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Journal articles on the topic 'Brethren of the Free Spirit'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 27 January 2023

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1

Wackers, Paul. "Reynaert as Mystic." Reinardus / Yearbook of the International Reynard Society 10 (December 11, 1997): 169–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rein.10.10wac.

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Abstract This article analyses a fragment from Reynaerts historie (vv. 4132-65) in which Reynaert the fox presents himself as a mystic. The contents of this passage can be linked with texts and ideas of a heretical movement, called "Brethren and Sistern of the Free Spirit". It is argued that this is one of the moments in the story in which Reynaert falsely presents a positive image of his motives. He lies here (again) by telling the truth, albeit not the whole truth. A short discussion of the way this passage was reworked in the later, European tradition of Reynaerts historie concludes the article.

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2

Stunt, Timothy C. F. "Elitist Leadership and Congregational Participation Among Early Plymouth Brethren." Studies in Church History 42 (2006): 327–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400004058.

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When identifying the ‘catalyst for disaffection’ and the ‘trigger for individual secessions’ from the Establishment in the early nineteenth century, Grayson Carter recently concluded that ‘theological “extremism” was probably a more significant irritant than pastoral exasperation’. It is nevertheless evident that episcopal restraints on any ecclesiastical ‘irregularities’ and the dubious spiritual credentials of some of those controlling the appointment of both higher and lower clergy were also significant factors in the discontent of many who seceded in the 1830s. A quest for freedom from such constraints therefore often accompanied the special doctrinal emphases of those who would sooner or later quit the establishment. This was particularly true of the seceders known as the Plymouth Brethren whose congregations proliferated in the 1830s and ‘40s. With clerical ordination abandoned as unscriptural, their meetings came to be noted for spontaneous prayer and exhortation by any member of the congregation, but such an ‘institutionalizing’ of unprogrammed participation was liable to attract ‘free spirits’ whose orthodoxy and ‘manners’ could be questionable. This paper considers the way in which the precise doctrinal convictions and conservative social assumptions of such seceders could come into conflict with, and sometimes, at least for a while, keep at bay some of the elements unleashed by their professed desire for ecclesiastical freedom. Of particular interest is the interplay of social and doctrinal motivation.

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3

Garrett, Gill. "Free spirit." Elderly Care 4, no. 1 (February 1992): 8–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/eldc.4.1.8.s25.

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4

Steinberg, Norma S., Audur H. Winnan, and Wanda Gag. "Free Spirit." Women's Review of Books 11, no. 7 (April 1994): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4021830.

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5

Gornick, Vivian, and Monica Strauss. "Free Spirit." Women's Review of Books 18, no. 3 (December 2000): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4023652.

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6

Moore, Alison. "Free spirit." Nursing Standard 14, no. 29 (April 5, 2000): 20–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns.14.29.20.s39.

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7

Townsend, Alison, and Irina Ratushinskaya. "Free Spirit." Women's Review of Books 6, no. 8 (May 1989): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4020416.

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8

Wood, Robert E. "The Free Spirit." International Philosophical Quarterly 51, no. 3 (2011): 377–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ipq201151338.

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9

Jones, David. "Free the spirit!" Nature 372, no. 6504 (November 1994): 324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/372324a0.

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10

Mullin, Amy. "Nietzsche's Free Spirit." Journal of the History of Philosophy 38, no. 3 (2000): 383–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hph.2005.0059.

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11

Cole, Peter. "Book Review: Free spirit." British Journalism Review 17, no. 1 (March 2006): 85–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0956474806064802.

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12

Schoeck, Richard J. "The Vocation of Erasmus." Moreana 35 (Number 135-, no. 3-4 (December 1998): 203–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.1998.35.3-4.13.

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Using vocation in its core sense of a call from God to follow a personal path with a definite mission, the author reads Erasmus’ life as the progressive implementation of that heaven-assigned task; he sees no basic discontinuity between Erasmus’ youth as a student of the Brethren of the Common Life, then as an Augustinian canon, and in his independent career as a pious priest busy editing the New Testament and the Church fathers. Even his secular writings, such as the Adages and the Colloquies, breathe the spirit of devotio moderna. His last masterpiece, Ecclesiastes, is a treatise on preaching.

