and game. This approach was adopted to explore the ways animation can be placed in relation to both historical and more recent critical theory. A local capoeira community group based in South East London participated in the study for a period of twelve months. The respondents were a combination of teachers and learners, and semi-structured interviews in the form of a conversational style were conducted with several participants. The Capoeira music was composed remotely in collaboration with a capoeira practitioner and a professional berimbau instrumentalist, based in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Additional music was recorded in a studio in London by main subject of this study, Professor Saruê. Practice-based investigations are currently in development, consisting of footage recorded on 16 mm black-and-white negative film. Direct animation and scratch film were created using 16 mm black leader and 35 mm film, forming a series of animated experiments. The ethnographic methods later revealed a strong connection between capoeira and the Brazilian religion of Candomblé, and attempts to determine how animation can be used to represent the phenomenon of the spirit. Evaluation and reflection of animation practice revealed a strong relationship between ethnography and animation, a relatively new area with promising developments and scope for further research within visual anthropology. Further research is needed to identify other factors that could strengthen the effectiveness of this methodology. The practice-based components of the overall study revealed the potential for in depth fieldwork, overseas travel and longitudinal study spanning the space of one to two years. This would expand a relatively small yet emerging area of academic research.

This article explores the experience of disorientation within projective moving image installations through a case study of the artwork Swinguerra (2019) by Barbara Wagner and Benjamin de Burca. The encounter with the case study evoked an experience of disorientation due to the confusing process of deciding which way to look, which room to enter, which side to walk towards in the art gallery. Engaging with music video aesthetics, this case study portrays Brazilian queer dance groups that work with popular music from the northeast of Brazil. Rather than representing these bodies, Wagner and de Burca speak nearby to them through a besideness attitude, allowing the dancers to speak for themselves in the film. Besideness comprehends an attitude that destabilises normative positionalities to challenge binarisms and hierarchies that can privilege the experience of some bodies to the detriment of others. I employ a queer phenomenological and autoethnographic methodology to explore the fleeting disorientated moments that emerged in the live encounter with this artwork. This is to account for an analysis that considers self-narration and autobiographical notes of a queer researcher as queer methods appropriate to approaching disorientation as a queer affective experience. I argue that my physical and affective positionality in relation to the two projective moving images located in the art gallery affected the other bodies I shared the space with, leading to the necessity of also employing a besideness attitude and demonstrating how distance and proximity from objects can only be understood if in relation to each other.

AbstractArtistic behavior as aesthetically enhancing activities is conceptualized as a functionally autonomous activity within the evolved human behavioral repertoire. Accordingly, it should be intrinsically motivated, and it might also be expected to be temporally stable and domain specific. Preferential freely-pursued activities reflect intrinsic motivation and offer a valuable measure of artistic motivation. We used a large decades-long real-life public Brazilian data set from university applications to test these ideas. We analysed data on extra-class activities from 674.699 late-adolescents applying for university courses between 1987 and 2004, mostly between 17 and 19 years of age; approximately half men and half women. We found that 27% of individuals reported that Artistic/cultural activities were the leisure-time activity they participated in most frequently, and 32% reported they spent the longest period of free-time doing Artistic-activities (theater/cinema, music, dance, art-craft/plastic arts). Interestingly, from this whole sample, only less than 3% actually applied for artistic careers, which suggests that the prevalence of prioritizing artistic activities is higher than commonly assumed and includes not only professional artists, but also many hobbyists, amateurs and dedicated fans. Further, artistic careers applicants prioritize art almost three times more than the total of applicants, suggesting its specificity. After controlling for inconsistency of answer options during the period, prioritizing both Artistic/cultural and Artistic-activities remained temporally stable, as predicted. Despite limitations, overall results supported the hypotheses that artistic behavior is more intrinsically motivated, domain specific, and temporally stable. This plausibly demonstrates that artistic propensity has at least partly an evolved nature.

This artistic doctoral research examines how the third space emerging from intercultural dialogue and transcultural collaboration can be a catalyst for new musical discoveries, intercultural humility, and the (re)forming of artistic identities. The body of this project is centred around three doctoral concerts, a CD/LP recording, and a documentary film which took place between 2016 and 2021. In addition, I draw on the embodied experience of a five-year period that I spent living and collaborating with musicians and dancers in Tanzania and Zambia prior to the doctoral project.As a double bass player, multi-instrumentalist, and composer, I place myself in a series of different musical and multi-arts contexts, engaging in dialogue with musicians, dancers, and visual artists from Brazil, Colombia, Estonia, Finland, France, Madagascar, Mexico, Poland, Sápmi, Tanzania, the UK and Zambia. Various solo, duo, and ensemble settings act as case studies to examine how this process takes place, the new knowledge gained from the collaborations and their resulting artistic outcomes, and the effects of intercultural dialogue, collaboration, and co-creation on my own artistic identity. The instruments and forms of artistic expression used by my collaborators include the Brazilian berimbau, Chinese guzheng, dance, live electronics, experimental instrument making, Finnish Saarijärvi kantele, Sámi joik, vocals, percussion, live visuals, image manipulation, animation, photography and film.The key concepts that I investigate in this research are: artistic identity, global citizenship, hybridity, interculturalism, intercultural humility, liminality, third space theory, and resonance, the latter being viewed both as a physical phenomenon and as an approach to thinking about the ways in which we connect with the world around us. This research contributes to new knowledge and understandings in the areas of artistic identity formation, intercultural collaboration and interculturalism in music education through the interweaving of artistic processes, audio, video, photographs, artistic outcomes and text.Findings emerge in terms of new musical discoveries that surface from the dynamic third space created through transcultural collaboration; the expanding and deepening of musicianship through intercultural dialogue and collaboration; the interconnected nature of interculturalism in music and its reliance on openness, empathy, dialogue and constantnegotiation with sonic material, people and place; and the crucial role of fluidity and resonance in forming a personal artistic identity.Further research outcomes include new techniques and the expansion of the sonic palette of the double bass, enabled by developing custom-made attachments, preparations and electronic manipulation. The complete scope of this doctoral project includes four artistic components (three concerts and a recording), a documentary film and an artistic doctoral thesis comprising two peer-reviewed articles and an integrative chapter, all housed within the main multi-media exposition, Resonance: (Re)forming an Artistic Identity through Intercultural Dialogue and Collaboration.

