Journal articles: 'British-Canadian'

1

Green, C., and S. Manohar. "Canadian qualifications for british psychiatrists." Psychiatric Bulletin 12, no. 1 (January 1, 1988): 28–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.12.1.28-b.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Green, C., and S. Manohar. "Canadian qualifications for British psychiatrists." Psychiatric Bulletin 12, no. 5 (May 1, 1988): 202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.12.5.202-a.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Green, C., and S. Manohar. "Canadian qualifications for British psychiatrists." Bulletin of the Royal College of Psychiatrists 12, no. 1 (January 1988): 28–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s0140078900019088.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Green, C., and S. Manohar. "Canadian qualifications for British psychiatrists." Bulletin of the Royal College of Psychiatrists 12, no. 5 (May 1988): 202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s0140078900020125.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Thompson, Graeme. "Reframing Canada’s Great War: Liberalism, sovereignty, and the British Empire c. 1860s–1919." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 73, no. 1 (March 2018): 85–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702018765936.

Full text

Abstract:

This article examines how Canadian Liberals understood Canada’s international relations in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, situating their political thought within the British imperial world and their views of the Great War in a broader historical context. It argues that while Liberals regarded Canadian participation in the war as an affirmation of nationhood, they nonetheless conceived of Canada as a “British nation” and an integral part of a British imperial community in international politics. The article further illuminates the growth of an autonomous Canadian foreign policy within the British Empire, and shows that even the staunchest Liberal proponents of independence upheld the Dominion’s British connection. In so doing, it connects the history of Canadian Liberalism to a wider British Liberal tradition that advocated the transformation of the relationship between the United Kingdom and its settler Dominions from one of imperial dependence to that of equal, sovereign, and freely associated nations.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Thomas, Christopher A. "Slippery Talk of Parliament’s Architecture: Canadian, Canadian British, or Anglo-American?" RACAR : Revue d'art canadienne 29, no. 1-2 (2004): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1069675ar.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Montsion, Jean Michel. "Diplomacy as Self-representation: British Columbia’s First Nations and China." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 11, no. 4 (September 27, 2016): 404–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341333.

Full text

Abstract:

China’s recent interest and substantial investments in Canada’s natural resource sector have led some First Nations in British Columbia to undertake diplomatic activities to represent their interests to Chinese officials and investors. This article explores the interplay developing between the diplomatic activities of British Columbia’s First Nations and those of the Canadian state in the area of natural resource promotion. It does so by examining the diplomatic efforts of British Columbia’s First Nations Energy and Mining Council and the Canadian government’s Foreign Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement with China. The article argues that this interplay represents a struggle over diplomatic representation, in which British Columbia’s First Nations challenge the Canadian state’s monopoly on the representation of indigenous interests abroad, whereas the Canadian state constantly reframes indigenous perspectives on international affairs as a matter of domestic jurisdiction, in order to re-ground its control over Canadian foreign diplomatic practices.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

MURPHY, VICTORIA A., and ELENA NICOLADIS. "When answer-phone makes a difference in children's acquisition of English compounds." Journal of Child Language 33, no. 3 (August 2006): 677–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030500090600746x.

Full text

Abstract:

Over the course of acquiring deverbal compounds like truck driver, English-speaking children pass through a stage when they produce ungrammatical compounds like drive-truck. These errors have been attributed to canonical phrasal ordering (Clark, Hecht & Mulford, 1986). In this study, we compared British and Canadian children's compound production. Both dialects have the same phrasal ordering but some different lexical items (e.g. answer-phone exists only in British English). If influenced by these lexical differences, British children would produce more ungrammatical Verb–Object (VO) compounds in trying to produce the more complex deverbal (Object–Verb-er) than the Canadian children. 36 British children between the ages of 3;6 and 5;6 and 36 age-matched Canadian children were asked to produce novel compounds (like sun juggler). The British children produced more ungrammatical compounds and fewer grammatical compounds than the Canadian children. We argue that children's errors in deverbal compounds may be due in part to competing lexical structures.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Bell, Catherine. "Canadian Supreme Court: Delgamuukw V. British Columbia." International Legal Materials 37, no. 2 (March 1998): 261–333. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020782900018283.

Full text

Abstract:

Delgamuukw v. B.C. is a pivotal decision in the evolution of Canadian law on Aboriginal rights.Numerous meetings, round-tables, workshops and conferences have been held to discuss its potential impact on litigation and negotiation.1 Delgamuukw has also served as a vehicle for discussion of more fundamental issues such as the appropriateness of selecting the judicial forum to resolve Aboriginal title claims and the role of legal reasoning in furthering the process of colonization.2 Given the influence of British colonial law on the development of Aboriginal rights jurisprudence in former British colonies and the restrictions placed by evidentiary presumptions originating in English courts, Delgamuukw may also have persuasive precedential value outside of Canada. In particular, the Supreme Court's elaboration of the concept of Aboriginal rights and its discussion of the weight to be given to oral histories may influence other commonwealth courts which face the demanding task of accommodating the rights of colonized peoples within a contemporary political and legal rights regime.3

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Campbell, Lyndsay. "Race, Upper Canadian Constitutionalism and “British Justice”." Law and History Review 33, no. 1 (February 2015): 41–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248014000558.