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13

Gustafson, David M. "August Davis and the Free-Free." PNEUMA 37, no. 2 (2015): 201–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700747-03702002.

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August Davis (1852–1936) led a group of Swedish Free Mission Friends in America known as the Free-Free, an early branch of what is today the Evangelical Free Church of America. Davis and his followers were known for such phenomena as falling down in the Spirit, having ecstatic visions, uttering unintelligible sounds, communicating the Holy Spirit through the laying on of hands, and teaching the baptism of the Holy Spirit as a second work of grace. Such activities occurred mostly in Chicago, Illinois, and throughout western Minnesota between 1885 and 1900. Davis and the Free-Free had direct organizational ties in the Scandinavian Mission Society U.S.A. to emerging Swedish-American Pentecostals in Minnesota and South Dakota such as John Thompson, Mary Johnson, and Jacob Bakken. This group known pejoratively as the Free-Free is another of several impulses that birthed a distinctly Pentecostal form of Christianity in America.

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14

Cox, C. B., and Tony Tanner. "Jane Austen as Free Spirit." Hudson Review 40, no. 2 (1987): 331. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3851114.

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15

Coker, John. "The Therapy of Nietzsche’s “Free Spirit”." International Studies in Philosophy 29, no. 3 (1997): 63–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil199729377.

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16

Ana, Julio de Santa. "Spirit of Truth - Set Us Free!" Ecumenical Review 43, no. 3 (July 1991): 364–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1758-6623.1991.tb02727.x.

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17

Brennan, Timothy. "The Free Impersonality of Bourgeois Spirit." Biography 37, no. 1 (2014): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bio.2014.0010.

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18

Terpak, Frances. "Free Time, Free Spirit: Popular Entertainments in Gainsborough's Era." Huntington Library Quarterly 70, no. 2 (June 2007): 209–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hlq.2007.70.2.209.

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19

Riordan, Michael B. "Mysticism and Prophecy in Early Eighteenth-Century Scotland." Scottish Historical Review 98, Supplement (October 2019): 333–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2019.0424.

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In 1709 a group of prophets arrived in Edinburgh proclaiming that Christ had appeared to redeem the nations. They attracted the interest of a community of self-described mystics. The mystics maintained that Christians had a duty to turn inwards and follow the holy spirit in all that they did and believed that Christ would soon appear in spirit to convert the world to their beliefs. Some, therefore, accepted the prophets as harbingers of the millennium. But other mystics remained unconvinced and maintained that spiritual reformation would not appear by outward signs and wonders. The paper introduces the development of mysticism in Scotland. It then examines the debate which emerged after a group of mystics became converts to the prophets’ cause. It shows how mystical prophets successfully converted both mystics and prophets to their cause. In order to grasp the importance of the divisions within the movement, it recovers the discourse of spiritual discernment, which has been obscured by debates about reason and superstition. The prophets needed to prove to their mystical brethren that they were inspired by God and not by the devil.

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20

Reed, Monica C. "All Men Free and Brethren: Essays on the History of African American Freemasonry." Nova Religio 18, no. 3 (2014): 108–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2015.18.3.108.

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21

Goss, Devon R., and Matthew W. Hughey. "All men free and brethren: essays on the history of African American freemasonry." Ethnic and Racial Studies 38, no. 3 (June 30, 2014): 495–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2014.925133.

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22

Hardeman, Martin J. "All Men Free and Brethren: Essays on the History of African American Freemasonry." History: Reviews of New Books 43, no. 3 (June 3, 2015): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2015.1032044.

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23

Dain, B. "All Men Free and Brethren: Essays on the History of African American Freemasonry." Journal of American History 101, no. 3 (December 1, 2014): 895–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jau551.

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24

Littlefield, Daniel C. "All men free and brethren: essays on the history of African American freemasonry." Slavery & Abolition 36, no. 4 (October 2, 2015): 754–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0144039x.2015.1102386.