INTRODUÇÃO: A capoeira é considerada um dos maiores símbolos da cultura brasileira que mistura a arte marcial, o esporte, a cultura popular, a música e a dança. Por sua prática globalizada, a capoeira é um conteúdo a ser trabalhado no ambiente escolar visando a educação integral dos alunos, que por sua vez, está incluída na Base Nacional Comum Curricular. OBJETIVO: Avaliar por meio de uma revisão sistemática se a prática da capoeira na escola pode contribuir para o desenvolvimento da educação integral dos alunos. MÉTODOS: Uma busca sistemática utilizados termos relacionados a “Capoeira”, “Educação Física” e “escola” foi realizada nos bancos de dados Periódico CAPES e Scielo, a fim de encontrar artigos elegíveis. Foram utilizados os seguintes critérios de inclusão: i) abordar a temática capoeira em suas diversas dimensões na escola; ii) apresentar a prática da capoeira inserida nas aulas de educação física ou como atividade extracurricular; iii) demonstrar os diferentes desenvolvimentos acerca dessa prática; iv) conciliar a capoeira com a educação integral. Após a seleção, foram extraídas informações sobre as características da amostra, intervenções utilizadas, grupos comparativos, resultados e conclusões, e uma análise descritiva dos resultados foi realizada. A escala PEDro (1999) foi utilizada para avaliar a qualidade dos estudos. RESULTADOS: Foram incluídos um total de oito artigos, no qual dois enfatizaram o desenvolvimento físico/motor e a inteligência corporal cinestésica, e os outros seis variaram apresentando aspectos físicos, sociais, culturais, cognitivos e afetivos. A análise de qualidade dos estudos demonstrou que dois artigos atingiram uma pontuação total de 3/10, enquanto os demais obtiveram uma pontuação de 2/10. CONCLUSÃO: Os resultados apontaram que a prática da capoeira se demonstra como um instrumento positivo para o desenvolvimento da formação integral dos alunos, porém, deve-se considerar a baixa qualidade metodológica dos estudos incluídos. ABSTRACT. The practice of capoeira in the school environment for student integral formation: A systematic review.BACKGROUND: Capoeira is considered one of the greatest symbols of Brazilian culture that mixes martial arts, sports, popular culture, music and dance. Due to its globalized practice, capoeira is a subject to be worked on in the school environment, aiming at the integral education of students, which in turn, is included in the Common National Curriculum Base. OBJECTIVE: To evaluate, through a systematic review, whether the practice of capoeira at school can contribute to the development of integral education for students. METHODS: A systematic search using terms related to “Capoeira”, “Physical Education” and “school” was performed in the CAPES and Scielo journal databases, in order to find eligible articles. The following inclusion criteria were used: i) addressing capoeira in its various dimensions at school; ii) present the practice of capoeira as part of physical education classes or as an extracurricular activity; iii) demonstrate the different developments regarding this practice; iv) reconciling capoeira with integral education. After selection, information about the characteristics of the sample, interventions used, comparative groups, results and conclusions were extracted, and a descriptive analysis of the results was performed. The PEDro scale (1999) was used to assess the quality of studies. RESULTS: A total of eight articles were included, in which two emphasized physical/motor development and kinesthetic body intelligence, and the other six varied with physical, social, cultural, cognitive and affective aspects. The quality analysis of the studies showed that two articles achieved a total score of 3/10, while the others obtained a score of 2/10. CONCLUSION: The results showed that the practice of capoeira is shown to be a positive instrument for the development of comprehensive training of students, however, the low methodological quality of the included studies must be considered.