Full text

Abstract:

This article explores a puzzle in Canadian legal historiography: the meaning of “British justice” and its relationship to race. Scholars have noted the use of this term in the interwar years of the twentieth century, to object to demonstrations of racial bias in the legal system. The puzzle is why. From the mid-1850s onward, statutes aimed at circumscribing the rights and opportunities of aboriginal people multiplied. British Columbia passed anti-Chinese, anti-Japanese, and anti-Indian legislation. Saskatchewan prohibited Chinese and Japanese employers from hiring white women. At least some officials supposed that legislation targeting African Canadians would be permissible. In 1924, the TorontoTelegramcalled for a poll tax against Jews. It is clear that between 1880 and 1920 or thereabouts, federal and provincial law was deeply involved in creating and reifying legal categories that rested explicitly on physical distinctions perceived to exist among people, which were assumed to signal morally and legally relevant characteristics. Why, then, would anyone have thought that “British justice” should be a shield against racism?

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

Abbott, D. "Canadian Conference on Coal Whistler, British Columbia." Energy Exploration & Exploitation 11, no. 6 (December 1993): 501–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014459879301100601.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

Morrison, John. "American-British-Canadian intelligence relations 1939–2000." Defense & Security Analysis 18, no. 2 (June 2002): 189–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14751790220132592.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

Taneti, James Elisha. "CANADIAN BAPTIST MISSIONARIES AND THE BRITISH RAJ." Baptist Quarterly 42, no. 6 (April 2008): 422–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/bqu.2008.42.6.004.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

Romaniuk, Scott Nicholas, and Joshua K. Wasylciw. "Canada’s Evolving Crown: From a British Crown to a “Crown of Maples”." American, British and Canadian Studies Journal 23, no. 1 (December 1, 2014): 108–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/abcsj-2014-0030.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract This article examines how instruments have changed the Crown of Canada from 1867 through to the present, how this change has been effected, and the extent to which the Canadian Crown is distinct from the British Crown. The main part of this article focuses on the manner in which law, politics, and policy (both Canadian and non-Canadian) have evolved a British Imperial institution since the process by which the federal Dominion of Canada was formed nearly 150 years ago through to a nation uniquely Canadian as it exists today. The evolution of the Canadian Crown has taken place through approximately fifteen discrete events since the time of Canadian confederation on July 1, 1867. These fifteen events are loosely categorized into three discrete periods: The Imperial Crown (1867-1930), A Shared Crown (1931-1981), and The Canadian Crown (1982-present).

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

Mashevs’kyi, Oleg, and Myroslav Baraboi. "Anglo-Canadian Historiography Genesis of the French Canadian Nationalism." European Historical Studies, no. 7 (2017): 64–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.07.64-83.

Full text

Abstract:

The article investigates the genesis of the French-Canadian nationalism in the Anglo-Canadian historiography. The essence of debate that arose among English-Canadian historians about the conquest of New France (Quebec) by Great Britain as one of the main causes of the French-Canadian problem is analyzed. In particular, as opposed to the pro-British point of view, which considers this conquest as a progress and benefit for the residents of French Canada, its opponents considered the issue as a tragedy for the French Canadians. Particularly the attention is drawn to the changes of the historiographical paradigm after the Second World War, when even pro-British historians had to reconsider their attitude to conquest Canada by Great Britain and recognize its consequences for the French Canadians. Special attention is paid to the reflection of the Anglo-Canadian historiography upon the uprising in 1837-1838 in Quebec on as one of the first manifestations of the radical French-Canadian nationalism. The basic approach in the Anglo-Canadian historiography about members of radical and liberal leaders of French-Canadian nationalism (H. Bourassa, L. Groulx, J. P Tardivel, H. Mercier), which contributed to the institutionalization and politicization of French-Canadian nationalism have been disclosed. The article also clarifies the position of the Anglo-Canadian historiography about the genesis of the “Quiet revolution” in Quebec as of the highest expression of French-Canadian nationalism.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

GODEANU-KENWORTHY, OANA. "Fictions of Race: American Indian Policies in Nineteenth-Century British North American Fiction." Journal of American Studies 52, no. 1 (December 27, 2016): 91–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875816001948.