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25

Ure, Michael. "Nietzsche's Free Spirit Trilogy and Stoic Therapy." Journal of Nietzsche Studies 38, no. 1 (2009): 60–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20717975.

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Abstract This article examines Nietzsche's engagement with Stoic philosophical therapy in the free spirit trilogy. I suggest that Nietzsche first turned to Stoicism in the late 1870s in his attempt to develop a philosophical therapy that might treat the injuries human beings suffer through fate or chance without recourse to the metaphysical theodicies discredited by Enlightenment skepticism and positivism. I argue that in HH and D Nietzsche adopts a conventional form of Stoic therapy. The article then shows how Nietzsche came to take a critical stance against Stoic therapy on the grounds that it entails a radical extirpation of the value judgments that underpin the emotions. For this reason, I claim that in GS he attempts to develop a rival philosophical therapy, one that aims to enable human beings to unconditionally affirm fate but without this affirmation entailing, as it does for the Stoics, the dissolution of all emotional valuations. However, despite Nietzsche's belief that he had fundamentally broken with Stoicism, I argue, first, that Nietzsche's therapy in GS is deeply indebted to a “cosmic” model of Stoicism, which consists in the loving consent to the events that happen to us, and second, that he gives us no reasonable account of how it is possible to unconditionally affirm fate without adopting some form of Stoic indifference or apatheia.

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26

Ure, Michael. "Nietzsche's Free Spirit Trilogy and Stoic Therapy." Journal of Nietzsche Studies 38, no. 1 (2009): 60–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jnietstud.38.2009.0060.

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Abstract This article examines Nietzsche's engagement with Stoic philosophical therapy in the free spirit trilogy. I suggest that Nietzsche first turned to Stoicism in the late 1870s in his attempt to develop a philosophical therapy that might treat the injuries human beings suffer through fate or chance without recourse to the metaphysical theodicies discredited by Enlightenment skepticism and positivism. I argue that in HH and D Nietzsche adopts a conventional form of Stoic therapy. The article then shows how Nietzsche came to take a critical stance against Stoic therapy on the grounds that it entails a radical extirpation of the value judgments that underpin the emotions. For this reason, I claim that in GS he attempts to develop a rival philosophical therapy, one that aims to enable human beings to unconditionally affirm fate but without this affirmation entailing, as it does for the Stoics, the dissolution of all emotional valuations. However, despite Nietzsche's belief that he had fundamentally broken with Stoicism, I argue, first, that Nietzsche's therapy in GS is deeply indebted to a “cosmic” model of Stoicism, which consists in the loving consent to the events that happen to us, and second, that he gives us no reasonable account of how it is possible to unconditionally affirm fate without adopting some form of Stoic indifference or apatheia.

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27

Meyer, Matthew H. "The Three Metamorphoses of Nietzsche’s Free Spirit." International Studies in Philosophy 38, no. 3 (2006): 49–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil200638328.

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28

Horvat, Vera, and Zoran Jungić. "Free Ascendancy Of Vyacheslav Kupriyanov’s Russian Spirit." Poem 6, no. 2 (April 3, 2018): 233–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/20519842.2018.1472847.

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29

Forner, Sean A. "War Commemoration and the Republic in Crisis: Weimar Germany and the Neue Wache." Central European History 35, no. 4 (December 2002): 513–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916102770891179.

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“Our dead are above the petty quarreling and the wretched, empty phrases that we cherish. A deep remembrance of our fallen brethren can only strengthen the will to reconcile differences and awaken the spirit that one of their number once expressed in this fashion: ‘Germany must live, even if we must die.”’ Thus a conservative nationalist representative to the Reichstag in Berlin addressed his colleagues in March 1927. His words reflect several notions current in Weimar Germany. They voice a call, still impassioned eight years after the armistice, for commemoration of the war dead, and they register a frustration with the contentious fragmentation of contemporary political culture, so dissonant with the image of soldiers unified in selfless sacrifice for the German fatherland. Finally, these words articulate the widespread sense that it was in the memory of the fallen of the Great War and in the emulation of their heroic sacrifice that Germans could find the bond to unify them as a people during the postwar period.