O Festival das Tribos Indígenas ou Festribal é um evento que ocorre anualmente na cidade de Juruti (Pará), na Amazônia brasileira, e compreende a competição entre as “tribos” Munduruku e Muirapinima. Concebem-se as festas amazônicas a partir de um tensionamento entre culturas, provenientes da colonização, resultando na dupla consciência, efeito da ampla violência. Este artigo buscou identificar nesse evento, modos de resistência e a forma de expressão desse sentimento. Por meio do audiovisual, na Plataforma YouTube, fez-se uma análise semiótica da festa do ano 2019, e, cuja permanência ocorre com base na oralidade, na contação de histórias, dos mitos, crenças e das festas vivenciadas por seus antepassados. Essa análise encontra abrigo na teoria da folkcomunicação. Festival das Tribos; Dupla consciência; Resistência; Folkcomunicação. The Festival of Indigenous Tribes or Festribal is an event that has been held annually since 1995 in the city of Juruti (Pará), in the Brazilian Amazon, and comprises the competition between the “tribes” Munduruku and Muirapinima, competing in this manifestation of popular culture. The Amazon simultaneously synthesizes the uniqueness and complexity of a territory that in a very old time had an abundant scenario, inhabited by several human groups (tribes), in addition to, in modern times, adding brand and product. From the 16th century onwards, with the colonization and the arrival of the European, there was a tension between cultures that resulted in double consciousness, the effect of the widespread violence that was transmuted, being evident in popular festivals. With a focus on the cultural diversity of the region and the commercialization of its products, advertising created the “brand” Amazônia, at parties, music, dance, regional craftsmanship etc., and, based on the origin and projection of the party, this article sought to identify in the lyrics of the songs of the Festa dos tribos, in 2019, ways of resistance represented in this manifestation of popular culture and the way in which this feeling is expressed. From a qualitative approach and exploratory objective, a semiotic analysis of the event was carried out, through the audiovisual on the YouTube Platform - by the perception and apprehension of the feelings of these peoples. Although re-signified, the indigenous festivals have perpetuated based on orality, storytelling of their peoples, myths, beliefs and festivals experienced by their ancestors. This analysis finds shelter in the theory of folk communication. Festival of the Tribes; Double consciousness; Resistance; Folkcommunication. El Festival de Tribus Indígenas o Festribal es un evento que se realiza anualmente desde 1995 en la ciudad de Juruti (Pará), en la Amazonía brasileña, y comprende la competencia entre las “tribus” Munduruku y Muirapinima, compitiendo en esta manifestación de la cultura popular. La Amazonía sintetiza simultáneamente la singularidad y complejidad de un territorio que en tiempos muy antiguos tuvo un escenario abundante, habitado por varios grupos humanos (tribus), además de, en los tiempos modernos, sumar marca y producto. A partir del siglo XVI, con la colonización y la llegada de los europeos, se produjo una tensión entre culturas que derivó en una doble conciencia, efecto de la violencia generalizada que se transmutó, manifestándose en las fiestas populares. Con un enfoque en la diversidad cultural de la región y la comercialización de sus productos, la publicidad creó la “marca” Amazônia, en fiestas, música, baile, artesanía regional, etc., y en base al origen y proyección de la fiesta, esta El artículo buscó identificar en la letra de las canciones de la Festa dos tribos, en 2019, las formas de resistencia representadas en esta manifestación de la cultura popular y la forma en que se expresa este sentimiento. Desde un enfoque cualitativo y objetivo exploratorio, se realizó un análisis semiótico del evento, a través del audiovisual en la Plataforma de YouTube - por la percepción y aprehensión de los sentimientos de estos pueblos. Aunque resignificadas, las fiestas indígenas se han perpetuado a partir de la oralidad, el relato de sus pueblos, los mitos, creencias y fiestas vividas por sus antepasados. Este análisis encuentra refugio en la teoría de la comunicación popular. Festival de las Tribus; Doble conciencia; Resistencia; Comunicación popular.

Austin, Texas is home to one of the largest Brazilian music scenes in North America. Significantly, the vast majority of participants are white Americans and the genres performed are almost entirely Afro-Brazilian. This setting presents a unique opportunity for Performance-as-Research into the embodied performance of transnational racial formations. This article examines teaching, learning, and performing maracatu-nação and afoxé, musics explicitly linked to Afro-matrix religions. I ask what Austinites typically learn about Brazilian society and the religious significance of the music they perform, highlighting the disjuncture that exists between the commonly held view of Brazilian genres as fun and sexy dance music, and the social justice concerns—racism, cultural appropriation, and religious intolerance to name a few—at the core of maracatu and afoxé. I trace how performers navigate their own concerns about religious expression and respectful engagement, including debates around the cultural appropriation of maracatu-nação in Brazil. I argue that experiences gained in performance are essential components in implementing anti-racist pedagogies that advance efforts to optimize cross-cultural understanding and sustain engagement with communities by facilitating collaborations between culture-bearers, academics, and artists.

Over the past fifteen years, Brasília has nurtured an innovative blend of choro, rock, Northeastern Brazilian dance rhythms, and the experimental music of Hermeto Paschoal. The resulting hybrid genre features extended improvisations, improvisations that occasionally become fixed, repeatable parts of the composition through a process of auditory exchange from one musician to another. The music of harmonica player Pablo Fagundes exemplifies these tendencies.

