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1
Torelly, Marcelo. "Assessing a Late Truth Commission: Challenges and Achievements of the Brazilian National Truth Commission." International Journal of Transitional Justice 12, no. 2 (February 14, 2018): 194–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijtj/ijy002.
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Nelaeva, G., and N. Sidorova. "Transitional Justice in South Africa and Brazil: Introducing a Gendered Approach to Reconciliation." BRICS Law Journal 6, no. 2 (June 13, 2019): 82–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.21684/2412-2343-2019-6-2-82-107.
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The concept of transitional justice has been associated with the periods of political change when a country emerges from a war or turmoil and attempts to address the wrongdoings of the past. Among various instruments of transitional justice, truth commissions stand out as an example of a non-judicial form of addressing the crimes of the past. While their setup and operation can be criticized on different grounds, including excessive politization of hearings and the virtual impossibility of meaningfully assessing their impact, it has been widely acknowledged in the literature that the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa can be regarded as a success story due to its relatively strong mandate and widespread coverage and resonance it had in South African society. We would like to compare this commission from the 1990s with a more recent example, the Brazilian National Truth Commission, so as to be able to address the question of incorporation of gendered aspects in transitional justice (including examination of sexual violence cases, representation of women in truth-telling bodies, etc.), since gender often remains an overlooked and silenced aspect in such initiatives. Gendered narratives of transitional justice often do not fit into the wider narratives of post-war reconciliation. A more general question addressed in this research is whether the lack of formal procedure in truth commissions facilitates or hinders examination of sexual crimes in transitional settings.
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Lissovsky, Mauricio, and Ana Lígia Leite e Aguiar. "The Brazilian dictatorship and the battle of images." Memory Studies 8, no. 1 (October 8, 2014): 22–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698014552404.
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In contrast to other South American countries, in Brazil, where a military dictatorship (1964–1985) incarcerated, tortured and ‘disappeared’ countless opponents, there have been very few initiatives to construct a public memory in the form of memorials and museums. Only recently, when the National Truth Commission was set up in 2012, debates on the importance of memory re-emerged, including a significant increase in the number of proposals to construct memorials of national importance, taking as their point of reference the coup in which the military seized power 50 years ago. This text offers a study of news sections dealing with memories of the Brazilian dictatorship and the activities of the National Truth Commission as they were reported in the daily press between 2012 and 2014 as well as visits to some of the monuments and memorials erected or planned after the end of the dictatorship in various parts of the country. Cases studied are divided into two groups: first, monuments stemming from the transition to democracy and the political pact that underwrote it, and second, cases that reflect the fragility of this pact and the efforts to undertake a revision of its terms. Rather than one succeeding the other, these two versions of memory are interdependent and have contested the hegemony of public initiatives to shape our memory of the period.
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Furtado, Henrique. "On demons and dreamers: Violence, silence and the politics of impunity in the Brazilian Truth Commission." Security Dialogue 48, no. 4 (June 23, 2017): 316–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010617696237.
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Measures towards post-conflict or post-authoritarian justice have historically relied on the merging of the concepts of silence, violence and impunity in order to create a single promise of justice. Scholars and practitioners in the field usually defend a trifold agenda of breaking the silence about violations of human rights, denouncing systematic violence in the past and fighting impunity as the only way of ensuring that violence never happens again. This trope was mobilized in Brazil in 2014, when the report of the country’s National Truth Commission (CNV) was released. However, in the Brazilian case, truth-seeking also produced its own form of ‘silence’. Whereas the CNV commendably denounced 377 perpetrators as the ‘demons’ responsible for implementing a state of terror during the last dictatorship (1964–1985), it also created a depoliticized and victimized idea of leftist militants as mere dreamers who fought for liberty and democracy in the past. By representing leftist militants as freedom fighters, the CNV silenced their fundamental ideas (and actions) regarding the concept of revolutionary violence and its radical programme of structural change. In this article, I provide an explanation that connects the CNV’s ‘silencing’ of this political project to the unreflective merging between the concepts of silence, violence and impunity in the literature. Via a narrative analysis of the CNV’s report and a critique of transitional justice debates, I argue that the silence on the political project of the radical left in Brazil echoes transitional justice’s silence about the complexities of violence in general.
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Da Costa, Alessandra de Sá Mello, Marcelo Almeida de Carvalho Silva, and Carlos Arthur Vieira Monteiro. "EMPRESAS, DITADURA CIVIL MILITAR BRASILEIRA E CENTROS DE MEMÓRIA E DOCUMENTAÇÃO CORPORATIVOS: UM ESTUDO EXPLORATÓRIO." Logeion: Filosofia da Informação 2, no. 1 (September 24, 2015): 122–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21728/logeion.2016v2n1.p122-144.
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De 1964 a 1985 o Brasil viveu sob um regime de governo ditatorial que de acordo com a historiografia mais recente foi sustentado, em grande parte, pela própria sociedade civil (MELO, 2012; COMISSÃO, 2014). Mais recentemente, a partir dos anos 1980, cresce o movimento de criação de espaços de memória corporativos com o objetivo de tornar pública a trajetória histórica das empresas (COSTA; SARAIVA, 2011). Dentre estes espaços, adquire relevância os Centros de Memória e documentação como lugares de armazenamento e lembrança de memória organizacional, que ajudam a construir simbolicamente a imagem organizacional e a fornecer um senso de coerência e trajetória linear (RIBEIRO; BARBOSA, 2007). Neste contexto, e com base na documentação disponibilizada pela Comissão Nacional da Verdade, a presente pesquisa tem por objetivo identificar como o Museu Histórico da Fundação Bradesco retrata (ou deixa de retratar) o relacionamento da empresa Bradesco com o governo brasileiro no período da ditadura civil-militar. FIRMS, BRAZILIAN CIVIL-MILITARE DICTATORSHIP, AND MEMORY AND CORPORATIVE DOCUMENTATION CENTERS: AN EXPLORATORY STUDY From 1964 to 1985, Brazil lived under a dictatorial system of government that according to the latest historiography was sustained largely by civil society (MELO, 2012; COMISSÃO, 2014). More recently, since the 1980s, it is possible to be noticed the growing movement of creation of corporate memory spaces in order to make public the historical trajectory of the companies (COSTA and SARAIVA, 2011). Among these spaces, acquires relevance the Corporate Documentation and Memory Centers, which help to symbolically build the organizational image and to provide a sense of consistency and linear trajectory (RIBEIRO and BARBOSA, 2007). In this context, and based on documentation provided by the National Commission of Truth, this research aims to identify how the History Museum of Bradesco Foundation portrays (or does not portray) the relationship between Bradesco company and the Brazilian government in the period of civil-military dictatorship.
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Weissbrodt, David, and Paul W. Fraser. "Report of the Chilean National Commission on Truth and Reconciliation." Human Rights Quarterly 14, no. 4 (November 1992): 601. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/762329.
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Maxwell, Kenneth. "Report of the Chilean National Commission on Truth and Reconciliation." Foreign Affairs 73, no. 4 (1994): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20046790.
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Carranza Ko, Ñusta. "South Korea’s collective memory of past human rights abuses." Memory Studies 13, no. 6 (October 23, 2018): 1113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698018806938.