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30

Piehler, G. Kurt. "Free Spirit: A Biography of Mason Welch Gross." New Jersey Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 8, no. 2 (July 21, 2022): 202–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.14713/njs.v8i2.295.

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31

Holmes, David. "Jenny Graves: the free spirit of scientific enquiry." Lancet Diabetes & Endocrinology 2, no. 10 (October 2014): 779. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s2213-8587(14)70116-0.

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32

Ackerman, A. Bernard. "How free a spirit, truly, was Soma Beck?" Wiener Klinische Wochenschrift 115, no. 12 (July 2003): 439. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03040439.

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33

ILOMÄKI, JUKKA. "RISK-FREE RATES AND ANIMAL SPIRITS IN FINANCIAL MARKETS." Annals of Financial Economics 11, no. 03 (September 2016): 1650011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2010495216500111.

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We show analytically that animal spirit excess profits for uninformed investors fall (increase) when the risk-free rate rises (falls). In the theoretical analysis, we examine the expected returns of risk-averse, short-lived investors. In addition, we find empirically that the local risk-free rates explain 14% of the changes in the animal spirit excess profits in the global stock markets for the last 29 years when the animal spirits is characterized as a product of the trend-chasing rule.

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34

Atwood, Craig. "The Mother of God's People: The Adoration of the Holy Spirit in the Eighteenth-Century Brüdergemeine." Church History 68, no. 4 (December 1999): 886–909. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3170208.

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“Lord God, now we praise you, you worthy Holy Spirit! The church in unity honors you, the mother of Christendom. All the angels and the host of heaven and whoever serves the honor of the Son; also the cherubim and seraphim, sing with a clear voice: ‘Divine majesty, who proceeds from the Father, who praises the Son as the creator and points to his suffering.’ … Daily O Mother! whoever knows you and the Savior glorifies you because you bring the gospel to all the world.” These lines are from the Te Matrem, a prayer to the Holy Spirit that for nearly thirty years was a regular part of worship for a German Protestant group known as the Brüdergemeine. The Brüdergemeine, commonly called the Moravian Church today, was an international religious community that developed an elaborate and creative liturgical life for its carefully regulated communities. The Brethren's intense devotion to the suffering of Christ is the most famous aspect of their worship, but in the mid-eighteenth century their leader, Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf, actively encouraged the Brüdergemeine to worship the Holy Spirit as the mother of the church. Surprisingly, though, this aspect of Zinzendorf's theology has been largely overlooked or downplayed by historians and theologians in the past two hundred years. When it has been discussed, it has been dismissed as a brief aberration or experiment that was discarded after the so-called Sifting Time (Sichtungzeit.) The Sifting Time was a period of liturgical and social excess in the community, the details of which remain quite obscure. The Brethren used the word Sichtungzeit to refer to a time when the community was in danger of becoming a fanatical sect. Dates for the Sifting Time range from a high of 1736–52 to a low of 1746–49, but the most common dating is 1743–50. This article will show that the use of maternal imagery for the Holy Spirit was not a tangential or quixotic aspect of Zinzendorf's theology, but thrived for more than thirty years and was, in Zinzendorf's words, “an extremely important and essential point … and all our Gemeine and praxis hangs on this point.”

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35

Vardakis, Dimitris, and Alexander Volberg. "Free boundary problems in the spirit of Sakai’s theorem." Comptes Rendus. Mathématique 359, no. 10 (January 4, 2022): 1233–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5802/crmath.259.

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36

Goodman, Kevis. "Reading Motion: Coleridge's “Free Spirit” and its Medical Background." European Romantic Review 26, no. 3 (May 4, 2015): 349–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10509585.2015.1028134.

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37

Mitchell, David. "How the Free Spirit Became Free: Sickness and Romanticism in Nietzsche's 1886 Prefaces." British Journal for the History of Philosophy 21, no. 5 (September 2013): 946–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09608788.2013.805397.