Darwin explored the evolutionary processes underlying artistic propensities in humans. He stressed the universality of the human mind by pointing to the shared pleasure which all populations take in dancing, engaging in music, acting, painting, tattooing, and self-decorating. Artistic motivation drives/reinforces individuals to engage in aesthetically oriented activities. As curiosity/play, artistic behavior is hypothesized as a functionally autonomous activity motivated intrinsically through an evolved, specific, and stable aesthetic motivational system. The author tested whether artistic motivation is rather intrinsically sourced, domain-specific, and temporally stable using a large decades-long real-life public Brazilian database of university applications. In Study I, the author analyzed reasons for career-choice responded to by 403,832 late-adolescent applicants (48.84% women), between 1987 and 1998. In Study II, the author analyzed another career-choice reason question responded to by 1,703,916 late-adolescent applicants (51.02% women), between 1987 and 2020. Music, Dance, Scenic Arts, Visual Arts, and Literary Studies, in combination, presented a higher percentage of individuals reporting intrinsic factors (e.g., personal taste/aptitude/fulfillment) and the lower proportion reporting extrinsic motives (e.g., the influence of media/teacher/family, salary, social contribution/prestige) than other career groups. If artistic motivation were a recent by-product of general curiosity or status-seeking, artistic and non-artistic careers would not differ. Overall, intrinsic motives were 2.60–6.35 times higher than extrinsic factors; among artistic applicants’ were 10.81–28.38 times higher, suggesting domain-specificity. Intrinsic motivation did not differ among artistic careers and remained stable throughout the periods. Converging results corroborated a specific, stable, and intrinsically sourced artistic motivation consistent with its possible evolutionary origins.

Listening to samba percussion often elicits feelings of pleasure and the desire to move with the beat—an experience sometimes referred to as “feeling the groove”- as well as social connectedness. Here we investigated the effects of performance timing in a Brazilian samba percussion ensemble on listeners’ experienced pleasantness and the desire to move/dance in a behavioral experiment, as well as on neural processing as assessed via functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI). Participants listened to different excerpts of samba percussion produced by multiple instruments that either were “in sync”, with no additional asynchrony between instrumental parts other than what is usual in naturalistic recordings, or were presented “out of sync” by delaying the snare drums (by 28, 55, or 83 ms). Results of the behavioral experiment showed increasing pleasantness and desire to move/dance with increasing synchrony between instruments. Analysis of hemodynamic responses revealed stronger bilateral brain activity in the supplementary motor area, the left premotor area, and the left middle frontal gyrus with increasing synchrony between instruments. Listening to “in sync” percussion thus strengthens audio-motor interactions by recruiting motor-related brain areas involved in rhythm processing and beat perception to a higher degree. Such motor related activity may form the basis for “feeling the groove” and the associated desire to move to music. Furthermore, in an exploratory analysis we found that participants who reported stronger emotional responses to samba percussion in everyday life showed higher activity in the subgenual cingulate cortex, an area involved in prosocial emotions, social group identification and social bonding.

RESUMO. Neste artigo, buscamos fazer um resgate histórico das origens, bem como das relações interculturais presentes no Maracatu Rural ou de Baque Solto, da Zona da Mata de Pernambuco, estabelecidas com outros folguedos da cultura popular pernambucana, a exemplo do cambinda, do bumba meu boi, do cavalo-marinho e, sobretudo, do Maracatu Nação ou de Baque Virado. Tomando como fundamento de que só se pode caracterizar ou definir uma cultura por oposição às demais (RASTIER,2015), no caso específico dos maracatus, defendemos que o de baque solto não pode ser concebido como uma variante do maracatu nação, mas como produto de uma complexa combinação de fatores. Sua dança, sua música, seus atores, seus temas e figuras são representativos de um riquíssimo amálgama das mais diversas manifestações culturais, permitindo caracterizá-lo como de cultura cosmopolita. e não, apenas, representativo da cultura popular do estado de Pernambuco. Palavras-chave: Maracatu Rural. Cultural Popular. Interculturalidade. ABSTRACT. In this article, we seek to make a historical rescue of the origins of Maracatu Rural, as well as intercultural relations present between Maracatu Rural or Maracatu de Baque Solto, from Pernambuco, Brazil, and other popular folkloric styles of that Brazilian state, such as Bumba meu boi, the Cavalo-marinho and, above all, Maracatu Nação or Maracatu de Baque Virado. We consider that one can only characterize or define one culture in opposition to the others and, in the pecific case of maracatus, we argue that the Maracatu de Baque Solto can not be conceived as a variant of the Maracatu Nação, but as the product of a complex combination of factors. Its dance, its music, its actors, its themes and figures are representative of a rich amalgam of the most diverse cultural manifestations of Pernambuco. This multicultural character of Maracatu Rural is precisely what makes it so representative of the popular culture of the state of Pernambuco. Keywords: Maracatu Rural. Popular Culture. Interculturality.