Full text

Abstract:

This article explores the hemispheric and transatlantic uses of race and empire as tropes of settler-colonial otherness in the novelThe Canadian Brothers(1840) by Canadian author John Richardson. In this pre-Confederation historical novel, Richardson contrasts the imperial British discourse of racial tolerance, and the British military alliances with the Natives in the War of 1812, with the brutality of American Indian policies south of the border, in an effort to craft a narrative of Canadian difference from, and incompatibility with, American culture. At the same time, the author's critical attitude towards all European military and commercial interventions in the New World illuminates the rootedness of both American and Canadian settler colonialisms in British imperialism, and exposes the arbitrariness and constructedness of the political boundaries dividing the continent.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

Mancke, Elizabeth. "Another British America: A Canadian model for the early modern British Empire." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 25, no. 1 (January 1997): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086539708582991.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

MacLean, Michael J., and Sheila M. Chown. "Just World Beliefs and Attitudes toward Helping Elderly People: A Comparison of British and Canadian University Students." International Journal of Aging and Human Development 26, no. 4 (June 1988): 249–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/n8gp-65xt-2xqq-9jwk.

Full text

Abstract:

Social science students from a British university and a Canadian university were studied to determine the relationship between their beliefs in a just world and their attitudes toward helping elderly people who have social, economic or health needs. Approximately 30 percent of the British students ( N = 71) and 50 percent of the Canadian students ( N = 124) expressed a belief in a just world. In both groups, just world believers blamed elderly people for being in poor health or financial circumstances, and the Canadian just world believers also tended to dismiss the needs of elderly people for the convenience of society. These and other differences in the attitudes of the British and Canadian students toward elderly people are discussed from a social and historical context. Implications of a belief in a just world by social science students are discussed in relation to the provision of social services to elderly people.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Simpson, Michael. "Thomas Adams in Canada, 1914-1930." Urban History Review 11, no. 2 (October 25, 2013): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1019031ar.

Full text

Abstract:

Thomas Adams (1871-1940), a leading British planning pioneer, became planning adviser to the Commission of Conservation in 1914. Galvanizing the infant Canadian planning movement, he gave it a comprehensive legislative, institutional and professional structure by 1919. Like his hosts, he was a utilitarian, a meliorist and a functionalist. His system broke down in the 1920s when the atmosphere was not congenial for planning and Canadian society too immature to accept his message. Little of his actual structure now survives but Canadian planning philosophy remains essentially utilitarian. This article discusses Adams's British background, his aims and policies in Canada, his successes and failures and his significance in Canadian planning history.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

Reilly, Kenneth. "“A Hard Strain on Imperialism”: South Asian Resistance to the British Honduras Scheme." Canadian Journal of History 56, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh-2020-0037.

Full text

Abstract:

In the fall and winter of 1908, the Canadian government attempted to relocate South Asians living in British Columbia to British Honduras for indentured labour. Those in favour of relocation claimed that most South Asians were unemployed, were unable to survive winter, and could not adapt to Canadian society because of their religious beliefs. South Asians who opposed relocation challenged many of these claims and formed a wide network across the British Empire to foil this relocation. This study discusses the overlooked subject of the Canadian state’s attempts to remove South Asians who had already settled in the country, as well as the agency of South Asians in early-twentieth-century Canada. The documents examined throughout this article show that the British Honduras Scheme failed when South Asians could not be convinced that it served their interests and found that they possessed the necessary resources to challenge deportation.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

Patel, Alpesh A., Robert H. Brophy, Rajiv Gandhi, Hue H. Luu, Kishore Mulpuri, Suken A. Shah, and Sanjeev Kakar. "The 2015 American-British-Canadian Traveling Fellows Report." Journal of Bone and Joint Surgery 98, no. 16 (August 2016): e68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2106/jbjs.15.01378.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

Neylan, Susan. "Unsettling British Columbia: Canadian Aboriginal Historiography, 1992-2012." History Compass 11, no. 10 (October 2013): 845–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hic3.12085.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

23

Waters, Christopher. "Comparing British and Canadian Perspectives on International Law." British Journal of Canadian Studies 20, no. 2 (September 2007): 231–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/bjcs.20.2.3.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

24

Pilla, John, and Don Hindle. "Adapting DRGs: The British, Canadian and Australian Experiences." Health Information Management 24, no. 3 (September 1994): 87–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/183335839402400304.

Full text

Abstract:

The DRG classification was developed in the United States, and has been widely used there for analytical and resource allocation purposes. Its utility has been recognised in other countries. Some have adopted US versions without change, and others have chosen to develop their own adaptations. This paper discusses the processes and outcomes of adaptation in Canada, Britain and Australia. An attempt is made to generalise the trends. It is concluded that there is a high degree of similarity of intent, although different solutions have been adopted in some cases. Where major differences remain, they are mostly a consequence of the lack of resources to pursue all opportunities for refinement at the same time. All three countries have correctly focused on involvement of their own clinician groups. However, they have tended to restrict their view to US experiences when looking overseas. It is argued that greater attention should be paid to sharing their ideas with countries with which they have a greater degree of similarity.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

25

Chen, Antonia F., Sukhdeep K. Dulai, Ruby Grewal, Derek Kelly, Michael Lee, Philipp Leucht, and Hassan Mir. "The 2019 American-British-Canadian (ABC) Traveling Fellowship." Journal of Bone and Joint Surgery 102, no. 1 (January 2020): e1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2106/jbjs.19.01000.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

26

Clarke, Harold D., and Jon H. Pammett. "Environmental Issues in Recent British and Canadian Elections." Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies 14, no. 2 (April 27, 2021): 102–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.22215/cjers.v14i2.2764.