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38

Cornou, María Eugenia. "Formative Worship ‘at the End of the World’: The Worship Practices of Methodists, Baptists and Plymouth Brethren in the Emergence of Protestantism in Argentina, 1867–1930." Studies in World Christianity 25, no. 2 (August 2019): 166–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2019.0255.

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Framed by formative worship theory, this paper examines the worship practices of the Methodists, the Baptists and the Plymouth (Free or Christian) Brethren in Argentina (1867–1930) and the beliefs and values these practices imprinted on a minority group striving to find its own identity at its inception in a predominantly Roman Catholic country. This essay not only aims to contribute to a better understanding of early evangelical Protestantism in Argentina, but also intends to foster a broader reflection on the formative power of Christian worship and the importance of its study, especially in missionary contexts. 1

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39

T.N., Timothy Lim. "Towards a Pneumatological-Ecclesiology: Outside the “Two Lungs of the Church”." Review of Ecumenical Studies Sibiu 7, no. 2 (August 1, 2015): 211–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ress-2015-0016.

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Abstract This paper critiques the framing of the pneumatological underpinning of ecclesiology as an Orthodox-Catholic conversation. The context for the Joint Commission for Orthodox-Catholic dialogue warrants the use of the metaphor “two lungs of the church” by official church leaders, ecclesiologists and theologians to speak of the Spirit’s work in and between both communions. However, I want to call attention to the pneumatological and ecclesiological problems in the use of the image “two lungs of the church.” If the Holy Spirit breathes upon and through the Body of Christ, reading the Spirit’s operation in the church (pneumatological-ecclesiology) cannot ignore, and much less dismiss or absorb (either explicitly or implicitly), the charismas outside of the Roman Catholic Church and Orthodoxy. Protestant denominations, such as Baptists, Brethren, Evangelicals, Presbyterians, Pentecostals and Charismatics are also contexts for studying the Spirit’s work in the churches. The paper concludes by proffering a mapping of recent pneumatological contributions of other Christian denominations and churches to invite theologians to assist in reframing or reconceptualizing a more appropriate anatomic metaphor for the Spirit’s work in and among the churches together.

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40

Davis, Virginia. "The Rule of Saint Paul, the First Hermit, in late medieval England." Studies in Church History 22 (1985): 203–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400007956.

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Throughout Europe in the late middle ages there was a perceptible interest in the way of life and ideals believed to have been followed in the early centuries of Christianity. There was little that was new in this interest; reform movements within the Church from the eleventh century onwards had frequently followed such a path. Accompanying this interest however was a desire by laymen to live in a pious and holy fashion; not to enter the coenobitic life rejecting the world as they might have done in earlier centuries but to live a religious life while remaining attached to the outside world. Perhaps the best known manifestation of this spirit was in the emergence of the Brethren of the Common Life in Northern Europe in the fifteenth century; another manifestation of the same kind can be found in the lower echelons of English society in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries with the widespread appearance of men who vowed to adopt the lifestyle of the desert fathers while performing labouring functions useful to society – as hermits, following the rule of Saint Paul the first hermit.

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41

Fortier, Jeremy. "Nietzsche's Political Engagements: On the Relationship between Philosophy and Politics in The Wanderer and His Shadow." Review of Politics 78, no. 2 (2016): 201–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670516000024.

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AbstractIn Nietzsche's early and late writings, he appears as an antimodern, antiliberal political revolutionary, championing the world-transformative characters of (first) Richard Wagner and (later) Zarathustra. By contrast, in the writings of his “middle period,” Nietzsche struck up a rapprochement with the modern world, and developed the ideal of a “free spirit.” Among those writings, The Wanderer and His Shadow sheds the most revealing light on the free spirit ideal. It shows that, even as Nietzsche sought to avoid some of the hazards associated with his more revolutionary writings, he continued to advocate a sharply critical engagement with political and cultural life. And it reveals what Nietzsche understood to be most challenging or problematic about the free spirit ideal—and, thereby, what later moved him away from it.