This article is concerned with dance as an embodied form of collective remembering in the Andean department of Ayacucho in Peru. Andean dance and fiesta are inextricably linked with notions of identity, cultural heritage and history. Rather than being simply aesthetic —steps to music or a series of movements — dance is readable as being a deeper embodiment of the broader struggles and concerns of a people. As anthropologist Zoila Mendoza writes, in post-colonial countries such as those in Africa and Latin America, dance is and was a means “through which people contested, domesticated and reworked signs of domination in their society” (39). Andean dance has long been a space of contestation and resistance (Abercrombie; Bigenho; Isbell; Mendoza; Stern). It also functions as a repository, a dynamic archive which holds and tells the collective narrative of a cultural time and space. As Jane Cowan observes “dance is much more than knowing the steps; it involves both social knowledge and social power” (xii). In cultures where the written word has not played a central role in the construction and transmission of knowledge, dance is a particularly rich resource for understanding. “Embodied practice, along with and bound up with other cultural practices, offers a way of knowing” (Taylor 3). This is certainly true in the Andes of Peru where dance, music and fiesta are central to social, cultural, economic and political life. This article combines the areas of cultural memory with aspects of dance anthropology in a bid to reveal what is often unspoken and discover new ways of accessing and understanding non-verbal forms of memory through the embodied medium of dance. In societies where dance is integral to daily life the dance becomes an important resource for a deeper understanding of social and cultural memory. However, this characteristic of the dance has been largely overlooked in the field of memory studies. Paul Connerton writes, “… that there is an aspect of social memory which has been greatly ignored but is absolutely essential: bodily social memory” (382). I am interested in the role of dance as a site memory because as a dancer I am acutely aware of embodied memory and of the importance of dance as a narrative mode, not only for the dancer but also for the spectator. This article explores the case study of rural carnival performed in the city of Huamanga, in the Andean department of Ayacucho and includes interviews I conducted with rural campesinos (this literally translates as people from the country, however, it is a complex term imbedded with notions of class and race) between June 2009 and March 2010. Through examining the transformative effect of what I call the chorography of place, I argue that rural campesinos embody the memory of place, dancing that place into being in the urban setting as a means of remembering and maintaining connection to their homeland and salvaging cultural heritage.The department of Ayacucho is located in the South-Central Andes of Peru. The majority of the population are Quechua-speaking campesinos many of whom live in extreme poverty. Nestled in a cradle of mountains at 2,700 meters above sea level is the capital city of the same name. However, residents prefer the pre-revolutionary name of Huamanga. This is largely due to the fact that the word Ayacucho is a combination of two Quechua words Aya and Kucho which translate as Corner of the Dead. Given the recent history of the department it is not surprising that residents refer to their city as Huamanga instead of Ayacucho. Since 1980 the department of Ayacucho has become known as the birthplace of Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path) and the ensuing 20 years of political violence between Sendero and counter insurgency forces. In 2000, the interim government convened the Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC – CVR Spanish). In 2003, the TRC released its report which found that over 69,000 people were killed or disappeared during the conflict and hundreds of thousands more were forced to leave their homes (CVR). Those most affected by the violence and human rights abuses were predominantly from the rural population of the central-southern Andes (CVR). Following the release of the TRC Report the department of Ayacucho has become a centre for memory studies investigations and commemorative ceremonies. Whilst there are many traditional arts and creative expressions which commemorate or depict some aspect of the violence, dance is not used it this way. Rather, I contend that the dance is being salvaged as a means of remembering and connecting to place. Migration Brings ChangeAs a direct result of the political violence, the city of Huamanga experienced a large influx of people from the surrounding rural areas, who moved to the city in search of relative safety. Rapid forced migration from the country to the city made integration very difficult due to the sheer volume of displaced populations (Coronel 2). As a result of the internal conflict approximately 450 rural communities in the southern-central Andes were either abandoned or destroyed; 300 of these were in the department of Ayacucho. As a result, Huamanga experienced an enormous influx of rural migrants. In fact, according to the United Nations International Human Rights Instruments, 30 per cent of all people displaced by the violence moved to Ayacucho (par. 39). As campesinos moved to the city in search of safety they formed new neighbourhoods on the outskirts of the city. Although many are now settled in Huamanga, holding professional positions, working in restaurants, running stalls, or owning shops, most maintain strong links to their community of origin. The ways in which individuals sustain connection to their homelands are many and varied. However, dance and fiesta play a central role in maintaining connection.During the years of violence, Sendero Luminoso actively prohibited the celebration of traditional ceremonies and festivals which they considered to be “archaic superstition” (Garcia 40). Reprisals for defying Sendero Luminoso directives were brutal; as a result many rural inhabitants restricted their ritual practices for fear of the tuta puriqkuna or literally, night walkers (Ritter 27). This caused a sharp decline in ritual custom during the conflict (27).As a result, many Ayacuchano campesinos feel they have been robbed of their cultural heritage and identity. There is now a conscious effort to rescatar y recorder or to salvage and remember what was been taken from them, or, in the words of Ruben Romani, a dance teacher from Huanta, “to salvage what was killed during the difficult years.”Los Carnavales Ayacuchanos Whilst carnival is celebrated in many parts of the world, the mention of carnival often evokes images of scantily clad Brazilians dancing to the