Full text

Abstract:

ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES IN RECENT BRITISH AND CANADIAN ELECTIONS The 2019 elections in Britain and Canada illustrate the difficulties in communication between a concerned public and prospective office-holders on the most critical set of issues of our times. An increased level of public awareness and concern about the state of the environment has been expressed in public opinion polls, social movement activity has increased, and Green parties have expanded their appeal. Despite these developments in recent years, environmental issues have not been able to exert a major impact on individual voting behaviour in elections, or on overall election outcomes. Issues related to the environment are usually treated, by both politicians and the public, in valence terms. Valence issues are ones upon which there is broad consensus about the goals of public policy, and political debate focuses not on "what to accomplish" but rather on "how to do it" and "who is best able." Regarding the environment, general formulations like global warming and climate change prompt politicians to offer concerned rhetoric and engage in virtue signaling, but specific policy proposals are often absent. This paper examines four reasons why environmental/climate change issues did not have a major impact on the 2019 Canadian and British elections. First, environmental concern in society at large was imperfectly translated into election issues. Second, the major political parties produced inadequate and unconvincing environmental manifestos. Third, environmental issues were not central to most voting decisions. Fourth, environmental issues had limited impacts on election outcomes.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

27

Champion, C. P. "Eminent Pearsonians: Britishness, Anti-Britishness, and Canadianism." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 16, no. 1 (May 7, 2007): 319–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/015736ar.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract Britishness in mid-Twentieth century Canada is usually treated as a fading overseas tie, a foreign allegiance, or a mark of dependency and colonial immaturity. There is a tendency to assume a kind of Manichean division between pro-British and anti-British: either in favour of Canadian independence, or beholden to the British connection, and to draw too sharp a distinction between what was “British” and what was genuinely “Canadian.” However, a study of the Eminent Pearsonians – three generations of Canadians whose anglophilia and Canadianness were intermingled – suggests that they were neither purely anglophile nor quite anglophobe but a tertium quid. Britishness and Canadianism were far more interpenetrated than is commonly thought. The nationalism and internationalism of Pearson and his contemporaries adumbrated their adoptive English liberalism and British liberal imperialism. Indeed, Britishness was interwoven into the Canadianness of the actors, bit-players, and stage-hands of all classes, ethnicities and genders in the Canadian pageant. In the positive sense of the term, Canadianism was an excrescence of Britishness.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

28

Buckner, Phillip. "Presidential Address: Whatever happened to the British Empire?" Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 4, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 3–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031054ar.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract Since the 1960s historians of the second British Empire have been seeking to redefine their field in ways that would give it continuing relevance. Unfortunately, in the process, they have lost sight of one of the most important components of the nineteenth-century empire. Even the most promising of the new approaches — the effort to reintegrate imperial history with domestic British history — is flawed by the failure to recognize, as J.C.A. Pocock has insisted, that Greater Britain included not only the British Isles but also the British colonies of settlement. Because historians of the second British Empire no longer have much interest in colonization, they have glossed over the differences between the colonies formed in the first wave of European expansion prior to 1783 and those formed during the much larger second wave that commenced in 1815 and they have underestimated the long-term significance of those colonies in helping to shape the sense of identity held by the British at home. But historians of the colonies of settlement must also take some of the responsibility for this myopia because they have lost sight of the significance of the empire to those Britons who established themselves abroad in the nineteenth century. In fact, Canadian historians have locked themselves into a teleological framework which is obsessed with the evolution of Canadian autonomy and the construction of a Canadian national identity and thus downplayed the significance of the imperial experience in shaping the identity of nineteenth-century British Canadians. It is time now not only to place the nineteenth-century colonies of settlement back on the agenda of imperial historians but also to put the imperial experience back where it belongs, at the centre of nineteenth-century Canadian history.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

29

Pass, Forrest D. "Agrarian Commonwealth or Entrepôt of the Orient? Competing Conceptions of Canada and the BC Terms of Union Debate of 1871." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 17, no. 1 (July 23, 2007): 25–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/016101ar.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract Much of the historiography of British Columbia’s 1871 entry into Confederation has concentrated on the motives of British Columbians in seeking union with Canada. This article examines the discussion of the province’s Terms of Union in the Canadian parliament and in the eastern Canadian press, and recasts the debate as a conflict between two competing visions of Canada’s economic future. Proponents of the admission of British Columbia believed access to the Pacific would transform the new Dominion into a commercial superpower. Opponents of the Terms looked upon distant, mountainous, and sparsely populated British Columbia as a liability, a region and a community that, unlike the Prairie West, could never conform to the agrarian ideal that underpinned their conception of Canada. A reconsideration of the Terms of Union debate in eastern Canada suggests a broader conception of what constitutes Canada’s founding debates, and supports the work of other scholars who have identified an agrarian-commercial cleavage as a defining feature of nineteenth-century Canadian politics.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

30

Zapototskyi, Mykhailo. "British “imperial federalism” in the vision of Canadian “loyalists” at the end of XIX century." European Historical Studies, no. 14 (2019): 73–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.73-82.