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Embedded in transitional justice processes is an implicit reference to the production of collective memory and history. This article aims to study how memory initiatives become a crucial component of truth-seeking and reparations processes. The article examines South Korea’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the creation of collective memory through symbolic reparations of history revision in education. The South Korean Truth and Reconciliation Commission recommended a set of symbolic reparations to the state, including history rectification reflective of the truth on human rights violations. Using political discourse analysis, this study compares the South Korean Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s Final Report to the 2016 national history textbook. The article finds that the language of human rights in state sponsored history revisions contests the findings of the truth commission. And in doing so, this analysis argues for the need to reevaluate the government-initiated memory politics even in a democratic state that instituted numerous truth commissions and prosecuted former heads of state.
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du Plessis, Max, and Jolyon Ford. "TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE: A FUTURE TRUTH COMMISSION FOR ZIMBABWE?" International and Comparative Law Quarterly 58, no. 1 (January 2009): 73–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002058930800081x.
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AbstractAn eventual sustained democratic transition process in Zimbabwe may include a ‘truth and reconciliation’ commission. The need for—and possible form of—any such institution is situated in a number of discussions: the balance of principle and pragmatism that peace deals sometimes require; comparative experiences in other societies and the promise and limits of institutional modelling; the dynamic between global expectations or prescriptions and ground-level exigencies; the interface of international criminal law and institutions with national-level justice processes; the content of the State's international legal duty to afford a remedy. In considering the extent of an international normative framework limiting the justice options of transitional States, a certain margin of appreciation may be appropriate or necessary to enable a society to reconcile with its violent past on its own terms.
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Burton, Mary. "Custodians of Memory: South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission." International Journal of Legal Information 32, no. 2 (2004): 417–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500004236.
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South Africa is widely admired for its peaceful transition from a period of discrimination and oppression to a legitimate functioning democracy in which human rights are recognized and protected by the Constitution and the courts. Nevertheless, it is still a country traumatized by its recent past. There is a great need for building and strengthening processes of development, reparation, reconciliation and the healing of painful memories. The country has just celebrated National Heritage Day, and these memorial occasions are important in reminding us all of how far we have come, and the people and events which brought us to this point.
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Ameh, Robert Kwame. "Uncovering Truth: Ghana’s National Reconciliation Commission Excavation of Past Human Rights Abuses1." Contemporary Justice Review 9, no. 4 (December 2006): 345–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10282580601014284.
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Kim, Hun Joon. "Local, National, and International Determinants of Truth Commission: The South Korean Experience." Human Rights Quarterly 34, no. 3 (2012): 726–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hrq.2012.0058.
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Southern, Neil. "Conflict Transformation and Truth-Seeking: The Impact of South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission on the National Party." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 21, no. 3 (July 3, 2015): 335–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2015.1063918.
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Gadoua, Marie-Pierre. "The Inuit presence at the first Canadian Truth and Reconciliation Commission national event." Études/Inuit/Studies 34, no. 2 (June 16, 2011): 167–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1004096ar.
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This paper addresses various forms of healing and reconciliation among Canadian Inuit and First Nations, in regards to the Indian residential school system and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). Stemming from fieldwork at the TRC’s first national event in Winnipeg (June 2010), I present observations that are supplemented by previous studies on Aboriginal healing methods in Canada. Although Inuit and First Nations healing and reconciliation strategies are based on common themes—tradition and community—in practice they diverge notably, both in their principles and in their applications. First Nations seek healing by activating a sense of community that often transcends their specific cultural group or nation, using pan-Indian spiritual traditions and ceremonies. In contrast, the Inuit most commonly seek to preserve and promote specific Inuit traditions and identity as tools in their healing practices. This divergence could be seen in Inuit and First Nations’ participation in the TRC. The creation of the Inuit sub-commission within the TRC in March 2010, resulting from intense lobbying by Inuit leaders, was a first sign of the group’s distinctive approach to healing. But the unfolding of the TRC’s first national event in Winnipeg showed again how these differences materialise in practice and contribute to a better understanding of Inuit responses to the repercussions of their colonial past and strategies for healing from the legacy of residential schooling.
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Schneider, Nina. "‘Too little too late’ or ‘Premature’? The Brazilian Truth Commission and the Question of ‘Best Timing’." Journal of Iberian and Latin American Research 19, no. 1 (July 2013): 149–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13260219.2013.806017.
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Stahn, Carsten. "Accommodating Individual Criminal Responsibility and National Reconciliation: The UN Truth Commission for East Timor." American Journal of International Law 95, no. 4 (October 2001): 952–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2674655.
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The population of East Timor has been subjected to severe human rights violations, in both the near and the more distant past.1 Indonesia invaded the former Portuguese colony and non-self-governing territory under Chapter XI of the United Nations Charter on December 7,1975, after a period of civil turmoil and political instability marked by parallel claims to independence and calls for integration into Indonesia.2 The Indonesian invasion brought with it massive violations of human rights and the laws of war.3 Military clashes between the independence movement FRETILIN (Frente Revolucionaria do Timor Leste Independente) and Indonesia continued on a large scale until 1979, though rebellion against Indonesian rule generally persisted for the whole period of Indonesian occupation. Beginning in January 1999, pro-Indonesian militia, supported by Indonesian security forces.
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Costa, Alessandra Mello, and Marcelo Almeida De Carvalho Silva. "Beyond The Official Corporate History: The Archives of the National Truth Commission in Brazil." Academy of Management Proceedings 2018, no. 1 (August 2018): 13546. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2018.13546abstract.
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Walker, Melanie, and Elaine Unterhalter. "Knowledge, Narrative and National Reconciliation: Storied reflections on the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission." Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education 25, no. 2 (June 2004): 279–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01596300410001692184.
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Webster, David. "Truth and reconciliation in Southeast Asia and the Melanesian Pacific: Potential Canadian contributions and potential lessons for Canada." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 72, no. 1 (February 24, 2017): 120–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702017695215.
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Recent experiences with truth and reconciliation processes in Southeast Asia and the Southwest Pacific suggest that there is a role for historical research and memory in helping to build sustainable peace and stability in new nations—and conversely, that ignoring violent pasts undermines peacebuilding efforts. Two truth commissions have operated in this region, in Timor-Leste (East Timor) and Solomon Islands. There are also calls for truth and reconciliation processes in Indonesia at the national and local levels, including in (West) Papua. As the only Western developed country to have held a full truth commission, Canada could play a powerful role in promoting and supporting mutual dialogue on the implementation of truth and reconciliation outside its borders. We can derive both potential lessons and recommendations for Canadian action to promote truth and reconciliation processes from the cases of Indonesia, Solomon Islands, and Timor-Leste.
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Popkin, Margaret, and Naomi Roht-Arriaza. "Truth as Justice: Investigatory Commissions in Latin America." Law & Social Inquiry 20, no. 01 (1995): 79–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1995.tb00683.x.
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In recent years, Latin American countries have sought to come to terms with prior periods of widespread human rights violations, relying increasingly on investigatory commissions. Investigatory efforts have been undertaken by democratically elected governments that replaced military dictatorships, by UN-sponsored commissions as part of a UN-mediated peace process, and by national human rights commissioners. This article examines truth commissions in Chile and El Salvador, an investigatory effort in Honduras, and a proposed commission in Guatemala. It compares the achievements and limitations of these commissions within the political constraints and institutional reality of each country, focusing on four major goals: the effort to create an authoritative account of the past; vindication of victims; recommendations for legislative, structural, or other changes to avoid repetition of past abuses; and establishing accountability or the identity of perpetrators.