samba rhythms in the streets of Rio de Janeiro, or visions of elaborate floats and extravagant costumes. None of these are to be found in Huamanga. Rather, the carnival dances celebrated by campesinos in Huamanga are not celebrations of ‘the now’ or for the benefit of tourists, but rather they are embodiments of the memory of a lost place. During carnival, that lost or left homeland is danced into being in the urban setting as a means of maintaining a connection to the homeland and of salvaging cultural heritage.In the Andes, carnival coincides with the first harvest and is associated with fertility and giving thanks. It is considered a time of joy and to be a great leveller. In Huamanga carnival is one of the most anticipated fiestas of the year. As I was told many times “carnival is for everyone” and “we all participate.” From the old to the very young, the rich and poor, men and women all participate in carnival."We all participate." Carnavales Rurales (rural carnival) is celebrated each Sunday during the three weeks leading up to the official time of carnival before Lent. Campesinos from the same rural communities, join together to form comparsas, or groups. Those who participate identify as campesinos; even though many participants have lived in the city for more than 20 years. Some of the younger participants were born in the city. Whilst some campesinos, displaced by the violence, are now returning to their communities, many more have chosen to remain in Huamanga. One such person is Rómulo Canales Bautista. Rómulo dances with the comparsa Claveles de Vinchos.Rómulo Bautista dancing the carnival of VinchosOriginally from Vinchos, Rómulo moved to Huamanga in search of safety when he was a boy after his father was killed. Like many who participate in rural carnival, Rómulo has lived in Huamanga for a many years and for the most part he lives a very urban existence. He completed his studies at the university and works as a professional with no plans to return permanently to Vinchos. However, Rómulo considers himself to be campesino, stating “I am campesino. I identify myself as I am.” Rómulo laughed as he explained “I was not born dancing.” Since moving to Huamanga, Rómulo learned the carnival dance of Vinchos as a means of feeling a connection to his place of origin. He now participates in rural carnival each year and is the captain of his comparsa. For Rómulo, carnival is his cultural inheritance and that which connects him to his homeland. Living and working in the urban setting whilst maintaining strong links to their homelands through the embodied expressions of fiesta, migrants like Rómulo negotiate and move between an urbanised mestizo identity and a rural campesino identity. However, for rural migrants living in Huamanga, it is campesino identity which holds greater importance during carnival. This is because carnival allows participants to feel a visceral connection to both land and ancestry. As Gerardo Muñoz, a sixty-seven year old migrant from Chilcas explained “We want to make our culture live again, it is our patrimony, it is what our grandfathers have left us of their wisdom and how it used to be. This is what we cultivate through our carnival.”The Plaza TransformedComparsa from Huanta enter the PlazaEach Sunday during the three weeks leading up to the official time of carnival the central Plaza is transformed by the dance, music and song of up to seventy comparsas participating in Carnavales Rurales. Rural Carnival has a transformative effect not only on participants but also on the wider urban population. At this time campesinos, who are generally marginalised, discounted or actively discriminated against, briefly hold a place of power and respect. For a few hours each Sunday they are treated as masters of an ancient art. It is no easy task to conjure the dynamic sensory world of dance in words. As Deidre Sklar questions, “how is the ineffable to be made available in words? How shall I draw out the effects of dancing? Imperfectly, and slowly, bit by bit, building fragments of sensation and association so that its pieces lock in with your sensory memories like a jigsaw puzzle” (17).Recalling the DanceAs comparsas arrive in the Plaza there is creative chaos and the atmosphere hums with excitement as more and more comparsas gather for the pasecalle or parade. At the corner of the plaza, the deafening crack of fire works, accompanied by the sounds of music and the blasting of whistles announce the impending arrival of another comparsa. They are Los Hijos de Chilcas from Chilcas in La Mar in the north-east of the department. They proudly dance and sing their way into the Plaza – bodies strong, their movements powerful yet fluid. Their heads are lifted to greet the crowd, their chests wide and open, eyes bright with pride. Led by the capitán, the dancers form two long lines in pairs the men at the front, followed by the women. All the men carry warakas, long whips of plaited leather which they crack in the air as they dance. These are ancient weapons which are later used in a ritual battle. They dance in a swinging stepping motion that swerves and snakes, winds and weaves along the road. At various intervals the two lines open out, doubling back on themselves creating two semicircles. The men wear frontales, pieces of material which hang down the front of the legs, attached with long brightly coloured ribbons. The dancers make high stepping motions, kicking the frontales up in the air as they go; as if moving through high grasses. The ribbons swish and fly around the men and they are clouded in a blur of colour and movement. The women follow carrying warakitas, which are shorter and much finer. They hold their whips in two hands, stretched wide in front of their bodies or sweeping from side to side above their heads. They wear large brightly coloured skirts known as polleras made from heavy material which swish and swoosh as they dance from side to side – step, touch together, bounce; step, touch together, bounce. The women follow the serpent pattern of the men. Behind the women are the musicians playing guitars, quenas and tinyas. The musicians are followed by five older men dressed in pants and suit coats carrying ponchos draped over the right shoulder. They represent the traditional community authorities known as Varayuq and karguyuq. The oldest of the men is carrying the symbols of leadership – the staff and the whip.The Choreography of PlaceFor the members of Los Hijos de Chilcas the dance represents the topography of their homeland. The steps and choreography are created and informed by the dancers’ relationship to the land from which they come. La Mar is a very mountainous region where, as one dancer explained, it is impossible to walk a straight line up or down the terrain. One must therefore weave a winding path so as not