Full text

Abstract:

The article is devoted to the vision of the Canadian political elites of British “imperial federalism” concept, which resonated with the British Empire in the second half of the nineteenth century. This concept appeared in the circles of British politicians and public figures and, in the long run, should become a federal alliance between the colonies and the United Kingdom. Canada, which at that time was a full-fledged state entity, offered its own vision on this issue. The Canadian political elites, most of whom were supporters of a close relationship with the United Kingdom (the so-called “loyalists”), expressed broad support for the British Crown and a close alliance with Britain. In this article the author draws attention to the concept of “imperial federalism” and its origins, highlights the views of Canada’s major political figures who have expressed their thoughts about the imperial federation, and focuses on discussions about the vision of the future alliance of Canadian politicians. Separately analyzed are the colonial conferences of the late nineteenth century, which became the platform for solving colonial problems. They gave the opportunity to the Canadian “loyalists” to express their own position on the activity mechanism of the Imperial Federation in the future. The emergence of the idea of federalization of the British colonial system in the second half of the nineteenth century became a reaction to the outdated colonial system of the United Kingdom, which required updating and optimization of its work. This idea was geopolitical in its nature, because it was the result of the loss of a dominant position in the world colonial system by the United Kingdom and a desire to reclaim its former positions. The Canadian Loyalists’ vision of the concept of British “imperial federalism” is a clear example of Canadian politicians’ attitudes toward Britain at the end of the 19th century. It was to endorse the British idea by making its own adjustments to the future imperial federal system of the British Empire. The very concept of “imperial federalism” did not find its realization throughout the political debate, and its alternative was the imperial conferences that were held throughout the XX century. It was imperial conferences that served as a platform for solving common colonial problems and facilitated closer ties between the Metropolia and the colonies.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

31

Scott, Elizabeth A. "‘The Ill-name of the Old Country’: London’s Assisted Emigrants, British Unemployment Policy, and Canadian Immigration Restriction, 1905-1910." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 26, no. 1 (August 8, 2016): 99–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1037231ar.

Full text

Abstract:

Between 1906 and 1910, Canada passed two increasingly restrictive Immigration Acts to, among other reasons, reduce charitable assisted emigration from London. These acts were passed in response to Britain’s Unemployed Workmen Act in 1905, which contained an emigration clause designed to move London’s unemployed to Canada. Canada deemed these emigrants to be unsuitable largely because they hailed from the impoverished East End of London. Emigration charities felt an imperial betrayal in the wake of the restrictions. Although an exception allowed for a limited degree of charitable emigration to continue, assisted English emigrants were now unreservedly lumped together with other undesirables in the British World. Despite Canadian displeasure, charities continued to send London’s unemployed to Canada until World War I. A more direct relationship between British unemployment policy and Canadian immigration policy is emphasized, opening a space wherein to examine transnational and imperial legal tensions in the early twentieth century British World. This space reveals a nexus of poverty, migration, and restriction that pitted Britain’s needs against Canada’s; it also complicates the concept of loyal nations belonging to a cooperative British World, becoming particularly relevant to the evolution of restrictive Canadian attitudes towards British immigrants after 1905.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

32

Muirhead, B. W. "The Politics of Food and the Disintegration of the Anglo-Canadian Trade Relationship, 1947-1948." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 2, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 215–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031035ar.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract This paper examines a somewhat peripheral event in postwar transatlantic diplomacy, the 1947-48 food negotiations between Canada and the United Kingdom, because the process and the outcome of these talks illuminate the deterioration in the traditionally close relationship between the two countries. Because of the financial strains caused by British wartime expenditures, Canada was unable to negotiate a reestablishment of the prewar trade relationship, in which surpluses in her trade with Great Britain financed deficits in her accounts with the United States. The British negotiating strategy forced the Canadian government to reconsider its traditional dependence on the British connection, which had hitherto been so fundamental to Canadian history. This paper therefore challenges the view that Canadian politicians ''sold out'' the country in shifting attention from Britain to the United States after World War II.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

33

Zapototskyi, Mykhailo. "Perception of the Metropolia by the Canadian Political Elite in 1914–1915 (According to the Materials of the Protocols of the Debates of the Canadian Parliament)." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 9 (2020): 145–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.09.13.