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Zanella, Diego Carlos. "Is the Brazilian made Bioethics social?" JAHR 12, no. 1 (2021): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.21860/j.12.1.5.
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This paper aims to present the panorama in which bioethics was found in Brazil. For this, exploratory descriptive and documentary research will be carried out on the emergence of bioethics as a field of research and its process of institutionalization in Brazil. In this sense, three facts are very significant: i) the creation of a bi-annual journal, Revista Bioética, published by the Federal Council of Medicine (CFM) in 1993; ii) the creation of the Brazilian Society of Bioethics (SBB) in 1995 to bring together researchers and people from different academic areas interested in bioethics; and iii) the edition of Resolution N.° 196 of October 10, 1996, of the National Health Council (CNS), which created the Brazilian Research Ethics System, that is, the Research Ethics Committees (CEP) and the National Research Ethics Commission (CONEP). These three facts will allow to identify which are the main defining elements and how they form the first theoretical models of Brazilian bioethics. Thus, this research will allow the building of a panorama of Brazilian bioethics, in which the characteristic notes of such a bioethical thought will be identified.
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DeLugan, Robin. "Museums, Memory, and the Just Nation in Post-Civil War El Salvador." Museum and Society 13, no. 3 (July 1, 2015): 266–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.29311/mas.v13i3.330.
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In 1992 El Salvador ended a 12-year civil war infamous in part for the high level of state violence against innocent civilians. A United Nations Truth Commission report, which detailed these and other excesses, recommended that state and society commemorate the war and its violence to advance the establishment of a more just nation. The postwar government did construct an impressive new National Museum of Anthropology to actively promote national culture, history, and identity. However, this important museum remains silent about the civil war. In contrast, new public—though not official - museums and monuments are finally bringing attention to the civil war and past state violence. This paper explores the social memory work of non-official museums, arguing that by combating silence and forgetting, their truth-telling aims to shape ideas about the nation and improve state-society dynamics.
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Guimarães, Marco Aurelio, Raffaela Arrabaça Francisco, Sergio Britto Garcia, Martin Evison, Maria Eliana Castro Pinheiro, Iara Xavier Pereira, Diva Santana, and Julie Alvina Guss Patrício. "Forensic investigation, truth and trust in the context of transitional justice in Brazil." Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal 3, no. 2 (2017): 74–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/hrv.3.2.6.
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Truth commissions are widely recognised tools used in negotiation following political repression. Their work may be underpinned by formal scientific investigation of human remains. This paper presents an analysis of the role of forensic investigations in the transition to democracy following the Brazilian military governments of 1964–85. It considers practices during the dictatorship and in the period following, making reference to analyses of truth commission work in jurisdictions other than Brazil, including those in which the investigation of clandestine burials has taken place. Attempts to conceal the fate of victims during the dictatorship, and the attempts of democratic governments to investigate them are described. Despite various initiatives since the end of the military government, many victims remain unidentified. In Brazil, as elsewhere, forensic investigations are susceptible to political and social influences, leading to a situation in which relatives struggle to obtain meaningful restitution and have little trust in the transitional justice process.
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de Almeida Teles. "Overcoming the Legacy of the Military Dictatorship through the National Truth Commission in Brazil: An Ongoing Debate." Portuguese Studies 37, no. 1 (2021): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.5699/portstudies.37.1.0005.
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O'Brien, Justin. "Inquiring for truth and the re-engineering of the corporate contract." Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 61, no. 1 (March 11, 2020): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v61i1.439.
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The British Prime Minister, Gordon Brown, has called for a global re-negotiation of a social contract between investment banking and wider society. Given the scale of the losses now borne by the taxpayer as a consequence of the global financial crisis in jurisdictions as diverse as Iceland, the United Kingdom, Ireland and the United States, the proposal has undoubted rhetorical strength. It is also exceptionally difficult to render operational, not least because of (purposive) ambiguity over what constitutes and who should decide terms of reference. Moreover, piecemeal change may not only not secure legitimacy but may also have enormous if unintended consequences for the conceptual underpinning of corporate and securities law and the resulting regulatory framework. At a national level, one mechanism proposed to address this issue is through the establishment of a 'truth commission' an option chosen by Iceland. A second option is to convene an independent commission, a mechanism used throughout the Commonwealth, or an independent tribunal of inquiry, as used with increased frequency in the Republic of Ireland throughout the 1990s but rejected in relation to the global financial crisis. A third option is to convene a bi-partisan political commission, as deployed in the United States. Each option is exceptionally problematic within the domestic context, not least because of contention over remit and degree to which the findings translate into policy changes. The difficulties are compounded when applied to multi-faceted multi-jurisdictional problems such as the global financial crisis. This article examines whether – and if so how – independent commissions can provide a mechanism to re-negotiate a social and corporate contract capable of external validation and replication, critical factors for the maintenance of legitimacy, or whether official discourse simply reinforces the politics of illusion, privileging symbolic posturing over substantive change.
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Anthonissen, Christine. "Autobiographical Narrative of Traumatic Experience: Disruption and Resilience in South African Truth Commission Testimonies." Applied Linguistics 41, no. 3 (March 12, 2020): 370–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/applin/amaa010.
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Abstract Following a suggestion by Crosthwaite (2005) that autobiographical narratives can be viewed as organizational practices, this article turns attention to events of recalling and articulating personal histories of trauma produced during and after the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) hearings of 1996–8. Witness testimonies at the TRC were institutionally framed to fit the aims of national reconciliation in ways that may have limited the kinds of contribution witnesses unfamiliar with the institutional structure could make. Discourses recorded at the human rights violations hearings of the TRC give evidence of speakers recalling traumatic events of state violence that disrupted their lives and displaced them both physically and psychologically. This article considers how traumatic experience poses challenges to the coherence of autobiographical narrative as well as how narrative structures that do not fit institutionally introduced formats can become opaque to the institutional setting. It will also reflect on how the Truth Commission narrations of trauma carry linguistic and cultural cues that signal not only disruption but also the resilience of the narrator.
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Hughes, Jula. "Instructive Past: Lessons from the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples for the Canadian Truth and Reconciliation Commission on Indian Residential Schools." Canadian journal of law and society 27, no. 1 (April 2012): 101–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjls.27.1.101.
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AbstractOver time, the Canadian state has used a variety of mechanisms to address its troubled relationship with its indigenous population, the most prominent of which so far was the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP). RCAP was mandated to develop both a constitutional framework and a comprehensive social-welfare policy. Staffed predominantly with constitutional lawyers, it articulated a sophisticated constitutional theory, which was not implemented, and did little to ameliorate the living conditions of Aboriginal people. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission on Indian Residential Schools (TRC), while arising from the settlement of a national class action, can be seen as a successor commission to RCAP. It follows in the procedural footprints of RCAP in a number of ways, including in the profile of its key appointments. This article argues that looking back at the successes and failures of RCAP can be instructive for the TRC as it carries out its mandate, allowing us to predict some areas that will be particularly challenging. In these areas, the TRC will require a departure from the RCAP blueprint if it is to achieve the ambitious goals of a TRC in a non-transitional-justice context.
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RONIGER, LUIS. "Transitional Justice and Protracted Accountability in Re-democratised Uruguay, 1985–2011." Journal of Latin American Studies 43, no. 4 (November 2011): 693–724. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x11000459.