to slip and fall. As the dancers snake and weave, curl and wind they literally dance their “place” of origin into being. With each swaying movement of their body, with each turn and with every footfall on the earth, dancers lay the mountainous terrain of La Mar along the paved roads of the Plaza. The flying ribbons of the frontales evoke the long grasses of the hillsides. “The steps are danced in the form of a zigzag which represents the changeable and curvilinear paths that join the towns, as well as creating the figure eight which represents the eight anexos of the district” (Carnaval Tradicional). Los Hijos de ChilcasThe weaving patterns and the figure eights of the dance create a choreography of place, which reflects and evoke the land. This choreography of place is built upon with each step of the dance many of which emulate the native fauna. One of the dancers explained whilst demonstrating a hopping step “this is the step of a little bird” common to La Mar. With his body bent forward from the waist, left hand behind his back and elbow out to the side like a wing, stepping forward on the left leg and sweeping the right leg in half circle motion, he indeed resembled a little bird hopping along the ground. Other animals such as the luwichu or deer are also represented through movement and costume.Katrina Teaiwa notes that the peoples of the South Pacific dance to embody “not space but place”. This is true also for campesinos from Chilcas living in the urban setting, who invoke their place of origin and the time of the ancestors as they dance their carnival. The notion of place is not merely terrain. It includes the nature elements, the ancestors and those who also those who have passed away. The province of La Mar was one of the most severely affected areas during the years of internal armed conflict especially during 1983-1984. More than 1,400 deaths and disappearances were reported to the TRC for this period alone (CVR). Hundreds of people were forced to leave their homes and in many communities it became impossible to celebrate fiestas. Through the choreography of place dancers transform the urban streets and dance the very land of their origin into being, claiming the urban streets as their own. The importance of this act can not be overstated for campesinos who have lost family members and were forced to leave their communities during the years of violence. As Deborah Poole has noted dance is “…the active Andean voice …” (99). As comparsa members teach their children the carnival dance of their parents and grandparents they maintain ancestral connections and pass on the stories and embodied memories of their homes. Much of the literature on carnival views it as a release valve which allows a temporary freedom but which ultimately functions to reinforce established structures. This is no longer the case in Huamanga. The transformative effect of rural carnival goes beyond the moment of the dance. Through dancing the choreography of place campesinos salvage and restore that which was taken from them; the effects of which are felt by both the dancer and spectator.ConclusionThe closer examination of dance as embodied memory reveals those memory practices which may not necessarily voice the violence directly, but which are enacted, funded and embodied and thus, important to the people most affected by the years of conflict and violence. In conclusion, the dance of rural carnival functions as embodied memory which is danced into being through collective participation; through many bodies working together. Dancers who participate in rural carnival have absorbed the land sensorially and embodied it. Through dancing the land they give it form and bring embodied memory into being, imbuing the paved roads of the plaza with the mountainous terrain of their home land. For those born in the city, they come to know their ancestral land through the Andean voice of dance. The dance of carnival functions in a unique way making it possible for participants recall their homelands through a physical memory and to dance their place into being wherever they are. This corporeal memory goes beyond the normal understanding of memory as being of the mind for as Connerton notes “images of the past are remembered by way of ritual performances that are ‘stored’ in a bodily memory” (89). ReferencesAbercrombie, Thomas A. “La fiesta de carnaval postcolonial en Oruro: Clase, etnicidad y nacionalismo en la danza folklórica.” Revista Andina 10.2 (1992): 279-352.Carnaval Tradicional del Distrito de Chilcas – La Mar, Comparsas de La Asociación Social – Cultural “Los Hijos de Chilcas y Anexos”, pamphlet handed to the judges of the Atipinakuy, 2010.CVR. Informe Final. Lima: Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación, 2003. 1 March 2008 < http://www.cverdad.org.pe >.Bigenho, Michelle. “Sensing Locality in Yura: Rituals of Carnival and of the Bolivian State.” American Ethnologist 26.4 (1999): 95-80.Connerton, Paul. How Societies Remember. Cambridge; Cambridge University Press, 1989.Coronel Aguirre, José, M. Cabrera Romero, G. Machaca Calle, and R. Ochatoma Paravivino. “Análisis de acciones del carnaval ayacuchano – 1986.” Carnaval en Ayacucho, CEDIFA, Investigaciones No. 1, 1986.Cowan, Jane. Dance and the Body Politic in Northern Greece. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1990.Garcia, Maria Elena. Making Indigenous Citizens: Identities, Education and Multicultural Development in Peru. California: Stanford University Press, 2005.Isbelle, Billie Jean. To Defend Ourselves: Ecology and Ritual in an Andean Village. Illinois: Waveland Press, 1985.Mendoza, Zoila S. Shaping Society through Dance: Mestizo Ritual Performance in the Peruvian Andes. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000.Poole, Deborah. “Andean Ritual Dance.” TDR 34.2 (Summer 1990): 98-126.Ritter, Jonathan. “Siren Songs: Ritual and Revolution in the Peruvian Andes.” British Journal of Ethnomusicology 11.1 (2002): 9-42.Sklar, Deidre. “‘All the Dances Have a Meaning to That Apparition”: Felt Knowledge and the Danzantes of Tortugas, New Mexico.” Dance Research Journal 31.2 (Autumn 1999): 14-33.Stern, Steve J. Peru’s Indian Peoples and the Challenge of Spanish Conquest: Huamanga to 1640. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1982.Taylor, Diana. The Archive and the Repertoire: Performing Cultural Memory in the Americas. Durham: Duke University Press, 2003.Teaiwa, Katerina. "Challenges to Dance! Choreographing History in Oceania." Paper for Greg Denning Memorial Lecture, Melbourne University, Melbourne, 14 Oct. 2010.United Nations International Human Rights Instruments. Core Document Forming Part of the Reports of States Parties: Peru. 27 June 1995. HRI/CORE/1/Add.43/Rev.1. 12 May 2012 < http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/3ae6ae1f8.html >.