Full text

Abstract:

In modern historical science, an integral component of scientific research is the component of the source base, which also applies to studies in world history. This article is devoted to the analysis of the protocols of the Canadian Parliament’s debates at the initial stage of World War I (1914–1915). The pages of the protocols of the Canadian Parliament’s describe the personal attitude of politicians to Metropolia, the public speeches of Canadian politicians in 1914–1915, the vision of representatives of political elites regarding the entry of the Canadian Confederation into the First World War. Notwithstanding the ideological diversity of Canadian politicians in the early twentieth century, who included both proponents of unity with Metropolia and opponents of the process, it is interesting that the entire political elite at the beginning of the Great War was consolidated in the matter of supporting the British Crown. Even former political opponents – R. Borden and W. Laurier – became ideological partners, who emphasized that Canada should support the British Empire at a difficult time. Importantly, French Canadian politicians, who were in part critical of British imperialism, also took a positive view of Britain. The main ideologue of the French Canadians at this time was considered A. Burassa, who supported Canada’s entry into the First World War. The main issues discussed at this time by parliamentarians were Canada’s military and material support for the armed conflict. Senators J. Bolduk, E. Smith, A. Lougheed, and P. Murphy actively called for the side of the Metropolia. In the article the author draws attention to the fact that politicians were negative about the military conflict itself. Canadian politicians consider German Empire to be the main culprit in the war, which violated Belgium’s sovereignty and started the war. As a result, the UK was forced to go to war, defending the neutrality of the Belgian state. According to most Canadian politicians, Canada’s main task was to support the British Empire.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

34

Finnis, John. "The Coxford LecturePatriation and Patrimony: The Path to the Charter." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 28, no. 1 (January 2015): 51–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cjlj.2015.17.

Full text

Abstract:

This annotatedCoxford Lectureis the first account dedicated to tracing the part played in the 1980-82 patriation of the Canadian Constitution by the British House of Commons, particularly by its Select Committee on Foreign Affairs. This committee, for which author was the adviser, investigated the propriety of the UK Parliament’s acceding to a request for amendment of the British North America Act 1867 (as amended) if the amendment were opposed by a substantial number of Provinces and it would affect their powers. Against the firm opposition of the Canadian government (secretly being assisted by the British government), the Committee reported in January 1981 that acceding to such a request in such circumstances would be a breach of Parliament’s constitutional responsibilities. A second report, in April 1981, defended that opinion against the Canadian government’s vigorous attempt in March to refute it. The Committee’s position strongly resembles that of the “conventions” majority of the Canadian Supreme Court in September 1981. But the resemblance should not obscure a significant difference, rooted in the distinct authority of the UK Parliament during this terminal phase of the patrimony that, by Canadian decision in 1931, it had inherited: some imperial responsibilities (by then only procedural, and terminated in 1982) for the polity and people of Canada.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

35

Rasmussen, Lisa. "Selected linguistic problems in indexing within the Canadian context." Indexer: The International Journal of Indexing 18, no. 2 (October 1, 1992): 87–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/indexer.1992.18.2.7.

Full text

Abstract:

Study of the problems inherent in indexing within a Canadian context. Takes into account the linguistic characteristics of Canadian English (the divided usage between British and American spelling and vocabulary; the literary warrant of words of Canadian origin) and of Canadian French (the frequency of vocabular, morphological, and semantic anglicisms, the differences in vocabulary between standard and Canadian French) and the problems involved in bilingual indexing because of the trend in the English language towards nominalization.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

36

Dollinger, Stefan. "The Modal Auxiliaries have to and must in the Corpus of Early Ontario English: Gradient Change and Colonial Lag." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 51, no. 2-3 (November 2006): 287–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100004114.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThe notion ‘drift’ plays an important role in the development of the modals have to and must in early Canadian English in relation to British and American English during the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Have to is first found in texts that reflect informal usage, and for the period in question (1750–1849), have to is only attested with deontic readings; the data suggest that its rise was not exclusively conditioned by the defective paradigm of must. Must maintains its epistemic function in relation to its Late Modern English competitors. In early Canadian English, changes progress gradually, with individual variables following different directions. Canadian English epistemic must lags behind, while deontic have to has spread more quickly in North America, with Canadian English more progressive than British English varieties, but less so than American English. Within a more general drift towards have to, Canadian English shows independent development in successive periods.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

37

Jackson, Stephen J. "British History is Their History: Britain and the British Empire in the History Curriculum of Ontario, Canada and Victoria, Australia 1930-1975." Espacio, Tiempo y Educación 4, no. 2 (July 1, 2017): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.161.

Full text

Abstract:

This article investigates the evolving conceptions of national identity in Canada and Australia through an analysis of officially sanctioned history textbooks in Ontario, Canada and Victoria, Australia. From the 1930s until the 1950s, Britain and the British Empire served a pivotal role in history textbooks and curricula in both territories. Textbooks generally held that British and imperial history were crucial to the Canadian and Australian national identity. Following the Second World War, textbooks in both Ontario and Victoria began to recognize Britain’s loss of power, and how this changed Australian and Canadian participation in the British Empire/Commonwealth. But rather than advocate for a complete withdrawal from engagement with Britain, authors emphasized the continuing importance of the example of the British Empire and Commonwealth to world affairs. In fact, participation in the Commonwealth was often described as of even more importance as the Dominions could take a more prominent place in imperial affairs. By the 1960s, however, textbook authors in Ontario and Victoria began to change their narratives, de-emphasizing the importance of the British Empire to the Canadian and Australian identity. Crucially, by the late 1960s the new narratives Ontarians and Victorians constructed claimed that the British Empire and national identity were no longer significantly linked. An investigation into these narratives of history will provide a unique window into officially acceptable views on imperialism before and during the era of decolonization.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