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AbstractThis article analyses the protracted process by which democratised Uruguay has come to terms with its legacy of human rights violations. Central to this process has been the nature of Uruguayan transitional policies and their more recent partial unravelling. Due to the negotiated transition to electoral democracy, civilian political elites approached the transitional dilemma of balancing normative expectations and political contingency by promulgating legal immunity, for years avoiding initiatives to pursue trials or launch an official truth commission, unlike neighbouring Argentina. A constellation of national and transnational factors (including recurrent initiatives by social and political forces) eventually opened up new institutional ground for belated truth-telling and accountability for some historical wrongs – and yet, attempts to challenge the blanket legal impunity failed twice through popular consultation and in a recent parliamentary vote. Each time, the government officially projected a narrative that sacralised national consensus and reconciliation, now enshrined in two sovereign popular votes, and the adoption of a forward-looking democratic perspective.
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Pathak, Professor Bishnu. "A Comparative Study of World’s Truth Commissions —From Madness to Hope." World Journal of Social Science Research 4, no. 3 (June 29, 2017): 192. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjssr.v4n3p192.
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<em>The objective of this paper is to explore the initiatives and practices of different countries in truth seeking. Many countries during the post-conflict, colonial, slavery, anarchical and cultural genocide periods establish the Truth Commissions to respond to the past human wrongdoings: crimes and crimes against humanity. Enforced Disappearances (ED), killings, rapes and inhumane tortures are wrongdoings. Truth Commission applies the method of recovering silences from the victims for structured testimonies. The paper is prepared based on the victim-centric approach. The purpose reveals the piecemeal fact-findings to heal the past, reconcile the present and protect the future. The study covers more than 50 Commissions in a chronological order: beginning from Uganda in 1974 and concluding to Nepal in February 2015. Two Commissions in Uruguay were formed to find-out enforced disappearances. Colombian and Rwandan Commissions have established permanent bodies. The Liberian TRC threatened the government to submit its findings to the ICC if the government failed to establish an international tribunal. The Commissions of Bolivia, Ecuador, Haiti, former Yugoslavia and Zimbabwe were disbanded, and consequently, their reports could not be produced. No public hearings were conducted in Argentina and former Yugoslavia. It is noted that only 8 public hearings in Ghana, 8 national hearings in East-Timor and 15 in Brazil were conducted. Moroccan Commission held public hearings after signing the bond paper for not to disclose the names of the perpetrators whereas Guatemala did not include the perpetrators’ names in the report. The Shining Path’s activists are serving sentences based on civil-anti-terrorist court, but Alberto Fujimori is convicted for 25 years. Chadian Commission worked even against illicit narcotics trafficking. The UN established its Commissions in Sierra Leon, El Salvador and East-Timor, but failed to restore normalcy in Kosovo. Haiti prosecuted 50 perpetrators whereas Guatemala prosecuted its former military dictator. The Philippines’ Commission had limited investigation jurisdiction over army, but treated the insurgents differently. In El Salvador, the State security forces were responsible for 85 percent and the non-state actors for 15 percent similar to CIEDP, Nepal. The TRCs of Argentina, East-Timor, Guatemala, Morocco, Peru and South Africa partially succeeded. Large numbers of victims have failed to register the complaints fearing of possible actions. All perpetrators were controversially granted amnesty despite the TRC recommendation in South Africa. The victims and people still blamed Mandela that he sold out black people’s struggle. Ironically, the perpetrators have received justice, but the victims are further victimized. As perpetrator-centric Government prioritizes cronyism, most of the Commissioners defend their respective institution and individuals. Besides, perpetrators influence Governments on the formation of Truth Commission for ‘forgetting the victims to forgive the perpetrators’. A commission is a Court-liked judicial and non-judicial processes body, but without binding authority except Sierra Leone. Transitional Justice body exists with a five-pillar policy: truth, justice, healing, prosecution and reparation. It has a long neglected history owing to anarchical roles of the perpetrators and weak-poor nature of the victims. Almost all TRCs worked in low budget, lack of officials, inadequate laws and regulations, insufficient infrastructures and constraints of moral supports including Liberia, Paraguay, Philippines, South Africa, Uganda and Nepal. The perpetrators controlled Governments ordered to destroy documents, evidences and testimonies in their chain of command that could have proven guilty to them.</em>
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PIZELLA, DENISE GALLO, and MARCELO PEREIRA DE SOUZA. "BRAZILIAN GMO REGULATION: DOES IT HAVE AN ENVIRONMENTAL APPROACH?" Journal of Environmental Assessment Policy and Management 14, no. 02 (June 2012): 1250013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1464333212500135.
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Brazil is the second largest producer of genetically modified crops (GM crops) and the National Technical Commission on Biosafety (CTNBio) the decision making agency on this matter. The country uses Risk Analysis (RA) and project EIA as tools for biosafety evaluation. This paper aims to review the appropriateness of these tools for evaluating the environmental impacts of GM crops, also considering institutional aspects. An overview of the process of release of GM crops in Brazil along with important operational and institutional aspects is provided. The results indicate that project EIA could be applied to GM crops in specific sites and RA could give support to the evaluation of GM crop itself. Regarding institutional issues, it is concluded that decisions should be made by the environmental bodies, and not by the CTNBio.
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Snyder, Emily. "Reconciliation and Conflict: A Review of Practice." Alberta Law Review 48, no. 4 (May 1, 2011): 831. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/alr136.
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In this article I provide a review of two connected events. The first is the conference "Prairie Perspectives on Indian Residential Schools, Truth and Reconciliation," which was held in June 2010 in Winnipeg, Manitoba. This conference was just one of many concurrent events taking place at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada's first national event. Specific themes and aspects of the conference are covered here. Secondly, I parallel my discussion of the conference to my experiences with the national event - experiences can be complex and do not happen in isolation from the broader context around them. Overall, I argue that while the conference and the national event made some meaningful contributions to ongoing dialogue about reconciliation in Canada, it is clear that understanding how to deal with and discuss the conflict that arises from discussions of residential school, "race relations," and reconciliation more broadly is an ongoing learning experience. I offer some recommendations concerning how conflict could be better dealt with at future conferences and national events. Reconciliation processes can be more effective if there is not only space for dissent but, most importantly, that mechanisms are in place for encouraging productive discussions about the conflict that arises and that will continue to arise.
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Dragovic-Soso, Jasna. "History of a Failure: Attempts to Create a National Truth and Reconciliation Commission in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1997–2006." International Journal of Transitional Justice 10, no. 2 (March 8, 2016): 292–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijtj/ijw005.
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Trenggono, Nanang. "Ethical Problems in Communication and Law At The Creation of the Survey’s Ethics Board." FIAT JUSTISIA:Jurnal Ilmu Hukum 14, no. 2 (April 29, 2020): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.25041/fiatjustisia.v14no2.1931.
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Public reports of misconduct survey institution in the local leader election arrangement, put the Komisi Pemilihan Umum Provinsi (KPU) provinsi or the Province’s General Election Commission has an optional authority, can form an ethics council or submit to the survey association. Then it became a matter, because of the verdict is “a half truth,” potentially damaging ego or the pride of another. Ethics council establishment as the enforcement of institutional authority should begin with clarification as a consequence of ethics in communication, and it requires technical guidance from The National Election Commission to fulfill the ethical weight of the law. But there is a conflict of interest when issues are refered to the survey association. When on trial, on the Dewan Kehormatan Penyelenggara Pemilu (DKPP) or the Honorary Election Board, the decision is evident contradictions; in consideration of appreciation, amar sanctioned the warning.