Abstract: In Latin America at mid-century, the formal media of communication (press, radio, cinema) satisfied the tastes of the colonizing elites for European and American programming, while the informal types of communication (songs, dances, poetry) remained faithful to indigenous local values. In the 1970s, the extension of broadcasting systems created a demand for popular cultural programming. There was also an increase in the regional exchange of programming between Latin American nations. Gradually, Latin American popular programs have begun to co-exist naturally with imported ones. Using Brazil as a case study, the article details some Brazilian networks' (Globo, Manchete, Bandeirantes) recent success as international exporters of popular genres (telenovelas, popular music), as Latin America begins to overcome its history of cultural dependency. Résumé: En Amérique latine à mi-siècle, les moyens de communication formels (presse, radio, cinéma) répondaient aux demandes des élites métropolitaines pour des émissions européenes et nord-américaines, pendant que les genres de communication informels (chansons, danses, poésie) ont resté fidèles aux valeurs locaux et indigènes. Dans les années soixante-dix, l'extension des systèmes de radiodiffusion crée une demande pour des émissions culturelles populaires. Il y avait aussi une hausse dans l'échange régionale d'émissions entre des pays de l'Amérique latine. Graduellement, les émissions populaires de l'Amérique latine commençent à coexister naturellement avec des émissions importées. Prenant comme exemple le Brésil, cette étude démontre les succès récents de quelques réseaux de télévision brésiliens (Globo, Manchete, Bandeirantes) comme exportateurs internationaux des genres populaires (téléromans, musique populaire) pendant que l'Amérique latine commence à surmonter son histoire de dépendance culturelle.

Desde a década de 70, nas favelas cariocas, boa parte da produção cultural e de entretenimento está diretamente ligada à música negra norte-americana, passando por releituras em sua estrutura rítmica e adaptando as letras para o cenário nacional. A favela tem ocupado um lugar decisivo na produção e consumo musical, principalmente nos bailes funk, ambientes propícios à suspensão dos problemas do cotidiano, interação entre diferentes classes sociais, geração de renda e lócus privilegiado para demonstração do poder das facções. A música, nesse contexto, torna-se importante forma de comunicação e passa a ocupar um lugar central nas discussões sobre ordem urbana. Os dados apresentados são resultado de entrevistas em favelas entre 2005 e 2009, e no retorno a campo em 2012. Serão analisadas letras classificadas como “proibidas”, documentos produzidos pelo Estado durante a implantação das UPPS e um número especial da revista do Instituto Brasileiro de Análises Sociais (Ibase) sobre o tema. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Favela. Conflitos sociais. Cultura. Ordem urbana. Polícia. NOW LOWER THE SOUND: UPPS, order and music in the city of Rio de Janeiro Luciane Soares da Silva Since the 70s, the slums, much of the cultural production and entertainment, is directly linked to black American music, through readings in its rhythmic structure and adapting the lyrics to the national scene. The slum has played a decisive role in the musical production and consumption, especially in dances “funk”, environments conducive to the suspension of everyday problems, interaction between different social classes, income generation and privileged locus for demonstration of the power of the factions. The music in this context, it becomes important form of communication and now occupies a central place in discussions of order and right to the city. After the establishment of the Police Pacification Units (UPPS), changes relating to the dances have generated problems between patrons and police. Around music, important symbolic disputes occur, since the social control exercised by the state, with more intensity on the prom goers, between 14 and 30 years. At the same time, a significant amount of funk banned still circulate through the city, with reviews will Municipality of the city of Rio de Janeiro, the state government and the federal government by way of driving occupations. The data presented are the result of interviews in slums between 2005 and 2009, and return to the field in 2012. Will be analyzed letters classified as “prohibited”, documents produced by the state during initiation of UPPS, and a special issue of the Brazilian Institute for Social Analyses (IBASE) on the topico. KEYWORDS: Slum. Social conflicts. Culture. Urban order. Police. MAINTENANT BAISSE LE SON : UPPS, ordre et musique dans la ville de Rio de Janeiro Luciane Soares da Silva Depuis les années 70, dans les favelas de Rio de Janeiro, une bonne partie de la production culturelle et des divertissements est directement influencée par la musique noire nord-américaine marquée par une nouvelle lecture de sa structure rythmique et adaptant les paroles des chansons au scénario national. La favela occupe une place de choix dans la production et la consommation musicale, essentiellement dans les bals funk, ambiances propices à l’oubli des problèmes quotidiens, à l’interaction entre les différentes classes sociales, source de revenus et lieu privilégié pour la démonstration du pouvoir des factions. Dans ce contexte, la musique devient un moyen important de communication et occupe désormais une place centrale dans les discussions concernant l’ordre urbain. Les données présentées sont le résultat d’interviews faites dans les favelas de 2005 à 2009, puis d’un retour sur le terrain en 2012. On analyse les paroles considérées “interdites”, les documents produits par l’Etat pendant l’implantation des UPPS et un numéro spécial de la revue de l’Institut Brésilien d’Analyses Sociales (IBASE) édité sur ce thème. MOTS-CLÉS: Favela. Conflits sociaux. Culture. Ordre urbain. Police. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH no Scielo: http://www.scielo.br/ccrh Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br