38

McCulloch, Michael. "The Death of Whiggery: Lower-Canadian British Constitutionalism and the tentation de l’histoire parallèle." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 2, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 195–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031034ar.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract The Constitutional Act of 1791 was sought to create in Lower Canada a community whose social and political values reflected the basic assumptions of late-eighteenth-century Whiggery. These included representation of interest rather than of individuals, the importance of the "due" weight of property, and the organic nature of the British constitution. These values of "Liberty and Property" constituted the focus of the emotional and cultural image of the British Constitution. For the British Lower Canadians of the 1830s, these values were not fossilised remnants. Rather, they formed a coherent framework that made legitimate their conflict with the French-Canadian majority for control over politics. The influence of organised Constitutionalism did not disappear with the Act of Union of 1841. In the opening years of the union, anglophones identified with the Constitutionalist party which dominated both opposition and government in Canada East. They remained an influence until midcentury. Indeed, the final disintegration of Constitutionalism as a defensible basis for British Lower-Canadian politics was not the result of the inevitable triumph of La Fontaine's Responsible Government. Because they strongly identified, not simply with Britain, but with specific elements of British society, English-speaking Lower Canadians responded to changes in British political society. “La tentation de l'histoire parallèle” ensured that the Irish Repeal agitation and the Free Trade campaign would disrupt the assumption of a united British "interest." After the 1840s, the disproportionate power of British-Canadian élites in Lower Canada was based on their influence among the leaders of political parties rather than a collective identity rooted in the values of ''Whiggery.''

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

39

Brahams, Diana. "Informed Consent: a Canadian Case in a British Perspective." Lancet 330, no. 8566 (October 1987): 1038. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(87)92614-6.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

40

Brahams, Diana. "Informed Consent: a Canadian Case in a British Perspective." Lancet 330, no. 8573 (December 1987): 1474–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(87)91184-6.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

41

Sangster, Joan. "Exporting suffrage: British influences on the Canadian suffrage movement." Women's History Review 28, no. 4 (July 5, 2018): 566–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612025.2018.1493765.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

42

Redenbach, Darlene, and Lesley Bainbridge. "Canadian physiotherapy education: the University of British Columbia example." Physical Therapy Reviews 12, no. 2 (June 2007): 92–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/108331907x175087.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

43

Lawlor, Andrea. "Framing Immigration in the Canadian and British News Media." Canadian Journal of Political Science 48, no. 2 (June 2015): 329–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423915000499.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractDespite an extensive dialogue on the subject of immigration, there has been little systematic cross-national investigation into the framing of immigration in the news media. Understanding the evolution of frames is an important piece of how we conceive of the link between the public's political priorities and policy makers’ responses. While the multi-directional relationships that exist between media, public policy and public opinion often pose challenges to precisely extracting media effects, there is still much that can be said about how the content and tone of immigration frames change over time in response to major policy changes or focusing events. Using automated content analysis (ACA) of print news data from Canada and Britain, I examine immigration framing from 1999 to 2013, identifying immigration-related frames in print news coverage and identifying trends in the volume and tone of frames over time. Results offer insight into striking commonalities in the frames used by each country's print media, and the divergent evolution in the emphasis on certain frames over others, largely predicated on coverage of focusing events.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

44

Thomas, Paul G., Trevor C. Salmon, and Michael Keating. "The Dynamics of Decentralization: Canadian Federalism and British Devolution." Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 28, no. 1 (March 2002): 154. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3552170.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

45

Stouffer, Allen P. "Michael Willis and the British roots of Canadian antislavery." Slavery & Abolition 8, no. 3 (December 1987): 294–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440398708574940.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

46

Knipe, Catherine, Yvonne Haskins, and Pip Sutcliffe. "A Staff Exchange between British and Canadian Health Services." British Journal of Occupational Therapy 53, no. 4 (April 1990): 158–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030802269005300411.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

47

Greenberg, Michael R., Mark W. Rosenberg, David R. Phillips, and Dona Schneider. "Activism for medical geographers: American, British and Canadian viewpoints." Social Science & Medicine 30, no. 1 (January 1990): 173–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-9536(90)90340-x.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

48

ROSE, EDWARD P. F. "CANADIAN LINKS WITH BRITISH MILITARY GEOLOGY 1814 TO 1945." Earth Sciences History 40, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 130–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/1944-6187-40.1.130.