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Ashley, Patrícia Almeida, Roberto Do Nascimento Ferreira, and Helvécio Luiz Reis. "National Evaluation System for Higher Education: opportunities for social responsibility in IES’ strategic management." Revista Ibero-Americana de Estratégia 5, no. 1 (December 27, 2007): 23–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5585/ijsm.v5i1.94.
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The National Evaluation System of Higher Education (from Brazilian Portuguese Sistema Nacional de Avaliação da Educação Superior evaluation component of the Sinaes, for the adoption of social responsibility in university strategic management in Brazil. As part of the process of institutional evaluation, each higher education institution (HEI) has to create an evaluation commission, with the attribution of guiding the self-evaluation process of the HEI. This paper presents contributions for the Sinaes concerning the concept of social responsibility, on the basis of a broad and relational perspective for social responsibility, recommending, on one hand, the incorporation of suppliers’ and environment dimension and, on the other hand, a relational governance based on ethical challenges as strategic elements of university management.
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Wiratraman, Herlambang P., Sri Lestari Wahyuningroem, Manunggal K. Wardaya, and Dian P. Simatupang. "TAKING POLICY SERIOUSLY: WHAT SHOULD INDONESIAN GOVERNMENT DO TO STRENGTHEN ACEH TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION?" PETITA: JURNAL KAJIAN ILMU HUKUM DAN SYARIAH 5, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 14–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/petita.v5i1.93.
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This article discusses three key questions, namely, first, what and how is the development of policies and legal umbrella that can support the Central Government in the implementation of the Aceh TRC? Second, how can the institutional institution of the Aceh TRC and the Human Rights Court as a mechanism of justice strengthen mutual protection of human rights for victims and their families? Third, how to build strong legal relations between state institutions to strengthen the TRC's recommendations regarding reparations? Produced from a research process and focus group discussion, this article encourages a number of legal policy developments that are oriented as a solution to the limited efforts to protect and fulfill victims, especially in relation to reparations and restoration of their rights. Also, emphasizing the legal position of the basic national legal political context is re-associated as a reminder of the marwah of the Helsinki MOU for the future of Aceh.
Abstrak: Artikel ini mendiskusikan tiga pertanyaan kunci, yakni pertama, apa dan bagaimana pengembangan kebijakan dan payung hukum yang dapat menjadi dukungan Pemerintah Pusat terhadap pemberlakuan KKR Aceh? Kedua, bagaimana secara institusional kelembagaan KKR Aceh dan Pengadilan HAM sebagai mekanisme keadilan dapat saling memperkuat perlindungan HAM bagi korban dan keluarganya? Ketiga, bagaimana membangun relasi hukum yang kuat antar Lembaga negara untuk memperkuat rekomendasi KKR terkait reparasi? Dihasilkan dari proses riset dan diskusi grup terarah, artikel ini mendorong sejumlah pengembangan kebijakan hukum yang diorientasikan sebagai jalan keluar atas terbatasnya upaya perlindungan dan pemenuhan bagi korban, terutama terkait reparasi dan pemulihan hak-haknya. Serta, menegaskan posisi hukum atas konteks politik hukum nasional yang mendasar dikaitkan kembali sebagai pengingat marwah MOU Helsinki bagi masa depan Aceh.
Kata Kunci: Komisi Kebenaran dan Rekonsiliasi, Hukum Hak Asasi Manusia, Kebijakan Pemerintah Indonesia, Pemerintah Aceh
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Mattos, Angelo Raphael. "Legislativo e política externa brasileira: os debates recorrentes na Comissão de Relações Exteriores e de Defesa Nacional da Câmara dos Deputados de 1999 a 2015." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 7, no. 1 (May 27, 2018): 174–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2018.v7n1.01.p174.
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A partir da competência constitucional do Poder Legislativo no processo decisório em política externa brasileira, bem como da intensificação dos acordos internacionais com impactos substanciais no plano interno, este artigo objetivou identificar quais foram os temas de maior recorrência na Comissão de Relações Exteriores e de Defesa Nacional da Câmara dos Deputados (CREDN) entre 1999 e 2015, bem como os argumentos presentes nesses debates. Para tanto, foi feito um estudo das notas taquigráficas do referido período. Tal análise possibilitou visualizar uma diversificação de temáticas presentes na CREDN, assim como um alinhamento com os temas que foram caros à diplomacia dos governos do período proposto.
Palavras-chave: Poder Legislativo; Comissão de Relações Exteriores e de Defesa Nacional da Câmara dos Deputados; Política Externa Brasileira.
Abstract: Based on the constitutional competence of the Legislative Power in the decision-making process in Brazilian foreign policy, as well as on the intensification of international agreements with substantial impacts at the internal level, this article aimed to identify which were the subjects of greatest recurrence in the Commission of Foreign Relations and National Defense of the Chamber of Deputies between 1999 and 2015, and the arguments present in these debates. For that, a study of the hearings notes of the mentioned period was made. This analysis made it possible to visualize a diversification of the themes present in that Commission, as well as an alignment with the themes that were highlighted by the diplomacy of the governments of the proposed period.
Keywords: Legislative Power; Commission on Foreign Relations and National Defense of the Chamber of Deputies; Brazilian Foreign Policy.
Recebido em: outubro/2017
Aprovado em: abril/2018.
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Lira, Ramayana. "Affective Realism and the Brand New Brazilian Cinema." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Film and Media Studies 7, no. 1 (November 1, 2013): 141–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ausfm-2014-0020.
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Abstract The restricted vocabulary that is often applied to discuss Contemporary Brazilian Cinema (aesthetics of hunger, marginality, national allegory, identity, bad consciousness) reveals a sort of generalizing approach that ignores the films’ singularities and overlooks diverse affiliations. Works by young Brazilian filmmakers such as Irmãos Pretti, Eduardo Valente, Rodrigo Siqueira, and Sérgio Borges are a real challenge for the critic inasmuch as they escape this vocabulary and propose other questions. The films made by this young generation bypass traditional themes like urban violence and historical revisionism, thus demanding we rethink the political potency of Brazilian Cinema. Moreover, these films are not concerned with images of Brazil, pointing out to a post-identity politics that go beyond narratives of nation, class, or gender. This proposal aims at discussing this Brand New Brazilian Cinema (Novísssimo Cinema Brasileiro) and its affective realism. No longer a referent for a sociological truth about Brazilian society, realism is taken as something that the image does, i.e., as an affect that challenges the viewer’s response-ability. This paper discusses two films (No meu lugar [Eye of the Storm, Eduardo Valente, 2009] and O céu sobre os ombros [The Sky Above, Sérgio Borges, 2010]) in order to assess the political relevance of the notion of realism, in its relationship with affect.
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Azambuja, Marcos Adegas de, Carolina dos Reis, Neuza Maria de Fátima Guareschi, and Simone Maria Hüning. "Mapping out the subject of Brazilian social psychology in the production of the national association of research and post-graduate studies in psychology." Psicologia & Sociedade 25, spe (2013): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-71822013000500002.
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This paper problematizes the Brazilian Social Psychology and its knowledge production on the registers of the Work Group (WG) of symposiums of the National Association of Research and Post-Graduation in Psychology (ANPEPP), during 1988 to 2010. Using Michel Foucault's archeo-genealogical perspective and the contributions by Ian Hacking about the historical ontology of subjects, we analyzed technologies of power and knowledge in the disciplines of Social Psychology. We selected the WG abstracts in which circulate the utterances that make up the discursive field of Brazilian Social Psychology. Using the narrative of WGs we outlined a discursive formation of identities/technologies of the subject. The knowledges of Social Psychology in the history of the ANPEPP's WGs contribute to the constitution of categories and psychological classifications which objectivize subjects. We think Social Psychology, in its criticisms related to psychological and social concepts comprises practices and regimes of truth about the subject of Social Psychology.
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Wegner, Diana L., and Stephanie Lawless. "Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls National Inquiry:." Discourse and Writing/Rédactologie 31 (February 18, 2021): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31468/dw/r.835.
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In this paper we present a rhetorical genre analysis of the Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (MMIWG) National Inquiry. We focus on the concepts of meta-genre and genre hybridity in the context of social change to explore the dynamics of the MMIWG Inquiry as an instantiation of the “truth commission” (TC). Following Giltrow (2002), we treat meta-genre as advice and criticism from genre participants about how a genre should be performed. We apply Gready’s analysis (2011) of the TC as a hybrid genre that has emerged in the context of transitional justice and post-modern governance: the hybrid incorporates three sub-genres: the state (public/national) inquiry, the human rights report, and the official history (rewritten and archived). Our goals are to examine what the concepts of meta-genre and genre hybridity offer to help explain the difficulties of national inquiries/truth commissions in general, and specifically to help illuminate the problematics of the MMIWG Inquiry. Our qualitative analysis focuses on public and media metageneric commentary on the MMIWG Inquiry, including the Commissioners’ responses, in both mainstream traditional media and social media. Our findings show that meta-generic commentary on the MMIWG Inquiry falls into five main categories or themes, each deriving from stakeholders’ expectations raised by the tributary genres. By far, the most dominant theme is criticism of the Inquiry for its recolonizing legal framework: the ideology of colonialism that inhabits the TC’s state inquiry tributary genre is the object of significant meta-generic criticism. The other four recurrent themes are the perception that the Inquiry should be a criminal investigation, criticism of the Inquiry for its restriction to an “advisory” role only, calls for the inquiry to have a human rights framework, and the expectation that the inquiry is to facilitate meaningful reconciliation. We suggest that, as a recurring and constitutive feature of genre, and, as an arena of negotiation over how genre is to be performed, meta-genre can function as a kind of oversight and challenge that, as an index of social change, inhabits genre as a response to its own inertia. We also suggest that the TC genre creates genre confusion through its conflation of the widely divergent and broad exigences of its tributary genres. We conclude that, at the time of this writing, stakeholders’ diverse expectations, the TC’s problematic hybridity, and the MMIWG Inquiry’s colonizing, statist, legal framework constrain the impetus for change, rendering the Inquiry “truth-lite” (Gready, p. 50) and low impact, and affording only “thin reconciliation”.
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Kalajdzic, Jasminka. "Access to Justice for the Wrongfully Accused in National Security Investigations." Windsor Yearbook of Access to Justice 27, no. 1 (February 1, 2009): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.22329/wyaj.v27i1.4567.
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Among the casualties in the ‘war on terror’ is the presumption of innocence. It is now known that four Canadians who were the subject of investigation by the RCMP and CSIS were detained and tortured in Syria on the basis of information that originated in and was shared by Canada. None has ever been charged with a crime. On their return home, all four men called for a process that would expose the truth about the role of Canadian agencies in what happened to them, and ultimately help them clear their names and rebuild their lives. To date, in varying degrees, all four men continue to wait for that “process.” In this paper, I examine the access to justice mechanisms available to persons who are wrongfully accused of being involved in terrorist activities. Utilizing the case study of one of the four men, Abdullah Almalki, I explore the various processes available to him: (i) a complaint to the relevant domestic complaints bodies, the Security Intelligence Review Committee and the Commission for Public Complaints Against the RCMP; (ii) a commission of inquiry; and (iii) a civil tort claim. Due in large part to the role national security confidentiality plays in these mechanisms, all three models are found to be ineffective for those seeking accountability in the national security context.Parmi les victimes de la «guerre contre le terrorisme» figure la présomption d’innocence. On sait maintenant que quatre Canadiens qui ont fait l’objet d’enquêtes par la GRC et le SCRS ont été détenus et torturés en Syrie suite à des renseignements ayant leur origine au Canada et partagés par le Canada. Nul d’entre eux n’a jamais été accusé de crime. À leur retour, tous les quatre hommes ont demandé un processus qui exposerait la vérité au sujet du rôle d’agences canadiennes dans ce qui leur est arrivé et qui éventuellement leur aiderait à rétablir leur réputation et refaire leur vie. À ce jour, à des degrés divers, tous les quatre hommes attendent toujours ce «processus». Dans cet article, j’examine les mécanismes d’accès à la justice à la disposition de personnes accusées faussement d’implication dans des activités terroristes. Par le biais de l’étude du cas de l’un des quatre hommes, Abdullah Almalki, j’explore les processus divers à sa disposition : (i) une plainte aux organismes pertinents qui reçoivent les plaintes au pays, le Comité de surveillance des activités de renseignements de sécurité et la Commission des plaintes du public contre la GRC; (ii) une commission d’enquête; et (iii) une réclamation en délit civil. En grande partie à cause du rôle que joue la confidentialité pour la sécurité nationale au sein de ces mécanismes, les trois modèles s’avèrent tous inefficaces pour ceux et celles qui recherchent la responsabilisation dans le contexte de sécurité nationale.
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Kuster, Gustavo W., Lívia A. Dutra, Israel P. Brasil, Evelyn P. Pacheco, Márcio J. C. Arruda, Cristiane Volcov, and Renan B. Domingues. "Performance of four ischemic stroke prognostic scores in a Brazilian population." Arquivos de Neuro-Psiquiatria 74, no. 2 (February 2016): 133–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0004-282x20160002.
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ABSTRACT Objective Ischemic stroke (IS) prognostic scales may help clinicians in their clinical decisions. This study aimed to assess the performance of four IS prognostic scales in a Brazilian population. Method We evaluated data of IS patients admitted at Hospital Paulistano, a Joint Commission International certified primary stroke center. In-hospital mortality and modified Rankin score at discharge were defined as the outcome measures. The performance of National Institutes of Health Stroke Scale (NIHSS), Stroke Prognostication Using Age and NIHSS (SPAN-100), Acute Stroke Registry and Analysis of Lausanne (ASTRAL), and Totaled Health Risks in Vascular Events (THRIVE) were compared. Results Two hundred six patients with a mean ± SD age of 67.58 ± 15.5 years, being 55.3% male, were included. The four scales were significantly and independently associated functional outcome. Only THRIVE was associated with in-hospital mortality. With area under the curve THRIVE and NIHSS were the scales with better performance for functional outcome and THRIVE had the best performance for mortality. Conclusion THRIVE showed the best performance among the four scales, being the only associated with in-hospital mortality.
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Taniwaki, Marta H., John I. Pitt, Marina V. Copetti, Aldir A. Teixeira, and Beatriz T. Iamanaka. "Understanding Mycotoxin Contamination Across the Food Chain in Brazil: Challenges and Opportunities." Toxins 11, no. 7 (July 15, 2019): 411. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/toxins11070411.
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Brazil is one of the largest food producers and exporters in the world. In the late 20th century, the European Union program for the harmonization of regulations for contaminants in food, including mycotoxins, led to the examination of mycotoxin contamination in foods at a global level. The problem of the rejection of food by the European Union and other countries became a Brazilian national priority because of economic and food safety aspects. Ochratoxin A in coffee and cocoa and aflatoxins in Brazil nuts are examples of the impact of technical trade barriers on Brazilian foods. To overcome these threats, several strategies were undertaken by Brazilian and international organizations. In this context, the Codex Commission on Food Contaminants (CCCF) has emerged as a forum to discuss with more transparency issues related to mycotoxins, focusing on establishing maximum levels and codes of practices for some commodities and mycotoxins to ensure fair trade and food safety. Our experience in investigating and understanding mycotoxin contamination across the food chains in Brazil has contributed nationally and internationally to providing some answers to these issues.
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Boscatti, Ana Paula Garcia. "Bunda." Latin American and Latinx Visual Culture 3, no. 3 (July 1, 2021): 38–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/lavc.2021.3.3.38.
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This research aims to understand the process that led to the consecration of the butt as a cultural product at a time when the mass culture in Brazil was expanding and the military-corporate dictatorship consolidated the political regime of heterosexuality. The transformations in the visibility status of the city of Rio de Janeiro, which followed the strengthening of mass tourism, allowed that the female body incarnated in a carioca incorporated new models of Brazilianness. In this context, the butt emerged as a possible sign as well as an agent of history, since it mediated an economy of gender, race, class, and sexuality that circulated through consumption. This visual economy favored new biopolitical models that negotiated the evolution of national “nature” through the perfect body. In this sense, this article seeks to map out regulatory models and to expose the structures of power and knowledge that sought to produce regimes of truth about the national body. Supported by elements of mass culture (goods, images, services, etc.) this work investigates the ways through which the butt was co-opted by power as a part of Brazilian visual culture, supporting the global commercialization of Brazilian bioesthetics.
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Araújo, Ana Beatriz Arantes. "A Comissão Nacional para os Objetivos de Desenvolvimento Sustentável." Revista Brasileira de Políticas Públicas e Internacionais - RPPI 4, no. 2 (July 31, 2019): 25–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22478/ufpb.2525-5584.2019v4n2.46079.
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This work seeks to analyze the National Commission on the Sustainable Development Goals (CNODS, in Portuguese) from its constitution, structure and first delivers. Created in 2016, its installation and work began after the representatives took office in June 2017. It is presented as a collegiate, consultative organ, with parity between the government and civil society, to advance social participation. Among its competences lays the proposition of an action plan to implementations of the UN’s 2030 Agenda to Sustainable Development in Brazil. We seek to verify whether the commission complies to those aspects within its mandate during the first years of functioning. For that, we searched the Brazilian government’s official publications’ digital archive, from 2015 and 2017 and the documents available at the commission’s website. We highlight the decree that created it (Decreto nº 8.892/2016) and the 2017-2019 Action Plan. We concluded the commission is a weak governance instrument, with restricted and limited social participation and underrepresentation of subnational governments. It predisposes the prominence of the Federal Executive Secretariat and lacks the participation of important sectorial agencies inside the SDGs scope. During the period, its strategic planning stayed restricted to short-term planning.
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McDonald, Mary G. "Once More, With Feeling: Sport, National Anthems, and the Collective Power of Affect." Sociology of Sport Journal 37, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.2019-0089.
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In this paper I apply insights from Sport Studies, Indigenous Studies, Music Studies, and Feminist Cultural Studies to illuminate and theorize the cultural, material, and political affective salience of national anthems staged prior to sporting events. To do so I analyze two different cases: The Aboriginal musical trio Asani’s 2014 multi-lingual performance of “O Canada” prior to an Oilers hockey game which closed Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) events in Edmonton, Alberta; and the projection of hatred onto former NFL quarterback Colin Kaepernick’s kneeling protest of racism during the playing of the U.S. national anthem in 2016. Analysis suggests that these emotive, often visceral musical performances and responses are not contained within individual subjects but instead reflect contextually specific repetitive (dis)articulations across time, space, and a variety of bodies. Placed within broader colonial contexts, Asani’s version of the Canadian anthem is exemplary of the embodied sensory, but politically limited settler-oriented communitas of Canadian TRC inclusionary music as previously explicated by Robinson. Kaepernick’s anti-racist kneeling activism provides an additional case to theorize the relationship of national anthems in regards to movements for and against an imagined white nation as well as State-sanctioned colonization and hatreds.
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Leman-Langlois, Stéphane. "Mobilizing Victimization." Criminologie 33, no. 1 (October 2, 2002): 145–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/004732ar.
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Abstract The "Truth and Reconciliation" commission (TRC) was implemented following the first democratic elections in South Africa in order to bring to light the brutality of the apartheid regime, to offer individual amnesty to persons responsible, and to compensate victims. From the outset, an important aspect of its emergent legitimizing discourse concerned the role and the needs of victims of brutality - whether victims of the former authoritarian government or of the liberation movements - within a rhetoric of "national reconciliation". The TRC's definition was to correspond to a notion of criminal justice that excluded any response of direct punishment or compensation: the proposed amnesty would relieve of responsibility all those to whom it applied.This context gave rise to a highly specific discourse concerning victims of "past conflicts", a discourse created within a precise range of nuances that were designed to make the TRC conceptually compatible with its public image, and vice versa. In evidence was the gradual construction of a language that allowed the Commission to be described in positive terms of satisfying needs, of respect for a greater, more honest and more universal ethical basis than that of retribution, of successful national reconciliation, etc. The propagation and effectiveness of this language were indispensable considering the concurrent dominant discourse about criminal justice in general, which maintained a hard line with regard to crime and which resulted in practice in an uncontrolled inflation of the penal population (two blocks away from the Commission's headquarters, parliament considered such solutions as corporal punishment, the establishment of prisons in abandoned mines, etc.) According to the Commission's discourse, victims identified two common fundamental outcomes of their victimization: their need for financial assistance, and their desire to know the truth. This desire for truth was manifested in two forms: first, the need to know the truth concerning the matter itself, for example, the disappearance of loved ones, and secondly, the restoration of individual dignity through an official and public acknowledgment of their victimization. Whether these outcomes in fact corresponded to the reality experienced by victims themselves tends to be a question of secondary importance, since the organization of the Commission's discourse allowed perfect integration of their testimonies, their attitude, and even their actual participation. This integrative power is to a great extent the result of the characteristic form both of testimonies made to the Commission and of statements concerning the participation by and satisfaction of its members: that is, the narrative form. Because of the great capacity of personal biographies to communicate the experience of injustice and of reparation compatible with the daily experiences of the general public, from these narratives may be drawn a normative language almost beyond reproach. Furthermore, each of the narratives, without exception extremely emotionally moving, included the Commission's role in the implicit or explicit denouement of victimization. The Commission's logic is further reinforced thereby, as it appears to be extracted from the actual experience of the persons who participated. In relating their narratives, victims provided the Commission with the necessary material to persuade other victims to participate in the process, to justify itself to the population of South Africa, and to meet its mandate of restoring dignity to victims. Such circularity is a natural element of all discourse, since it contains in its terms of reference the construction of its context, its subjects, its problems and its solutions. The Commission thus met its mission, primarily through a readjustment of its concepts and language but also by a concrete modification of social reality - if such a modification were possible, and possible to observe outside of the language used in its description. From the outset, "dignity" was very apparent not as an objective personal condition but as the outcome of a specific symbolic reality. Whether or not victims felt better following their visit to the Commission, or after the publication of its report, would have no effect on the general availability of a discourse of restored dignity to describe South African reality. On the contrary, the success of this enormous and costly institution, with its mission of rewriting the history of apartheid, could not fail to transform the social representation of its victims.
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Smit, Alexia. "Forgiving and forgetting: South African reality television, fatherhood and nation." European Journal of Cultural Studies 20, no. 1 (July 24, 2016): 72–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549416640534.
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This article examines the presentation of mediated reconciliation on the South African reality television show Forgive and Forget (e.tv, 2007–2012). The show features a representation of Black South African masculinity that is located in the domestic realm and associated with care and emotion. This differs from the prominent figuring of Black masculinity in terms of the gangster trope in South African media. The national discourse on reconciliation and nation-building associated with the Truth and Reconciliation Commission foregrounds certain political figures as fathers to the nation. On Forgive and Forget, this narrative is relocated in the domestic sphere with regard to representations of fathers and their children. While on its surface the programme retells a familiar narrative of national reconciliation through family stories, there is an evident tension between a somewhat contrived reconciliation and the many contextual, economic and social complexities of each forgiveness story. These tensions themselves provide a productive space for reflecting on reconciliation through the lens of the family.
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Pozzo, Lorena, and Evelinda Trindade. "VP69 Mapping Brazilian Nuclear Medicine Installed Capacity And Perspectives." International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 33, S1 (2017): 180–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462317003440.
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INTRODUCTION:Guidelines compliance, with a priori non-invasive and earlier tests and interventions, depends on access. This study investigates the Brazilian Unified Health System (SUS) outpatient access to nuclear medicine procedures through SUS data comparison with those from the National Commission of Nuclear Energy (CNEN: Comissão Nacional de Energia Nuclear).METHODS:Data provided by the SUS outpatient database (SIA-DATASUS) regarding procedures performed from 2013 to 2016 was compared with data from institutions (Nuclear Medicine Services and Cyclotron Facilities) and radioprotection supervisors with numbers certified by CNEN.RESULTS:CNEN has authorized 420 nuclear medicine institutions (.20 per million inhabitants) and certified 294 radioprotection supervisors (.14 per million inhabitants), and 1.4 services per supervisor. There are 457 graduated professionals qualified for radioactive sources preparation, use and handling for diagnostic and therapeutic radiopharmaceuticals (.9 professionals / installation). During the last four years, 08 new nuclear medicine facilities were authorized by CNEN. The number of nuclear medicine procedures performed slightly increased in the South, but remained constant in other regions. Annual SUS reimbursements increased by 21.2 percent on average for the 03 PET/CT (Positron emission tomography–computed tomography) adopted procedures: regional analysis showed the Central-West as the highest growth area (70.8 percent), compared to the South (53.4 percent), North-East region (30.8 percent), and the South-East (5 percent). Currently, thirteen Cyclotron Facilities operate in Brazil: South-East (six), South (three), North-East (three) and Central-West (one). Some nuclear medicine procedures largely outnumber the average increase: for example, reticuloendothelial system scintigraphy (513.9 percent), gastric transit scintigraphy (112.8 percent), and thyroid screening with suppression/stimulation test (100.6 percent). However, myocardial scintigraphy (stress and rest) and bone scintigraphy with or without blood flow still correspond to 82 percent of total nuclear medicine in vivo procedures.CONCLUSIONS:Regional disparity is quantitatively depicted in Brazil and reflects access to SUS nuclear medicine procedures. This denotes a potential for improvements related to nuclear medicine areas, for example developments concerning new PET/CT coverage, new radiopharmaceuticals research, and national and international training.
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Fadhil, Moh. "Impunitas Dan Penerapan Keadilan Transisi: Suatu Dilema Penyelesaian Kasus Pelanggaran HAM Berat di Masa Lalu." PETITUM 8, no. 2 (October 22, 2020): 100–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.36090/jh.v8i2.817.
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This research aims to examine efforts to fulfill transitional justice through its four windows. The method used is normative legal research with conceptual and historical approaches. The results showed that the problem of impunity inhibited in all transitional justice windows, starting from the truth window in the absence of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the justice window in the form of a justice mechanism that caused friction between the National Human Rights Commission and the Attorney General's Office, the reparation window which until now only Aceh and Palu have real programs for victims and survivors, institutional reform windows that have not reduced the total security approach and the absence of vetting mechanisms. Therefore, a policy reformulation process is needed in the Human Rights Court Law to strengthen the position of the NHRC and immediately discuss the TRC Bill, accelerate reparations and institutional reform programs
Penelitan ini bertujuan untuk menelaah upaya pemenuhan keadilan transisi melalui empat jendela. Metode yang digunakan adalah penelitian hukum normatif dengan pendekatan konseptual dan pendekatan sejarah. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa problem impunitas menghambat di semua jendela keadilan transisi, mulai dari jendela kebenaran berupa ketiadaan KKR, jendela keadilan berupa mekanisme peradilan yang menimbulkan friksi antara Komnas HAM dengan Kejaksaan Agung, jendela reparasi yang hingga saat ini baru Aceh dan Palu yang memiliki program yang nyata bagi para korban dan penyintas dan jendela reformasi institusi yang belum mereduksi total pendekatan keamanan serta ketiadaan mekanisme seleksi terhadap rekam jejak anggota militer. Oleh karena itu, dibutuhkan proses reformulasi kebijakan pada UU Pengadilan HAM dan segera membahas RUU KKR, percepatan program reparasi dan reformasi institusi.
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Fiedler, Fernando Niemeyer, Gilberto Sales, Bruno Barros Giffoni, Luiz Rodrigo Maçaneiro, Mariana de Karam e. Britto, Caiame Januário Nascimento, Dagoberto Port, André Silva Barreto, and Paulo Ricardo Schwingel. "Characterization and comparison of Brazilian and foreign leased pelagic longline fleets in the Southwestern Atlantic Ocean between 2003 and 2014. How different are these fisheries?" Revista CEPSUL - Biodiversidade e Conservação Marinha 5 (August 22, 2016): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.37002/revistacepsul.vol5.5991-16.
Full textAbstract:
The pelagic zone of the Southwestern Atlantic Ocean is an important area for longline fisheries. Brazilian waters are strategic regions for the performance of this modality in International Commission for the Conservation of Atlantic Tunas - ICCAT. In order to reach international quotas government strengthened its rent policy of foreign vessels aiming to promote technology transfer to the national fleet. Knowledge of vessel characteristics, technology used in equipment and strategies used by skippers are important for the management of this activity. The present study characterized vessels from national and foreign fleets operating out of the port of Itajaí, in the state of Santa Catarina (SC), between 2003 and 2014. Results indicate that these fleets are different in relation to size of vessels, engine power, cargo hold capacity, length of the main and branchlines, and steel wire length. Despite these differences, strategies adopted are critical to achieve better yields per trip. For the national fleet, the skills acquired to the use of equipments, in understanding the behavior of the target species, and change of fishing strategies often compensate for the lack of technology.