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42

Heiser, Andreas. "Kirchliche Erneuerung am Beispiel der Freien evangelischen Gemeinden." Review of Ecumenical Studies Sibiu 7, no. 1 (April 1, 2015): 43–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ress-2015-0004.

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Abstract What does renewal mean in the context of the planting of the Free Evangelical Church in 1854? Heiser argues that the renewal draws upon a constructed ideal of the New Testament church. This ideal is used as an overall concept of renewal. In a setting of political and cultural change due to the industrial era combined with the movement of the Evangelical Brethren Society and influenced by the „Réviel“ rises a model of a community with voluntary membership and congregational-Presbyterian structure. Some systematical views on the understanding of scripture, faith, baptism, Eucharist and ministry point to the still ongoing ecumenical changes of the movement.

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Souéid, A., and A. Khanna. "A free 'app' for plastic surgery: the smartphone spirit level." Annals of The Royal College of Surgeons of England 94, no. 8 (November 1, 2012): 607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1308/003588412x13373405387096k.

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44

Harris, Daniel I. "Nietzsche's Free Spirit Works: A Dialectical Reading by Matthew Meyer." Journal of the History of Philosophy 58, no. 4 (2020): 827–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hph.2020.0092.

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45

Munns, Geoff, Andrew Martin, and Rhonda Craven. "To Free the Spirit? Motivation and Engagement of Indigenous Students." Australian Journal of Indigenous Education 37, no. 1 (2008): 98–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1326011100016148.

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AbstractThis article directly responds to issues impacting on the social and academic outcomes of Indigenous students that were identified in the recent review of Aboriginal Education conducted by the New South Wales Department of Education and Training (NSW DET) in partnership with New South Wales Aboriginal Education Consultative Group (NSW AECG). Not surprisingly, a common theme emerging from the review was the importance of student motivation and engagement for Indigenous students of all ages. The article reports on current research into the motivation, engagement and classroom pedagogies for a sample of senior primary Indigenous students. What is of particular interest is the cultural interplay of the lived experiences of these Indigenous students with schools, teachers and classroom pedagogies. Important questions arise from an analysis of this interplay about what might “free the spirit” for these and other Indigenous students.

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46

Souéid, A., and A. Khanna. "A free ‘app’ for plastic surgery: the smartphone spirit level." Annals of The Royal College of Surgeons of England 94, no. 8 (November 2012): 607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1308/rcsann.2012.94.8.607.

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47

Loubser, GMH. "The ethic of the free: A walk according to the Spirit! A perspective from Galatians." Verbum et Ecclesia 27, no. 2 (November 17, 2006): 614–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v27i2.167.

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The article argues that Galatians does not distinguish between soteriological and ethical freedom. Freedom encompasses the believer in Christ’ s entire salvation. However , he not only possesses freedom in Christ, but has to equally live it fully as a vocation. In as much as law has no salvational role in his life, it also has no ethical roll. The believer receives the Spirit by faith in Christ. The Spirit who quickens new life in him, orientating him to Christ, also guides and enables him to do God’ s will according to Christ’ s faithfulness. The latter is illustrated in His giving of Himself in loving service, even unto a cross, and so doing the will of our God and Father. The believer also glorifies God by doing his will in the loving and serving faithfulness of Christ, by the guidance of the Spirit. Thus, the believer’ s ethic of freedom is fully christological-pneumatological and anomistic without being libertinistic at all. Believers should not fear their God-given freedom by reverting to any form of law observance, but rather celebrate it by trustingly and freely walking in step with the Spirit

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48

Tiedemann, R. G. "Protestant Revivals in China with Particular Reference to Shandong Province." Studies in World Christianity 18, no. 3 (December 2012): 213–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2012.0022.

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Revivals have been a regular feature of the missionary enterprise. The modern Catholic and Protestant missionary movements themselves emerged from major religious revivals in the Western world. On the nineteenth-century China mission fields, Protestant missionaries from the mainline denominations frequently lamented the fact that their often nominal convert communities were lacking in Christian spirit and called for reinvigoration campaigns. It was, however, in the twentieth century that several large-scale revival movements occurred, starting with the ‘Manchurian revival’ of 1907–8 and culminating in the great ‘Shandong revival’ of the 1930s. The years after 1908 saw the rise of Chinese ― as well as some foreign ― full-time revivalists engaging in evangelistic efforts to reach the native Christian as well as non-Christian populations. The Canadian Presbyterian Jonathan Goforth (1859–1936) and the Shandong evangelist Ding Limei (1871–1936) are the most prominent representatives of the early campaigns of Christian renewal. In the 1920s, in spite of the fundamentalist/modernist controversy and anti-Christian agitation by nationalist and revolutionary forces in China, revivalism actually intensified. The principal focus of this paper will be on the new currents of spiritual regeneration that came with the proliferation of mostly small and sectarian missions of Holiness or Pentecostal provenance. Pentecostal ideas, in particular, contributed to the growth of Chinese independent churches and the wave of revivalism that swept across parts of China in the early 1930s. Such ‘gifts of the spirit’ as prophecy, divine healing and speaking in tongues, as well as a strong pre-millenarian belief, energised many of the more radical indigenous revivalists at this time. Other well-known Chinese evangelists had been influenced by the Holiness movement or Plymouth Brethren ideas. The Chinese dimension, especially in the context of Shandong province, is receiving particular attention in this paper.

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49

Golomb, Jacob. "Nietzsche's Übermensch is not über Alles." PhaenEx 1, no. 1 (November 5, 2006): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.22329/p.v1i1.45.

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This essay deals critically with Nietzsche’s anthropological typology of the “free spirit par excellence”, “we spirits”, persons endowed with positive as against negative powers, and the ideal of the Übermensch. From this presentation, which actually amounts to a concise summary of my various publications on Nietzsche, I draw two conclusions: The first, and quite surprising one, is that it was not Nietzsche’s ideal of the Übermensch that was the pinnacle of his anthropological philosophy but the even more ideal type of the “free spirit par excellence”. The second, and less surprising, conclusion asserts that a society consisting of such “free spirits” is impossible. This finding will be highlighted by contrasting the Übermenschen, who, according to Nietzsche, need society as a sine qua non for their cultivation, with free spirits par excellence, who, by definition, are free from any need of a society. We will see, however, that on Nietzsche’s terms the ideal of the Übermensch is also not viable in society. Hence this paper points to an inherent flaw in Nietzsche’s existential philosophy -- the non-viability of its most sublime ideals. Nonetheless, one has to speculate about Nietzsche’s reasons for introducing the ideal of the free spirit par excellence -- an ideal that he himself thought to be existentially impractical.

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Parnham, David. "The Covenantal Quietism of Tobias Crisp." Church History 75, no. 3 (September 2006): 511–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700098619.

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As England's public upheavals of the mid-seventeenth century were turning ominous, the antinomian preacher Tobias Crisp set his own stamp upon tempestuous times.Christ Alone Exaltedcomprises a series of sermons that Crisp delivered, “in or neare London,” in the early 1640s. The collection oozes discontent. Excrescences theological and devotional, Crisp had decided, needed to be removed, for they were imperiling vulnerable souls. Christian truths were now contending with “brethren” too smitten by the “righteousnesse of the Law” to stand in any but an adversarial relationship with “the free grace of God which is by faith.” Crisp offered a reparative blade. He repaired by cutting and thrusting, and in so doing sought to make amends for a host of puritan horrors. And for all the quietism that informed his alternative covenantal vision, Crisp did not operate softly. He had targets in his sights; he would dislodge from its place of security in the hearts and minds of the brethren a world of religious thought and action. The seethingly indignant responses of his critics testify to the bang with which Crisp had arrived. Crisp delivered a combustible mix of acrid polemic and nonconforming theology. He let it be known that an overly legalized soteriology had precipitated a pandemic of religious troubles; a desiccated, formulaic piety was smothering the spiritual life out of the gospel message. In short, Crisp was issuing a vigorous challenge to the legitimacy of a pietistic tradition that was overly elaborated and destructive of souls.

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