Full text

Abstract:

ABSTRACT Military applications of geology became apparent within the United Kingdom during the nineteenth century, and were developed during the First World War and more extensively during the Second, incidentally by some officers with links to Canada. In the nineteenth century, three Royal Engineer major-generals with geological interests had served there briefly: Joseph Ellison Portlock (1794–1864) helped to stem invasion of Upper Canada by the United States Army in 1814, pioneer geological survey in Ireland from 1826, and promote knowledge of geology amongst British Army officers; Frederick Henry Baddeley (1794–1879) helped to pioneer geological studies in south-east Canada in the 1820s; Richard John Nelson (1803–1877) served in Canada after mapping the geology of Jersey in 1828 and making geological observations in Bermuda. During the First World War, Tannatt William Edgeworth David (1858–1934), a Welsh-born Australian and from 1916 to 1918 the senior of two geologists serving with the British Army on the Western Front, had a Canadian military family link through his mother; and Reginald Walter Brock (1874–1935), Dean of Applied Science at the University of British Columbia and a distinguished Canadian geologist, interrupted his career for infantry service in Europe but was used as a geologist from mid-1918, in Palestine. During the Second World War, the British military geologist Frederick William Shotton (1906–1990) provided geological advice to, amongst other units, Canadian forces who generated thematic maps for parts of northern France that predicted ‘going’ (conditions affecting cross-country vehicle mobility) to follow the D-Day Allied landings in Normandy. In 1943, Thomas Crawford Phemister (1902–1982), Professor and Head of the Department of Geology and Mineralogy at the University of Aberdeen in Scotland but from 1926 to 1932 an associate professor at the University of British Columbia, as an ‘emergency’ Royal Engineers captain founded the Geological Section of the Inter-Service Topographical Department, a unit whose reports and thematic maps provided terrain intelligence for Allied forces in both Europe and the Far East from a base in England, within the University of Oxford. John Leonard Farrington (1906–1982), an undergraduate student from 1923 to 1928 of Brock and/or Phemister at the University of British Columbia, co-founded the Section and soon succeeded Phemister as its head, from 1944 to 1945 in the rank of major. Soon after 1945, military geologists became established in continuity within the British Army.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

49

Garzione, Carmala N., P. Jonathan Patchett, Gerald M. Ross, and JoAnne Nelson. "Provenance of Paleozoic sedimentary rocks in the Canadian Cordilleran miogeocline: a Nd isotopic study." Canadian Journal of Earth Sciences 34, no. 12 (December 1, 1997): 1603–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/e17-129.

Full text

Abstract:

Nd isotopes and trace elements in sedimentary rocks of the Yukon, the Northwest Territories, and northern British Columbia are used to examine the source of sediments in the Canadian Cordilleran miogeocline. Previous Nd isotope studies in southern Alberta demonstrated that strata of Neoproterozoic to Late Ordovician age were derived from Archean and Proterozoic Canadian Shield sources, whereas by the Late Devonian, a shift of 6 εNd units to younger crustal sources (εNd (T) = −6 to −9) had occurred. In this study, we found that the shift to younger crustal Nd isotopic signatures in the Yukon and Northwest Territories occurred much earlier than in southern Alberta. Cambrian and older strata have εNd(T) values of −10.0 to −21.1, consistent with derivation from Canadian Shield sources. Lower Ordovician through Permian strata in the Yukon and Northwest Territories, including the Innuitian-derived Imperial Assemblage, have εNd(T) values of −5 to −11.4. In northern British Columbia, the shift to a younger source reflects a wider range of εNd(T) values, from -−8.7 to −14.6 in Middle Ordovician through Middle Devonian strata, suggesting continued input from Canadian Shield sources. By the Middle Devonian, a complete shift to younger crustal signatures (εNd(T) = −5.9 to −10.5) had occurred in northern British Columbia. Several sources for the more juvenile sediments include (1) a mixture of locally erupted volcanic rocks with Canadian Shield sources, (2) a Grenville source, and (3) an Innuitian source. We propose that Ordovician to Lower Devonian strata were derived from a mixture of locally erupted, juvenile volcanics and pre-Cambrian Canadian Shield sources, and post-Middle Devonian strata were sourced from the Innuitian orogen in the Canadian Arctic.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

50

Ewen, Nathan. "Upper Canada Preserved." General: Brock University Undergraduate Journal of History 5 (April 11, 2020): 60–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/tg.v5i1.2386.

Full text

Abstract:

Following the end of the War of 1812, there was a conscious effort on the part of prominent Upper Canadians to immortalize the deeds and contributions of the Canadian Militia. Hugely overstating their meagre efforts, these figures claimed the lions share of victory for the citizen soldiers, ignoring the far more meaningful and significant effect that British redcoats and Indigenous warriors had in defeating the Americans. By creating this myth these prominent men, many of whom served in the militia, sought to enrich and entrench their positions in Upper Canadian society. Additionally, this Militia Myth helped form a new sense of Canadian identity (a specifically British version of it), that would be crucial in fostering a new nationalism that would emerge in mid-19th century Upper Canada.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Journal articles on the topic 'British-Canadian'

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles