Journal articles on the topic 'British in Fiji'

This paper traces the development of Fiji English as a variety of English distinct from standard British English. This variety of English has been used colloquially; however, in the recent past, it has been slowly creeping in to students’ academic papers. Some of its vocabulary may be seen to be quite distinct from standard British English. This paper will first discuss the classifications and models of World Englishes that have been proposed by scholars such as Kachru, Schneider, Quirk and Bolton, among others. These classifications try and explain the differences in the ways English developed its own varieties in different countries. It will then attempt to explain the stages Fiji English went through to give birth to its own distinct variety of English. Finally, it will examine some of the sources of Fiji English lexis.

From Election to Coup in Fiji, is a collection of more than 30 essays dealing with various aspects of political and social life of Fiji, gives a glimpse into issues and concerns faced by Fiji. A multiracial, multi ethnic nation that has been playing hide-and-seek with democracy and identity politics since its independence from the British.

The export of Indian indentured labour to British oversea colonies containing sugar, cotton and indigo plantations began around mid-nineteenth century. One of the destinations was Fiji, the British island colony in the Pacific, to which the Indian labourers, men and women, mainly went from East UP and West Bihar where Bhojpuri was spoken. While archival documents can help us trace the fortunes of individuals, their own feelings and sentiments are best preserved in their songs orally carried from one mouth to another for decades. The earlier songs contain mournful dirges over separation, the misery of those whom they left behind and their own afflictions in Fiji’s harsh white-owned plantations. As the migrations ceased, the Fiji–Indian people’s interest shifted to restoring their connection with Hinduism and its customs, and this has become more prominent in later folk songs. The gender problem (women outnumbered by men) was severe earlier but has now eased as with the passage of generations, the sex ratio has normalised.

This book, Stopover, is a poignant documentary of the lives of the cane families and a story of migration. It is illustrated with some 59 sepiatoned Connew portraits and other studies, seven diaspora snapshots, two grainy Speight television images and a faded image of two unkown men, earlier descendants (c. 1940's) of the girmitiya, 19th century indentured labourers brought to Fiji by the British colonialists to establish the sugar plantations.

The influence of a range of actors is discernible in nutrition projects during the period after the Second World War in the South Pacific. Influences include: international trends in nutritional science, changing ideas within the British establishment about state responsibility for the welfare of its citizens and the responsibility of the British Empire for its subjects; the mixture of outside scrutiny and support for projects from post-war international and multi-governmental organisations, such as the South Pacific Commission. Nutrition research and projects conducted in Fiji for the colonial South Pacific Health Service and the colonial government also sought to address territory-specific socio-political issues, especially Fiji’s complex ethnic poli,tics. This study examines the subtle ways in which nutrition studies and policies reflected and reinforced these wider socio-political trends. It suggests that historians should approach health research and policy as a patchwork of territorial, international, and regional ideas and priorities, rather than looking for a single causality.

Fiji inherited a British colonial healthcare system. In 2010 the long dormant mental health law was replaced by the Mental Health Decree (MHD), which set up divisional mental health units for the purpose of managing mental health problems outside of the old asylum. The Ministry of Health recruited an overseas consultant to help improve training. Under the MHD, stress management wards, stress management clinics and stress management day centres have been set up, to decentralise and deinstitutionalise psychiatric care. These are on the whole doing reasonably well and have good client acceptance.

British rule in the former Crown Colony of Fiji was a paradoxical affair in several ways. The first Governor, Sir Arthur Gordon, had been shocked by the dispossession of the New Zealand Maori and was determined to subordinate settler interests in Fiji to those of the indigenous population. From the time of cession by a group of paramount chiefs in 1874, administrative policies and structures aimed to defend, protect, and institutionalize the traditional Fijian communal system. For example, what were thought to be traditional chiefly privileges, such as rights to produce, were legally enshrined and articulated with an indirect rule system of appointed village, district, and provincial chiefs. Land was made the inalienable property of clan groups of certain types (which Fijians were obliged to create where they did not already exist).

Twenty-three taxa of Caulerpa Lamouroux are listed from the Fiji Islands, including Caulerpa reniformis sp. nov. and four taxa newly recorded [Caulerpa biserrulata Sonder, Caulerpa nummularia Harvey ex J.Agardh, Caulerpa racemosa var. lamourouxii (Turner) Weber-van Bosse and Caulerpa webbiana f. disticha Vickers]. A further four taxa are listed as Species inquirendae [C. crassifolia (C.Agardh) J.Agardh, C. juniperoides J.Agardh. C. mexicana var. pluriseriata W.R.Taylor and C. remotifolia Sonder]. A revised key to the species of Caulerpa from the Fiji Islands is presented. Verification of records is based on the personal collections of the authors and specimens housed in the Phycological Herbarium, South Pacific Regional Herbarium (SUVA-A), the University of British Columbia (UBC), the Bernice P. Bishop Museum (BISH) and the University of California at Berkeley (UC).

This article exlpores what happens when a documentary film form developed within a specific social, ideological, institutoinal, and aesthetic context—namely, the so-called British Documentary Movement, under the aegis of John Grierson—is deployed in several layers of argument involved, but I will pursue only one of them in the space available here. At a kind of metatheoretical level, it is arguable that Indigenous and Asian cultures are inimical to core values of the Western documentary project: in particular, to the belief in, and rhetorical power of, the material, historical word. In these societies, what might be called 'spiritual' or 'other' worlds have as much everyday reality as Griersonian 'actuality'.

Purpose This historical study explores accounting’s association with processes of cultural hybridisation involving themes such as image-(un)making, alliance-formation and norm-setting as part of Britain’s civilising mission during the era of modern globalisation. In doing so, the purpose of this paper is to examine the manner in which accounting may be implicated in micro-practices through which multi-layered socio-political relations of inequality are produced. Design/methodology/approach Archival materials enable an accounting understanding of the historical processes of image-(un)making, norm-setting and formation of a hybrid form of rule through elite indigenous alliances. Findings The study finds that the British Empire’s colonial project on civilising the indigenous peoples in British Fiji involved: the (un)making of indigenous identities and their moralities; and the elaboration of difference through ambiguous, partial and contradictory application of accounting in attempts to support the globalised civilising course. The globalising challenges indigenous peoples faced included accounting training to change habits in order to gain integration into the global imperial order. The study also finds that the colonised indigenous Fijians had emancipatory capacities in their negotiation of and resistance to accounting. Research limitations/implications The paper identifies avenues for further accounting examination of such processes in the context of post-colonialism and current forms of neo-liberal globalisation. Originality/value By investigating accounting’s association with processes of cultural hybridisation, this paper makes a significant contribution by providing the detail on the role of accounting records kept by the British Empire to facilitate Britain’s domination and control over the colony of Fiji and its residents.

Purpose This is a study of the social consequences of accounting controls over labour. This paper aims to examine the system of tasking used to control Indian indentured workers in the historical context of Fijian sugar plantations during the British colonial period from 1879 to 1920. Design/methodology/approach Archival data consisting of documents from the Colonial Secretary’s Office, reports and related literature on Indian indentured labour were accessed from the National Archives of Fiji. In addition, documented accounts of the experiences of indentured labourers over the period of the study gave voice to the social costs of the indenture system, highlighting the social impact of accounting control systems. Findings Accounting and management controls were developed to extract surplus value from Indian labour. The practice of tasking was implemented in a plantation structure where indentured labourers were controlled hierarchically. This resulted in their exploitation and consequent economic, social and racial marginalisation. Research limitations/implications Like all historical research, our interpretation is limited by the availability of archival documents and the theoretical framework chosen to examine these documents. Practical implications The study promotes a better understanding of the practice and impact of accounting controls within a particular institutional setting, in this case the British colony of Fiji. Social implications By highlighting the social implications of accounting controls in their historical context, we alert corporations, government policy makers, accountants and workers to the socially damaging effects of exploitive management control systems. Originality/value The paper contributes to the growing body of literature highlighting the social effects of accounting control systems. It exposes the social costs borne by indentured workers employed on Fijian sugar plantations.

This historical study starts from the argument that financial economic quantification using accounting concepts and analysis has always been an essential and integral part of effective policies and activities for Britain's empire building. Theories of citizenship are used in particular to examine the close association between accounting and imperial policies during British indirect rule in Fiji. Through an examination of archival data and other relevant source materials, the paper highlights the ways in which accounting helped translate imperial forms of oppression and injustice into everyday work practice. Indirect rule generally required the separation and subordination of the native population as subjects, and their exploitation within imperial hegemonic structures. This research is about a British regime of specific and deliberate power construct through which the indigenous population of subjects were oppressed and excluded from citizenship and from civil society. Focus is on the social, economic and institutional relations that determined a unique pattern of inequality and the way in which accounting was effectively mobilized to serve the aims of British imperialism through indirect rule.

OFFICIALLY, BRITAIN WAS a reluctant coloniser in the Pacific. Unwilling to take on the expense and responsibility of colonial administration, or to interfere with the imperial ambitions of other European powers in the region, successive British governments in the nineteenth century turned down offers of protectorates and other opportunities to colonize Pacific lands. But the energies and ambitions of individual British subjects were not similarly constrained, and the many who went to the Pacific to evangelize, to plant, and to trade established a strong unofficial British presence in the region. Acts of private colonization and a range of quasi-colonialist activities by Britons eventually forced their government to alter imperial policy and take on island protectorates and colonies, but except for the annexation of Fiji in 1874, this did not begin to happen until the late 1880s. For most of the century, Britain contented itself with passing a series of laws which attempted to control what its subjects did on the other side of the world, while minimizing responsibility for the administration of colonies.

In 1945, the small Banaban community of Ocean Island (Banaba) in present-day Kiribati was relocated to Rabi Island in Fiji. The Balabans were ostensibly moved due to irreversible damage done to Ocean Island during Japanese occupation in the Second World War. However, this was largely a convenient excuse to facilitate the wholesale phosphate mining of the island by the British Phosphate Commission, a consortium of the British, Australian and New Zealand governments. The Banaban relocation provides a rare example of a whole community seeking to re-establish itself in another State. This article charts the Banabans’ bids for independence during the 1960–70s, revealing novel responses to complex questions of self-determination and governance, including legal status, nationality, political representation, and rights to land and resources. While their experience cannot be universalised, it is relevant to contemporary deliberations about the possible future relocation of Pacific communities impacted by climate change.

This article examines the cultural, political, ethnic and economic forces that have shaped the evolution of media legislation in Fiji and the evident impacts on journalism and society. The article argues that despite Fiji’s British colonial heritage and its smooth transition to democracy after Independence in 1970, the spectre of stricter legislation has been a constant threat. This threat finally materialised in the post-2006 coup period, when media-related laws underwent a major overhaul, including the promulgation of the punitive Media Industry Development Decree 2010, which was later ‘preserved’ under the 2013 Constitution despite being labelled ‘undemocratic’. The 2006 coup leader Voreqe Bainimarama, who was decisively voted back into power as Prime Minister in the 2014 General Election, justified the media reforms in the name of social stability and progress. This research uses document review to examine the genesis, nature and efficacy of Fiji’s media-related laws, from the colonial to postcolonial periods, and beyond.

AbstractThis paper focuses on the assemblage and display of Fijian collections at Government House during the first few years of British colonial rule and reflexively considers its re-presentation in the exhibition Chiefs & Governors: Art and Power in Fiji (6 June 2013 – 19 April 21014) at the University of Cambridge Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology (MAA). It moves beyond reductionist accounts of colonial collecting and investigates the specificity and nuances of complex relationships between Fijian and British agents, between subjects and objects, both in the field and in the museum. A focus on the processes of collecting and display highlights multiple agencies within colonial networks and the fluid transactional nature of object histories. The Fijian objects that bedecked the walls of Government House from the mid 1870s were re-assembled in 1883 as the founding ethnographic collections of the University of Cambridge Museum of General and Local Archaeology (now MAA). Ethnographic museums have tended to efface the links between the material on display and their colonial pasts (Edwards and Mead 2013). In contrast, the creation of Chiefs & Governors was used as an opportunity to explore the multiple agencies within colonial relations and the processes of collecting, displaying and governing (Bennett et al.2014; Cameron and McCarthy 2015). The second half of this paper analyses the techniques and challenges involved in displaying colonial relations in a museum exhibition and considers the ongoing value of the collections for Fijian communities, cultural descendants, museum staff, researchers and broad public audiences today.

This article examines the cultural contours of the Royal Navy's postwar ‘Empire Cruise’. In late 1923, the British government dispatched a ‘Special Service Squadron’ of powerful battlecruisers on a massive public relations tour. But the popular response to this carefully orchestrated propaganda stunt varied widely. Settler populations in the Dominions often embraced the navy as a ‘bond of empire’ that reconciled Britishness with their own emerging national identities. They celebrated the navy as evidence of a shared maritime heritage handed down over the course of centuries. Meanwhile, non-white populations often responded in ways that ran counter to the intentions of the event organizers. Zulu villages in Natal hosted athletic competitions and indigenous women in Fiji organized a dance for the visiting Jack Tars – unsanctioned gatherings that offered alternative points of contact to the existing arrangements. In other locations, anti-colonial nationalists took advantage of the publicity surrounding the navy to mobilise against colonial policies. Ultimately the appearance of the navy in the far-flung ports of the empire stimulated widespread public debates about race, identity, and colonialism, and challenged the intended narrative of imperial unity.

Charles Freer Andrews (1871–1940) was a close friend of Mohandas K. Gandhi and played a celebrated role in the Indian struggle for independence within the British empire. This article makes the case for understanding Andrews as a pioneering example of the evolution from nineteenth-century Christian Socialism to twentieth-century global ‘social Anglicanism’, as Andrews's career fits a form better recognized in later campaigners. The article draws attention to three beliefs or principles discernible in Andrews's life as a Christian Socialist in the 1890s: the incarnation as a doctrine revealing the brotherhood of humanity; the Church's need to recognize and minister to the poor; and the Church's call to send out its adherents to end ‘social abuses’ and achieve ‘moral victories’. These three core Christian Socialist beliefs were applied in Andrews's thought and achievements during the second half of his life, in the colonial contexts of India, South Africa and Fiji. By comparing his thought and activity with perceptions of empire traceable among contemporary Anglican Christian Socialists, Andrews's colonial career is found to have enabled Anglican social thought to take on a global frame of reference, presaging proponents of an Anglican global social conscience later in the century.

Four early photographers are examined here in relation to their encounters with Tongans and Tonga. These photographers are Andrew Garrett, Gustav Adolph Riemer, Clarence Gordon Campbell and Walter Stanhope Sherwill. Garrett, an American natural historian who specialized in shells and fish, took two ambrotypes of Tongans in Fiji in 1868, which are two of the earliest Tongan photographs known. Riemer, born in Saarlouis, Germany, was a marine photographer on S.M.S. Hertha on an official diplomatic visit and took at least 28 photographs in Tonga in 1876. Campbell, a tourist from New York, took 25 culturally important photographs in 1902. Sherwill, a British subject born in India, moved to Tonga about the time of the First World War. He probably took many photographs with more modern equipment, but only two have been identified with certainty. This article presents information about the photographers and those depicted, where the original photographs can be found and the research that made it possible to glean cultural information from them. These early photographers are placed in the context of other more well-known early photographers whose works can be found in archives and libraries in New Zealand, Australia, Hawai‘i and Germany. In addition, summary information about two Tongan-born photographers is presented, as well as where their photographs/negatives can be found.

The authors substantiate new approaches toward library-based information support of innovations and sci-tech development. They analyze the experience of the British Library and the BL’s Business and Intellectual Property Centre in London. The possibility to adapt this experience for Russia’s regional information infrastructure is examined. The recent regional library studies provide for knowledge and innovations management. The authors introduce the project of networked cooperation between the Federal Industrial Property Institute (FIPI) and Russian regional universal scientific libraries. The challenge is to energize regional libraries and to implement the «learning region» concept. The access to ready-to-use analytical products provided via the libraries and created by FIPI as the core center for intellectual property information infrastructure, enables regional scientists, researchers and businessmen to use instruments of information support of industries and business, in particular those intended to assess the viability of innovations. This provide for building open regional information space and procedures to enforce the rights to the results of intellectual activity and means of identification in Russia and internationally.

Herbert Kitschelt in collaboration with Anthony J. McGann, The Radical Right in Western Europe. A Comparative Analysis (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995), 323 pp., $49.50, ISBN 0-472-10663-5.Peter Merkl and Leonard Weinberg (eds.), The Revival of Right Wing Extremism in the 90s (London: Frank Cass, 1997), 304 pp., £18.50/$24.50, ISBN 0-714-64207-X.Urs Altermatt and Hanspeter Kriesi, L'Extrême droite en Suisse. Organisations et radicalisation au cours des années quatre-vingt et quatre-vingt-dix (Fribourg: Les Éditions Universitaires, 1995), 293 pp. (pb.), SFr. 42.00, ISBN 2-827-10727-9.Mike Cronin (ed.), The Failure of British Fascism. The Far Right and the Fight for Political Recognition (London: Macmillan, 1996), 182 pp. (hb.), £35.00, ISBN 0-333-58438-4.Gerhard Feldbauer, Von Mussolini bis Fini. Die Extreme Rechte in Italien (Berlin: Elefanten Press, 1996), 224 pp. (pb.), DM 29.40, ISBN 3-885-20575-0.Helmut Reinalter, Franko Petri and Rüdiger Kaufmann (eds.), Das Weltbild des Rechtsextremismus. Entsolidarisierung und Bedrohng der Demokratie. Gesellschaftliche Bedingungen, Strukturen und Wirkungen rechtsextremen Denkens (Innsbruck/Vienna: Studienverlag, 1998), 576 pp., DM 82.00, ISBN 3-706-51258-0.Tore Bjørgo, Racist and Right-Wing Violence in Scandinavia: Patterns, Perpetrators, and Responses (Oslo: Tano-Aschehoug, 1997), 386 pp., Kr 298.00, ISBN 8-251-83665-4.Jeffrey Kaplan and Tore Bjørgo (eds.), Nation and Race: The Development of a Euro-American Racist Subculture (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998), 273 pp. (pb.), £19.00, ISBN 1-555-53331-0.

The Middle Jurassic A6 Anomaly is located 30 km southeast of Eskay Creek, north-central British Columbia and consists of thick, altered felsic igneous rocks overlain by a mafic volcano-sedimentary package. Lithogeochemistry on igneous rocks, X-ray diffraction on altered felsic units, and electron probe microanalysis and secondary ion mass spectrometry on illite and quartz were applied to explore the volcanogenic massive sulfide (VMS) potential, characterize alteration, and determine fluid conditions at the A6 Anomaly. Lithogeochemistry revealed calc-alkaline rhyodacite to trachyte of predominantly FII type, tholeiitic basalts with Nb/Yb < 1.6 (i.e., Group A), and transitional to calc-alkaline basalts and andesites with Nb/Yb > 2.2 (i.e., Group B). The felsic units showed weakly to moderately phyllic alteration (quartz–illite with minor orthoclase and trace chlorite–pyrite–calcite–barite–rutile). Illite ranged in composition from illite/smectite (K = 0.5–0.69 apfu) to almost endmember illite (K = 0.69–0.8 apfu), and formed from feldspar destruction by mildly acidic, relatively low temperature, oxidized hydrothermal fluids. The average δ18O composition was 10.7 ± 3.0‰ and 13.4 ± 1.3‰ relative to Vienna Standard Mean Ocean Water for illite and quartz, respectively. Geothermometry involving illite composition and oxygen isotope composition on illite and quartz yielded average fluid temperatures of predominantly 200–250 °C. Lithogeochemical results showed that the A6 Anomaly occurred in a late-Early to Middle Jurassic evolving back-arc basin, further east then previously recognized and in which transitional to calc-alkaline units formed by crustal assimilation to enriched Mid-Ocean Ridge Basalt (EMORB) (i.e., felsic units, Group B), followed by thinning of the crust resulting in tholeiitic normalized MORB basalts (i.e., Group A) with a minor crustal component. The alteration assemblage is representative of distal footwall alteration, and metal transport in this zone was limited despite favorable temperature, pH, and redox state, indicating a metal depleted source (i.e., felsic units).

The Piedra Berroqueña region in the Guadarrama Mountains, part of Spain’s Central Range, supplies most of the construction granite used in Madrid and surrounding provinces. The region’s quarrying towns preserve their granite extraction and hewing traditions. Historic quarries form part of the landscape, as do current extraction sites with huge reserves that guarantee a speedy supply of variously finished dimension stone. Piedra Berroqueña granite has been in use as a construction material since long before Roman times. Many important monuments, including San Lorenzo Royal Monastery at El Escorial (1563−1584), Madrid’s Royal Palace (1738−1764), the Alcalá Gate (1770−1778), the Prado Museum (1785−1808) and Puerta del Sol (one of Madrid’s main squares), owe their good state of preservation to the stone’s petrophysical characteristics and durability. The granite is also found in most of the city’s housing and streets, as well as in modern buildings the world over, such as the airport terminals at Athens and Cork, and the British consulate at Hong Kong. Four major types of monzogranite occur including: biotitic monzogranites containing some cordierite, biotitic monzogranites containing some amphibole, biotitic monzogranites having no cordierite or amphibole, and leucogranites. The petrological, petrophysical and chemical properties of Piedra Berroqueña, which afford it great durability, vary little from one variety to another and depend on the degree of alteration. Physical and chemical characteristics were determined for five granites representative of historic or active quarries in the Piedra Berroqueña region: Alpedrete (monzogranite containing cordierite); Cadalso de los Vidrios (leucogranite); La Cabrera (monzogranite containing amphibole); Colmenar Viejo (monzogranites containing cordierite) and Zarzalejo (monzogranites having no cordierite or amphibole). The Piedra Berroqueña region meets the requirements of a Global Heritage Stone Province, and this paper supports the Piedra Berroqueña region's application for recognition as such. This distinction would enhance public awareness of an area committed to quarrying and working the local stone.RÉSUMÉLa région de Piedra Berroqueña dans les monts de Guadarrama, qui fait partie de la chaine centrale d'Espagne, est la principale source du granite de construction utilisé à Madrid et dans les provinces environnantes. Les agglomérations de la région qui exploitent une carrière conservent leur tradition d’extraction et de taille du granite. Les anciennes carrières font maintenant partie du paysage, comme les sites d'extraction actuels avec d'énormes réserves ce qui garantit un approvisionnement rapide en pierre de taille de fini varié. Le granite de Piedra Berroqueña a été utilisé comme matériau de construction bien avant l'époque romaine. De nombreux monuments importants, y compris le monastère royal de San Lorenzo à l'Escurial (1563–1584), le palais royal de Madrid (1738–1764), la porte d'Alcalá (1770–1778), le musée du Prado (1785–1808) et la Puerta del Sol (une des principales places de Madrid), doivent leur bon état de conservation aux caractéristiques pétrophysiques et à la durabilité de la pierre. Ce granite se retrouve également dans la plupart des habitations et des rues de la ville, ainsi que dans des bâtiments modernes du monde entier, tels que les terminaux de l'aéroport d'Athènes et de Cork, et le consulat britannique à Hong Kong. Il est constitué de quatre grandes classes de monzogranite : des monzogranites à biotite contenant un peu de cordiérite, des monzogranites à biotite contenant un peu d’amphibole, des monzogranites à biotite ne contenant ni cordiérite ni amphibole, et les leucogranites. Les propriétés pétrographiques, pétrophysiques et chimiques des granites de Piedra Berroqueña qui leur assurent une grande durabilité, varient peu d'une variété à l'autre et dépendent du degré d'altération. Les caractéristiques physiques et chimiques ont été déterminées sur cinq granites représentatifs des carrières historiques et actives de la région de Piedra Berroqueña : Alpedrete (monzogranite à cordiérite); Cadalso de los Vidrios (leucogranite); La Cabrera (monzogranite à amphibole); Colmenar Viejo (monzogranite à cordiérite); et Zarzalejo (monzogranite sans cordiérite ni amphibole). La région Piedra Berroqueña répond aux critères d'une Province pétrologique du patrimoine mondial, et le présent article documente la candidature de la région de Piedra Berroqueña à cet effet. Cette distinction permettrait d'améliorer la sensibilisation du public concernant une région spécialisée dans l’extraction et à la taille de la pierre locale. Traduit par le Traducteur

Education in Oceania continues to reflect the embedded implicit and explicit colonial practices and processes from the past. This paper conceptualises a cultural approach to education and leadership appropriate and relevant to the Republic of the Marshall Islands. As elementary school leaders, we highlight Kanne Lobal, a traditional Marshallese navigation practice based on indigenous language, values and practices. We conceptualise and develop Kanne Lobal in this paper as a framework for understanding the usefulness of our indigenous knowledge in leadership and educational practices within formal education. Through bwebwenato, a method of talk story, our key learnings and reflexivities were captured. We argue that realising the value of Marshallese indigenous knowledge and practices for school leaders requires purposeful training of the ways in which our knowledge can be made useful in our professional educational responsibilities. Drawing from our Marshallese knowledge is an intentional effort to inspire, empower and express what education and leadership partnership means for Marshallese people, as articulated by Marshallese themselves. Introduction As noted in the call for papers within the Waikato Journal of Education (WJE) for this special issue, bodies of knowledge and histories in Oceania have long sustained generations across geographic boundaries to ensure cultural survival. For Marshallese people, we cannot really know ourselves “until we know how we came to be where we are today” (Walsh, Heine, Bigler & Stege, 2012). Jitdam Kapeel is a popular Marshallese concept and ideal associated with inquiring into relationships within the family and community. In a similar way, the practice of relating is about connecting the present and future to the past. Education and leadership partnerships are linked and we look back to the past, our history, to make sense and feel inspired to transform practices that will benefit our people. In this paper and in light of our next generation, we reconnect with our navigation stories to inspire and empower education and leadership. Kanne lobal is part of our navigation stories, a conceptual framework centred on cultural practices, values, and concepts that embrace collective partnerships. Our link to this talanoa vā with others in the special issue is to attempt to make sense of connections given the global COVID-19 context by providing a Marshallese approach to address the physical and relational “distance” between education and leadership partnerships in Oceania. Like the majority of developing small island nations in Oceania, the Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI) has had its share of educational challenges through colonial legacies of the past which continues to drive education systems in the region (Heine, 2002). The historical administration and education in the RMI is one of colonisation. Successive administrations by the Spanish, German, Japanese, and now the US, has resulted in education and learning that privileges western knowledge and forms of learning. This paper foregrounds understandings of education and learning as told by the voices of elementary school leaders from the RMI. The move to re-think education and leadership from Marshallese perspectives is an act of shifting the focus of bwebwenato or conversations that centres on Marshallese language and worldviews. The concept of jelalokjen was conceptualised as traditional education framed mainly within the community context. In the past, jelalokjen was practiced and transmitted to the younger generation for cultural continuity. During the arrival of colonial administrations into the RMI, jelalokjen was likened to the western notions of education and schooling (Kupferman, 2004). Today, the primary function of jelalokjen, as traditional and formal education, it is for “survival in a hostile [and challenging] environment” (Kupferman, 2004, p. 43). Because western approaches to learning in the RMI have not always resulted in positive outcomes for those engaged within the education system, as school leaders who value our cultural knowledge and practices, and aspire to maintain our language with the next generation, we turn to Kanne Lobal, a practice embedded in our navigation stories, collective aspirations, and leadership. The significance in the development of Kanne Lobal, as an appropriate framework for education and leadership, resulted in us coming together and working together. Not only were we able to share our leadership concerns, however, the engagement strengthened our connections with each other as school leaders, our communities, and the Public Schooling System (PSS). Prior to that, many of us were in competition for resources. Educational Leadership: IQBE and GCSL Leadership is a valued practice in the RMI. Before the IQBE programme started in 2018, the majority of the school leaders on the main island of Majuro had not engaged in collaborative partnerships with each other before. Our main educational purpose was to achieve accreditation from the Western Association of Schools and Colleges (WASC), an accreditation commission for schools in the United States. The WASC accreditation dictated our work and relationships and many school leaders on Majuro felt the pressure of competition against each other. We, the authors in this paper, share our collective bwebwenato, highlighting our school leadership experiences and how we gained strength from our own ancestral knowledge to empower “us”, to collaborate with each other, our teachers, communities, as well as with PSS; a collaborative partnership we had not realised in the past. The paucity of literature that captures Kajin Majol (Marshallese language) and education in general in the RMI is what we intend to fill by sharing our reflections and experiences. To move our educational practices forward we highlight Kanne Lobal, a cultural approach that focuses on our strengths, collective social responsibilities and wellbeing. For a long time, there was no formal training in place for elementary school leaders. School principals and vice principals were appointed primarily on their academic merit through having an undergraduate qualification. As part of the first cohort of fifteen school leaders, we engaged in the professional training programme, the Graduate Certificate in School Leadership (GCSL), refitted to our context after its initial development in the Solomon Islands. GCSL was coordinated by the Institute of Education (IOE) at the University of the South Pacific (USP). GCSL was seen as a relevant and appropriate training programme for school leaders in the RMI as part of an Asia Development Bank (ADB) funded programme which aimed at “Improving Quality Basic Education” (IQBE) in parts of the northern Pacific. GCSL was managed on Majuro, RMI’s main island, by the director at the time Dr Irene Taafaki, coordinator Yolanda McKay, and administrators at the University of the South Pacific’s (USP) RMI campus. Through the provision of GCSL, as school leaders we were encouraged to re-think and draw-from our own cultural repository and connect to our ancestral knowledge that have always provided strength for us. This kind of thinking and practice was encouraged by our educational leaders (Heine, 2002). We argue that a culturally-affirming and culturally-contextual framework that reflects the lived experiences of Marshallese people is much needed and enables the disruption of inherent colonial processes left behind by Western and Eastern administrations which have influenced our education system in the RMI (Heine, 2002). Kanne Lobal, an approach utilising a traditional navigation has warranted its need to provide solutions for today’s educational challenges for us in the RMI. Education in the Pacific Education in the Pacific cannot be understood without contextualising it in its history and culture. It is the same for us in the RMI (Heine, 2002; Walsh et al., 2012). The RMI is located in the Pacific Ocean and is part of Micronesia. It was named after a British captain, John Marshall in the 1700s. The atolls in the RMI were explored by the Spanish in the 16th century. Germany unsuccessfully attempted to colonize the islands in 1885. Japan took control in 1914, but after several battles during World War II, the US seized the RMI from them. In 1947, the United Nations made the island group, along with the Mariana and Caroline archipelagos, a U.S. trust territory (Walsh et al, 2012). Education in the RMI reflects the colonial administrations of Germany, Japan, and now the US. Before the turn of the century, formal education in the Pacific reflected western values, practices, and standards. Prior to that, education was informal and not binded to formal learning institutions (Thaman, 1997) and oral traditions was used as the medium for transmitting learning about customs and practices living with parents, grandparents, great grandparents. As alluded to by Jiba B. Kabua (2004), any “discussion about education is necessarily a discussion of culture, and any policy on education is also a policy of culture” (p. 181). It is impossible to promote one without the other, and it is not logical to understand one without the other. Re-thinking how education should look like, the pedagogical strategies that are relevant in our classrooms, the ways to engage with our parents and communities - such re-thinking sits within our cultural approaches and frameworks. Our collective attempts to provide a cultural framework that is relevant and appropriate for education in our context, sits within the political endeavour to decolonize. This means that what we are providing will not only be useful, but it can be used as a tool to question and identify whether things in place restrict and prevent our culture or whether they promote and foreground cultural ideas and concepts, a significant discussion of culture linked to education (Kabua, 2004). Donor funded development aid programmes were provided to support the challenges within education systems. Concerned with the persistent low educational outcomes of Pacific students, despite the prevalence of aid programmes in the region, in 2000 Pacific educators and leaders with support from New Zealand Aid (NZ Aid) decided to intervene (Heine, 2002; Taufe’ulungaki, 2014). In April 2001, a group of Pacific educators and leaders across the region were invited to a colloquium funded by the New Zealand Overseas Development Agency held in Suva Fiji at the University of the South Pacific. The main purpose of the colloquium was to enable “Pacific educators to re-think the values, assumptions and beliefs underlying [formal] schooling in Oceania” (Benson, 2002). Leadership, in general, is a valued practice in the RMI (Heine, 2002). Despite education leadership being identified as a significant factor in school improvement (Sanga & Chu, 2009), the limited formal training opportunities of school principals in the region was a persistent concern. As part of an Asia Development Bank (ADB) funded project, the Improve Quality Basic Education (IQBE) intervention was developed and implemented in the RMI in 2017. Mentoring is a process associated with the continuity and sustainability of leadership knowledge and practices (Sanga & Chu, 2009). It is a key aspect of building capacity and capabilities within human resources in education (ibid). Indigenous knowledges and education research According to Hilda Heine, the relationship between education and leadership is about understanding Marshallese history and culture (cited in Walsh et al., 2012). It is about sharing indigenous knowledge and histories that “details for future generations a story of survival and resilience and the pride we possess as a people” (Heine, cited in Walsh et al., 2012, p. v). This paper is fuelled by postcolonial aspirations yet is grounded in Pacific indigenous research. This means that our intentions are driven by postcolonial pursuits and discourses linked to challenging the colonial systems and schooling in the Pacific region that privileges western knowledge and learning and marginalises the education practices and processes of local people (Thiong’o, 1986). A point of difference and orientation from postcolonialism is a desire to foreground indigenous Pacific language, specifically Majin Majol, through Marshallese concepts. Our collective bwebwenato and conversation honours and values kautiej (respect), jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity), and jouj (kindness) (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019). Pacific leaders developed the Rethinking Pacific Education Initiative for and by Pacific People (RPEIPP) in 2002 to take control of the ways in which education research was conducted by donor funded organisations (Taufe’ulungaki, 2014). Our former president, Dr Hilda Heine was part of the group of leaders who sought to counter the ways in which our educational and leadership stories were controlled and told by non-Marshallese (Heine, 2002). As a former minister of education in the RMI, Hilda Heine continues to inspire and encourage the next generation of educators, school leaders, and researchers to re-think and de-construct the way learning and education is conceptualised for Marshallese people. The conceptualisation of Kanne Lobal acknowledges its origin, grounded in Marshallese navigation knowledge and practice. Our decision to unpack and deconstruct Kanne Lobal within the context of formal education and leadership responds to the need to not only draw from indigenous Marshallese ideas and practice but to consider that the next generation will continue to be educated using western processes and initiatives particularly from the US where we get a lot of our funding from. According to indigenous researchers Dawn Bessarab and Bridget Ng’andu (2010), doing research that considers “culturally appropriate processes to engage with indigenous groups and individuals is particularly pertinent in today’s research environment” (p. 37). Pacific indigenous educators and researchers have turned to their own ancestral knowledge and practices for inspiration and empowerment. Within western research contexts, the often stringent ideals and processes are not always encouraging of indigenous methods and practices. However, many were able to ground and articulate their use of indigenous methods as being relevant and appropriate to capturing the realities of their communities (Nabobo-Baba, 2008; Sualii-Sauni & Fulu-Aiolupotea, 2014; Thaman, 1997). At the same time, utilising Pacific indigenous methods and approaches enabled research engagement with their communities that honoured and respected them and their communities. For example, Tongan, Samoan, and Fijian researchers used the talanoa method as a way to capture the stories, lived realities, and worldviews of their communities within education in the diaspora (Fa’avae, Jones, & Manu’atu, 2016; Nabobo-Baba, 2008; Sualii-Sauni & Aiolupotea, 2014; Vaioleti, 2005). Tok stori was used by Solomon Islander educators and school leaders to highlight the unique circles of conversational practice and storytelling that leads to more positive engagement with their community members, capturing rich and meaningful narratives as a result (Sanga & Houma, 2004). The Indigenous Aborigine in Australia utilise yarning as a “relaxed discussion through which both the researcher and participant journey together visiting places and topics of interest relevant” (Bessarab & Ng’andu, 2010, p. 38). Despite the diverse forms of discussions and storytelling by indigenous peoples, of significance are the cultural protocols, ethics, and language for conducting and guiding the engagement (Bessarab & Ng’andu, 2010; Nabobo-Baba, 2008; Sualii-Sauni & Aiolupotea, 2014). Through the ethics, values, protocols, and language, these are what makes indigenous methods or frameworks unique compared to western methods like in-depth interviews or semi-structured interviews. This is why it is important for us as Marshallese educators to frame, ground, and articulate how our own methods and frameworks of learning could be realised in western education (Heine, 2002; Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014). In this paper, we utilise bwebwenato as an appropriate method linked to “talk story”, capturing our collective stories and experiences during GCSL and how we sought to build partnerships and collaboration with each other, our communities, and the PSS. Bwebwenato and drawing from Kajin Majel Legends and stories that reflect Marshallese society and its cultural values have survived through our oral traditions. The practice of weaving also holds knowledge about our “valuable and earliest sources of knowledge” (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019, p. 2). The skilful navigation of Marshallese wayfarers on the walap (large canoes) in the ocean is testament of their leadership and the value they place on ensuring the survival and continuity of Marshallese people (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019; Walsh et al., 2012). During her graduate study in 2014, Kathy Jetnil-Kijiner conceptualised bwebwenato as being the most “well-known form of Marshallese orality” (p. 38). The Marshallese-English dictionary defined bwebwenato as talk, conversation, story, history, article, episode, lore, myth, or tale (cited in Jetnil Kijiner, 2014). Three years later in 2017, bwebwenato was utilised in a doctoral project by Natalie Nimmer as a research method to gather “talk stories” about the experiences of 10 Marshallese experts in knowledge and skills ranging from sewing to linguistics, canoe-making and business. Our collective bwebwenato in this paper centres on Marshallese ideas and language. The philosophy of Marshallese knowledge is rooted in our “Kajin Majel”, or Marshallese language and is shared and transmitted through our oral traditions. For instance, through our historical stories and myths. Marshallese philosophy, that is, the knowledge systems inherent in our beliefs, values, customs, and practices are shared. They are inherently relational, meaning that knowledge systems and philosophies within our world are connected, in mind, body, and spirit (Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014; Nimmer, 2017). Although some Marshallese believe that our knowledge is disappearing as more and more elders pass away, it is therefore important work together, and learn from each other about the knowledges shared not only by the living but through their lamentations and stories of those who are no longer with us (Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014). As a Marshallese practice, weaving has been passed-down from generation to generation. Although the art of weaving is no longer as common as it used to be, the artefacts such as the “jaki-ed” (clothing mats) continue to embody significant Marshallese values and traditions. For our weavers, the jouj (check spelling) is the centre of the mat and it is where the weaving starts. When the jouj is correct and weaved well, the remainder and every other part of the mat will be right. The jouj is symbolic of the “heart” and if the heart is prepared well, trained well, then life or all other parts of the body will be well (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019). In that light, we have applied the same to this paper. Conceptualising and drawing from cultural practices that are close and dear to our hearts embodies a significant ontological attempt to prioritize our own knowledge and language, a sense of endearment to who we are and what we believe education to be like for us and the next generation. The application of the phrase “Majolizing '' was used by the Ministry of Education when Hilda Heine was minister, to weave cultural ideas and language into the way that teachers understand the curriculum, develop lesson plans and execute them in the classroom. Despite this, there were still concerns with the embedded colonized practices where teachers defaulted to eurocentric methods of doing things, like the strategies provided in the textbooks given to us. In some ways, our education was slow to adjust to the “Majolizing '' intention by our former minister. In this paper, we provide Kanne Lobal as a way to contribute to the “Majolizing intention” and perhaps speed up yet still be collectively responsible to all involved in education. Kajin Wa and Kanne Lobal “Wa” is the Marshallese concept for canoe. Kajin wa, as in canoe language, has a lot of symbolic meaning linked to deeply-held Marshallese values and practices. The canoe was the foundational practice that supported the livelihood of harsh atoll island living which reflects the Marshallese social world. The experts of Kajin wa often refer to “wa” as being the vessel of life, a means and source of sustaining life (Kelen, 2009, cited in Miller, 2010). “Jouj” means kindness and is the lower part of the main hull of the canoe. It is often referred to by some canoe builders in the RMI as the heart of the canoe and is linked to love. The jouj is one of the first parts of the canoe that is built and is “used to do all other measurements, and then the rest of the canoe is built on top of it” (Miller, 2010, p. 67). The significance of the jouj is that when the canoe is in the water, the jouj is the part of the hull that is underwater and ensures that all the cargo and passengers are safe. For Marshallese, jouj or kindness is what living is about and is associated with selflessly carrying the responsibility of keeping the family and community safe. The parts of the canoe reflect Marshallese culture, legend, family, lineage, and kinship. They embody social responsibilities that guide, direct, and sustain Marshallese families’ wellbeing, from atoll to atoll. For example, the rojak (boom), rojak maan (upper boom), rojak kōrā (lower boom), and they support the edges of the ujelā/ujele (sail) (see figure 1). The literal meaning of rojak maan is male boom and rojak kōrā means female boom which together strengthens the sail and ensures the canoe propels forward in a strong yet safe way. Figuratively, the rojak maan and rojak kōrā symbolise the mother and father relationship which when strong, through the jouj (kindness and love), it can strengthen families and sustain them into the future. Figure 1. Parts of the canoe Source: https://www.canoesmarshallislands.com/2014/09/names-of-canoe-parts/ From a socio-cultural, communal, and leadership view, the canoe (wa) provides understanding of the relationships required to inspire and sustain Marshallese peoples’ education and learning. We draw from Kajin wa because they provide cultural ideas and practices that enable understanding of education and leadership necessary for sustaining Marshallese people and realities in Oceania. When building a canoe, the women are tasked with the weaving of the ujelā/ujele (sail) and to ensure that it is strong enough to withstand long journeys and the fierce winds and waters of the ocean. The Kanne Lobal relates to the front part of the ujelā/ujele (sail) where the rojak maan and rojak kōrā meet and connect (see the red lines in figure 1). Kanne Lobal is linked to the strategic use of the ujelā/ujele by navigators, when there is no wind north wind to propel them forward, to find ways to capture the winds so that their journey can continue. As a proverbial saying, Kanne Lobal is used to ignite thinking and inspire and transform practice particularly when the journey is rough and tough. In this paper we draw from Kanne Lobal to ignite, inspire, and transform our educational and leadership practices, a move to explore what has always been meaningful to Marshallese people when we are faced with challenges. The Kanne Lobal utilises our language, and cultural practices and values by sourcing from the concepts of jouj (kindness, love), kautiej (respect), and jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity). A key Marshallese proverb, “Enra bwe jen lale rara”, is the cultural practice where families enact compassion through the sharing of food in all occurrences. The term “enra” is a small basket weaved from the coconut leaves, and often used by Marshallese as a plate to share and distribute food amongst each other. Bwe-jen-lale-rara is about noticing and providing for the needs of others, and “enra” the basket will help support and provide for all that are in need. “Enra-bwe-jen-lale-rara” is symbolic of cultural exchange and reciprocity and the cultural values associated with building and maintaining relationships, and constantly honouring each other. As a Marshallese practice, in this article we share our understanding and knowledge about the challenges as well as possible solutions for education concerns in our nation. In addition, we highlight another proverb, “wa kuk wa jimor”, which relates to having one canoe, and despite its capacity to feed and provide for the individual, but within the canoe all people can benefit from what it can provide. In the same way, we provide in this paper a cultural framework that will enable all educators to benefit from. It is a framework that is far-reaching and relevant to the lived realities of Marshallese people today. Kumit relates to people united to build strength, all co-operating and working together, living in peace, harmony, and good health. Kanne Lobal: conceptual framework for education and leadership An education framework is a conceptual structure that can be used to capture ideas and thinking related to aspects of learning. Kanne Lobal is conceptualised and framed in this paper as an educational framework. Kanne Lobal highlights the significance of education as a collective partnership whereby leadership is an important aspect. Kanne Lobal draws-from indigenous Marshallese concepts like kautiej (respect), jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity), and jouj (kindness, heart). The role of a leader, including an education leader, is to prioritise collective learning and partnerships that benefits Marshallese people and the continuity and survival of the next generation (Heine, 2002; Thaman, 1995). As described by Ejnar Aerōk, an expert canoe builder in the RMI, he stated: “jerbal ippān doon bwe en maron maan wa e” (cited in Miller, 2010, p. 69). His description emphasises the significance of partnerships and working together when navigating and journeying together in order to move the canoe forward. The kubaak, the outrigger of the wa (canoe) is about “partnerships”. For us as elementary school leaders on Majuro, kubaak encourages us to value collaborative partnerships with each other as well as our communities, PSS, and other stakeholders. Partnerships is an important part of the Kanne Lobal education and leadership framework. It requires ongoing bwebwenato – the inspiring as well as confronting and challenging conversations that should be mediated and negotiated if we and our education stakeholders are to journey together to ensure that the educational services we provide benefits our next generation of young people in the RMI. Navigating ahead the partnerships, mediation, and negotiation are the core values of jouj (kindness, love), kautiej (respect), and jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity). As an organic conceptual framework grounded in indigenous values, inspired through our lived experiences, Kanne Lobal provides ideas and concepts for re-thinking education and leadership practices that are conducive to learning and teaching in the schooling context in the RMI. By no means does it provide the solution to the education ills in our nation. However, we argue that Kanne Lobal is a more relevant approach which is much needed for the negatively stigmatised system as a consequence of the various colonial administrations that have and continue to shape and reframe our ideas about what education should be like for us in the RMI. Moreover, Kannel Lobal is our attempt to decolonize the framing of education and leadership, moving our bwebwenato to re-framing conversations of teaching and learning so that our cultural knowledge and values are foregrounded, appreciated, and realised within our education system. Bwebwenato: sharing our stories In this section, we use bwebwenato as a method of gathering and capturing our stories as data. Below we capture our stories and ongoing conversations about the richness in Marshallese cultural knowledge in the outer islands and on Majuro and the potentialities in Kanne Lobal. Danny Jim When I was in third grade (9-10 years of age), during my grandfather’s speech in Arno, an atoll near Majuro, during a time when a wa (canoe) was being blessed and ready to put the canoe into the ocean. My grandfather told me the canoe was a blessing for the family. “Without a canoe, a family cannot provide for them”, he said. The canoe allows for travelling between places to gather food and other sources to provide for the family. My grandfather’s stories about people’s roles within the canoe reminded me that everyone within the family has a responsibility to each other. Our women, mothers and daughters too have a significant responsibility in the journey, in fact, they hold us, care for us, and given strength to their husbands, brothers, and sons. The wise man or elder sits in the middle of the canoe, directing the young man who help to steer. The young man, he does all the work, directed by the older man. They take advice and seek the wisdom of the elder. In front of the canoe, a young boy is placed there and because of his strong and youthful vision, he is able to help the elder as well as the young man on the canoe. The story can be linked to the roles that school leaders, teachers, and students have in schooling. Without each person knowing intricately their role and responsibility, the sight and vision ahead for the collective aspirations of the school and the community is difficult to comprehend. For me, the canoe is symbolic of our educational journey within our education system. As the school leader, a central, trusted, and respected figure in the school, they provide support for teachers who are at the helm, pedagogically striving to provide for their students. For without strong direction from the school leaders and teachers at the helm, the students, like the young boy, cannot foresee their futures, or envisage how education can benefit them. This is why Kanne Lobal is a significant framework for us in the Marshall Islands because within the practice we are able to take heed and empower each other so that all benefit from the process. Kanne Lobal is linked to our culture, an essential part of who we are. We must rely on our own local approaches, rather than relying on others that are not relevant to what we know and how we live in today’s society. One of the things I can tell is that in Majuro, compared to the outer islands, it’s different. In the outer islands, parents bring children together and tell them legends and stories. The elders tell them about the legends and stories – the bwebwenato. Children from outer islands know a lot more about Marshallese legends compared to children from the Majuro atoll. They usually stay close to their parents, observe how to prepare food and all types of Marshallese skills. Loretta Joseph Case There is little Western influence in the outer islands. They grow up learning their own culture with their parents, not having tv. They are closely knit, making their own food, learning to weave. They use fire for cooking food. They are more connected because there are few of them, doing their own culture. For example, if they’re building a house, the ladies will come together and make food to take to the males that are building the house, encouraging them to keep on working - “jemjem maal” (sharpening tools i.e. axe, like encouraging workers to empower them). It’s when they bring food and entertainment. Rubon Rubon Togetherness, work together, sharing of food, these are important practices as a school leader. Jemjem maal – the whole village works together, men working and the women encourage them with food and entertainment. All the young children are involved in all of the cultural practices, cultural transmission is consistently part of their everyday life. These are stronger in the outer islands. Kanne Lobal has the potential to provide solutions using our own knowledge and practices. Connie Joel When new teachers become a teacher, they learn more about their culture in teaching. Teaching raises the question, who are we? A popular saying amongst our people, “Aelon kein ad ej aelon in manit”, means that “Our islands are cultural islands”. Therefore, when we are teaching, and managing the school, we must do this culturally. When we live and breathe, we must do this culturally. There is more socialising with family and extended family. Respect the elderly. When they’re doing things the ladies all get together, in groups and do it. Cut the breadfruit, and preserve the breadfruit and pandanus. They come together and do it. Same as fishing, building houses, building canoes. They use and speak the language often spoken by the older people. There are words that people in the outer islands use and understand language regularly applied by the elderly. Respect elderly and leaders more i.e., chiefs (iroj), commoners (alap), and the workers on the land (ri-jerbal) (social layer under the commoners). All the kids, they gather with their families, and go and visit the chiefs and alap, and take gifts from their land, first produce/food from the plantation (eojōk). Tommy Almet The people are more connected to the culture in the outer islands because they help one another. They don’t have to always buy things by themselves, everyone contributes to the occasion. For instance, for birthdays, boys go fishing, others contribute and all share with everyone. Kanne Lobal is a practice that can bring people together – leaders, teachers, stakeholders. We want our colleagues to keep strong and work together to fix problems like students and teachers’ absenteeism which is a big problem for us in schools. Demetria Malachi The culture in the outer islands are more accessible and exposed to children. In Majuro, there is a mixedness of cultures and knowledges, influenced by Western thinking and practices. Kanne Lobal is an idea that can enhance quality educational purposes for the RMI. We, the school leaders who did GCSL, we want to merge and use this idea because it will help benefit students’ learning and teachers’ teaching. Kanne Lobal will help students to learn and teachers to teach though traditional skills and knowledge. We want to revitalize our ways of life through teaching because it is slowly fading away. Also, we want to have our own Marshallese learning process because it is in our own language making it easier to use and understand. Essentially, we want to proudly use our own ways of teaching from our ancestors showing the appreciation and blessings given to us. Way Forward To think of ways forward is about reflecting on the past and current learnings. Instead of a traditional discussion within a research publication, we have opted to continue our bwebwenato by sharing what we have learnt through the Graduate Certificate in School Leadership (GCSL) programme. Our bwebwenato does not end in this article and this opportunity to collaborate and partner together in this piece of writing has been a meaningful experience to conceptualise and unpack the Kanne Lobal framework. Our collaborative bwebwenato has enabled us to dig deep into our own wise knowledges for guidance through mediating and negotiating the challenges in education and leadership (Sanga & Houma, 2004). For example, bwe-jen-lale-rara reminds us to inquire, pay attention, and focus on supporting the needs of others. Through enra-bwe-jen-lale-rara, it reminds us to value cultural exchange and reciprocity which will strengthen the development and maintaining of relationships based on ways we continue to honour each other (Nimmer, 2017). We not only continue to support each other, but also help mentor the next generation of school leaders within our education system (Heine, 2002). Education and leadership are all about collaborative partnerships (Sanga & Chu, 2009; Thaman, 1997). Developing partnerships through the GCSL was useful learning for us. It encouraged us to work together, share knowledge, respect each other, and be kind. The values of jouj (kindness, love), kautiej (respect), and jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity) are meaningful in being and becoming and educational leader in the RMI (Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014; Miller, 2010; Nimmer, 2017). These values are meaningful for us practice particularly given the drive by PSS for schools to become accredited. The workshops and meetings delivered during the GCSL in the RMI from 2018 to 2019 about Kanne Lobal has given us strength to share our stories and experiences from the meeting with the stakeholders. But before we met with the stakeholders, we were encouraged to share and speak in our language within our courses: EDP05 (Professional Development and Learning), EDP06 (School Leadership), EDP07 (School Management), EDP08 (Teaching and Learning), and EDP09 (Community Partnerships). In groups, we shared our presentations with our peers, the 15 school leaders in the GCSL programme. We also invited USP RMI staff. They liked the way we presented Kannel Lobal. They provided us with feedback, for example: how the use of the sail on the canoe, the parts and their functions can be conceptualised in education and how they are related to the way that we teach our own young people. Engaging stakeholders in the conceptualisation and design stages of Kanne Lobal strengthened our understanding of leadership and collaborative partnerships. Based on various meetings with the RMI Pacific Resources for Education and Learning (PREL) team, PSS general assembly, teachers from the outer islands, and the PSS executive committee, we were able to share and receive feedback on the Kanne Lobal framework. The coordinators of the PREL programme in the RMI were excited by the possibilities around using Kanne Lobal, as a way to teach culture in an inspirational way to Marshallese students. Our Marshallese knowledge, particularly through the proverbial meaning of Kanne Lobal provided so much inspiration and insight for the groups during the presentation which gave us hope and confidence to develop the framework. Kanne Lobal is an organic and indigenous approach, grounded in Marshallese ways of doing things (Heine, 2002; Taafaki & Fowler, 2019). Given the persistent presence of colonial processes within the education system and the constant reference to practices and initiatives from the US, Kanne Lobal for us provides a refreshing yet fulfilling experience and makes us feel warm inside because it is something that belongs to all Marshallese people. Conclusion Marshallese indigenous knowledge and practices provide meaningful educational and leadership understanding and learnings. They ignite, inspire, and transform thinking and practice. The Kanne Lobal conceptual framework emphasises key concepts and values necessary for collaborative partnerships within education and leadership practices in the RMI. The bwebwenato or talk stories have been insightful and have highlighted the strengths and benefits that our Marshallese ideas and practices possess when looking for appropriate and relevant ways to understand education and leadership. 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Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Alternaria passiflorae Simmonds. Hosts: Passion fruit (Passiflora edulis). Information is given on the geographical distribution in Africa, Kenya, Malawi, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia, Asia, Bhutan, Australasia & Oceania, Australia, New South Wales, Queensland, Western Australia, Fiji, Hawaii, New Zealand, Papua New Guinea, North America, Canada, British Columbia.

Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Sphaceloma fawcettii[Elsinoe fawcettii] Jenkins var. scabiosa (McAlp. & Tryon) Jenkins. Hosts: Citrus spp. Information is given on the geographical distribution in Africa, Comores Islands, Madagascar, Malawi, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Asia, Hong Kong, Indonesia, West Irian, Malaysia, Peninsular, Sabah, Sarawak, Sri Lanka, Australasia & Oceania, Australia, New South Wales, Queensland, British Solomon Islands, Fiji, New Caledonia, Papua New Guinea, South America, Argentina, Brazil.

Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Alternaria passiflorae Simmonds. Dothideomycetes: Pleosporales: Pleosporaceae. Host: passionflower (Passiflora sp.). Information is given on the geographical distribution in Asia (Bhutan, China, Guangdong, India, Kerala, Sikkim, West Bengal), Africa (Kenya, Malawi, Mauritius, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia, Zimbabwe), North America (Canada, British Columbia, Florida, Hawaii), South America (Brazil, Sao Paulo, Colombia, Venezuela), Oceania (Australia, Queensland, Western Australia, Fiji, New Caledonia, New Zealand, Niue, Norfolk Island, Papua New Guinea, Tonga).

Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Strawberry crinkle virus Virus: Rhabdoviridae: Cytorhabdovirus Hosts: Strawberry (Fragaria ananassa). Information is given on the geographical distribution in EUROPE, Belgium, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, France, Germany, Italy, Moldova, Netherlands, Poland, Serbia and Montenegro, Slovakia, UK, ASIA, China, Hebei, Heilongjiang, Hubei, Jiangxi, Jilin, Liaoning, Shandong, Shanxi, Zhejiang, Israel, Japan, Honshu, Kazakhstan, Korea Republic, AFRICA, South Africa, NORTH AMERICA, Canada, British Columbia, Mexico, USA, California, Indiana, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Washington, SOUTH AMERICA, Brazil, Minas Gerais, Rio Grande do Sul, Sao Paulo, Chile, OCEANIA, Australia, New South Wales, Queensland, Tasmania, Victoria, Fiji, New Zealand.

Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Pseudomonas syringae pv. maculicola (McCulloch) Young, Dye & Wilke. Hosts: Crucifers (Cruciferae) etc. Information is given on the geographical distribution in Africa, Algeria, Mauritius, Mozambique, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Asia, China, Hunan, Guangdong, Yunnan, Japan, Korea, Taiwan, Turkey, Australasia & Oceania, Australia, New South Wales, Queensland, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, Western Australia, Fiji, New Zealand, Europe, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Finland, Germany, Italy, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Russia, Leningrad, Caucasus, Crimea, Ukraine, UK, Great Britain, Yugoslavia, North America, Bermuda, Canada, British Columbia, Alberta, Ontario, Quebec, USA, Central America & West Indies, Cuba, El Salvador, Puerto Rico, South America, Brazil, Sao Paulo.

Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Phomopsis vexans[Diaporthe vexans] (Sacc. & Syd.) Harter. Hosts: Eggplant (Solanum melongena). Information is given on the geographical distribution in Africa, Algeria, Kenya, Mauritius, Senegal, Sechelles, South Africa, Tanzania, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Asia, Brunei, Burma, China, Jinagsu, Sichuan, Nanjing, India, Bombay, Mysore, Punjab, Iran, Iraq, Japan, Korea, Laos, Malaysia, Sarawak, Pakistan, Philippines, Saudi Arabia, Taiwan, Australasia & Oceania, Australia, Queensland, Fiji, New Caledonia, Europe, Romania, North America, Bermuda, Canada, British Columbia, Ontario, Quebec, USA, Central America & West Indies, Antigua, Antilles, Barbados, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Guatemala, Haiti, Jamaica, Panama, Puerto Rico, Salvador, South America, Argentina, Brazil, Sao Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Colombia, Venezuela.

Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Aleurotrachelus trachoides (Back). Hemiptera: Aleyrodidae. Hosts: many, including Solanum spp., sweet potatoes (Ipomoea batatas), Capsicum sp. Information is given on the geographical distribution in Asia (India, Karnataka, Singapore), Africa (Comoros, Mayotte, Mozambique, Nigeria, Reunion, Tanzania), North America (Mexico, USA, California, Florida, Hawaii, Louisiana, Texas), Central America and Caribbean (Antigua and Barbuda, Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, British Virgin Islands, Cayman Islands, Costa Rica, Cuba, Dominica, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Guadeloupe, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Jamaica, Martinique, Netherlands, Antilles, Nicaragua, Panama, Puerto Rico, Trinidad and Tobago, Turks and Caicos Islands, United States Virgin Islands), South America (Brazil, Bahia, Rio de Janeiro, Colombia, French Guiana, Galapagos Islands, Guyana, Peru, Suriname, Venezuela) and Oceania (Federated States of Micronesia, Fiji, French Polynesia, Guam, Nauru, Tonga).

Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Phenacoccus parvus Morrison. Hemiptera: Pseudococcidae. Hosts: polyphagous. Information is given on the geographical distribution in Asia (China, Hong Kong, Yunnan, India, Karnataka, Meghalaya, Odisha, Indonesia, Sumatra, Israel, Japan, Maldives, Singapore, Taiwan, Thailand), Africa (Congo, Egypt, Gabon, Mauritius, Reunion, Senegal, Seychelles), North America (Mexico, USA, Florida), Central America and Caribbean (Antigua and Barbuda, Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Bermuda, British Virgin Islands, Cayman Islands, Costa Rica, Cuba, Dominica, Guadeloupe, Martinique, Nicaragua, Panama, Puerto Rico, St. Kitts-Nevis, St. Lucia, St. Vincent and Grenadines, Trinidad and Tobago, United States Virgin Islands), South America (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, French Guiana, Galapagos Islands, Guyana, Paraguay, Suriname, Uruguay) and Oceania (Australia, Queensland, Cook Islands, Fiji, New Caledonia, Samoa, Vanuatu, Wallis and Futuna Islands).

Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Odontoglossum ringspot virus. Virus: Tobamovirus. Main hosts: Orchidaceae, including Cattleya, Cymbidium, Dendrobium, tiger orchid (Rossioglossum grande) and Vanilla sp. Information is provided on the geographical distribution in Europe (Belgium, Croatia, France, Germany, Hungary, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Poland, UK, Ukraine), Asia (China, Guangdong, Hainan, India, Sikkim, Indonesia, Japan, Honshu, Korea Republic, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Taiwan, Thailand, Vietnam), Africa (Reunion, South Africa), North America (Canada, British Columbia, Ontario, Quebec, USA, California, Florida, Hawaii, Pennsylvania, Texas, Virginia), Central America and Caribbean (Guadeloupe, Puerto Rico), South America (Brazil, Sao Paulo, Colombia, Venezuela), Oceania (Australia, New South Wales, Northern Territory, Queensland, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, Western Australia, Cook Islands, Fiji, French Polynesia, New Zealand, Niue, Tonga, Vanuatu).

Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Xanthomonas campestris pv. vesicatoria (Doidge) Dye. Hosts: Tomato (Lycopersicon esculentum), Capsicum etc. Information is given on the geographical distribution in Africa, Egypt, Kenya, Morocco, Mozambique, Niger, Senegal, Sechelles, South Africa, Sudan, Togo, Tunisia, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Asia, China, India, Poona, Delhi, Israel, Japan, Korea, Philippines, Thailand, USSR, Kazakhstan, Siberia, Australasia & Oceania, Australia, New South Wales, Queensland, Tasmania, Victoria, Western Australia, Fiji, Hawaii, New Zealand, Tonga, Europe, Bulgaria, France, Hungary, Italy, Po Valley, Noceto di Parma, Sicily, Sardinia, Poland, Romania, USSR, Yugoslavia, North America, Bermuda, Canada, Alberta, British Columbia, Manitoba, Nova Scotia, Ontario, Prince Edward Island, Quebec, Mexico, USA, Central America & West Indies, Barbados, Cuba, Dominica, Guadeloupe, Honduras, Jamaica, Martinique, Puerto Rico, Salvador, St Kitts, St Vincent, Trinidad, South America, Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, Venezuela.

Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Cymbidium mosaic virus. Alphaflexiviridae: Potexvirus. Hosts: Orchidaceae, especially vanilla (Vanilla planifolia), Cattleya, Cymbidium and Phalaenopsis spp. Information is given on the geographical distribution in Europe (Belgium, Hungary, Lithuania, Poland, Ukraine), Asia (China, Fujian, Guangdong, Hainan, Yunnan, Zheijiang, India, Himachal Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala, Sikkim, West Bengal, Indonesia, Japan, Korea Republic, Malaysia, Singapore, Taiwan, Thailand, Vietnam), Africa (Madagascar, Reunion), North America (Canada, Alberta, British Columbia, Ontario, Quebec, Mexico, USA, California, Colorado, Florida, Hawaii, Louisiana, Missouri, Nebraska, New Hampshire, New York, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Texas, Virginia), Central America & Caribbean (Costa Rica, Guadeloupe, Puerto Rico), South America (Argentina, Brazil, Rio de Janeiro, Sao Paulo, Colombia, Paraguay, Venezuela), Oceania (Australia, Northern Territory, Cook Islands, Fiji, French Polynesia, Guam, New Caledonia, New Zealand, Niue, Tonga, Vanuatu).

Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Nattrassia mangiferae (Syd. & P. Syd) B. Sutton & Dyko Fungi: Mitosporic fungi Hosts: Fig (Ficus carica), grapevine (Vitis spp.), walnut (Juglans regia), apple (Malus domestica[Malus pumila]), Citrus, mulberry (Morus alba), stone fruit (Prunus spp.), mango (Mangifera indica), Arbutus and Eucalyptus. Information is given on the geographical distribution in EUROPE, Greece, Mainland Greece, Portugal, Sweden, UK, ASIA, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Brunei Darussalam, Cyprus, India, Assam, Jammu and Kashmir, Madhya Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Kuwait, Lebanon, Malaysia, Myanmar, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Sri Lanka, AFRICA, Benin, Egypt, Ethiopia, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Mozambique, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda, Zimbabwe, NORTH AMERICA, Canada, British Columbia, USA, Arizona, California, Hawaii, Washington, West Virginia, CENTRAL AMERICA & CARIBBEAN, Cuba, Jamaica, SOUTH AMERICA, Brazil, Minas Gerais, Venezuela, OCEANIA, Australia, Queensland, Fiji, Solomon Islands.

Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Waitea circinata [Rhizoctonia zeae] (Warcup) & Talbot. Fungi: Basidiomycota: Corticiales. Hosts: creeping bentgrass (Agrostis stolonifera), bluegrass (Poa spp.), rice (Oryza sativa), maize (Zea mays), wheat (Triticum spp.). Information is given on the geographical distribution in Europe (Hungary), Asia (Bangladesh, Cambodia, China, Hubei, Sichuan, India, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Iran, Japan, Honshu, Kyushu, Shikoku, Korea Republic, Malaysia, Sarawak, Myanmar, Nepal, Taiwan, Thailand, Turkey, Vietnam), Africa (Malawi, South Africa), North America (Canada, British Columbia, Ontario, USA, Alaska, Arizona, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Florida, Georgia, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Kentucky, Louisiana, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Mississippi, Nevada, New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Texas, Virginia, Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin), Central America & Caribbean (Cuba, El Salvador, Panama), South America (Brazil, Para, Tocantins, Colombia, Venezuela), Oceania (Australia, New South Wales, Queensland, Western Australia, Fiji, New Zealand).

Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Xylosandrus compactus (Eichhoff) Coleoptera: Scolytidae Attacks cocoa (Theobroma cacao), coffea (Coffea spp.), avocado (Persea americana), mahogany (Swertia spp.). Information is given on the geographical distribution in ASIA, Cambodia, China, Guangdong, Guizhou, Hainan, Hunan, India, Gujarat, Karnataka, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, Indonesia, Irian Jaya, Java, Kalimantan, Sulawesi, Sumatra, Japan, Hokkaido, Honshu, Kyushu, Ryukyu Archipelago, Shikoku, Lao, Malaysia, Peninsular Malaysia, Sabah, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Sri Lanka, Taiwan, Thailand, Vietnam, AFRICA, Benin, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Comoros, Congo, Cote d'Ivoire, Gabon, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Kenya, Liberia, Madagascar, Mauritania, Mauritius, Nigeria, Reunion, Senegal, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Tanzania, Togo, Uganda, Zimbabwe, NORTH AMERICA, USA, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Hawaii, Louisiana, Mississippi, South Carolina, Texas, CENTRAL AMERICA & CARIBBEAN, British Virgin Islands, Cuba, Netherlands Antilles, Puerto Rico, United States Virgin Islands, SOUTH AMERICA, Brazil, OCEANIA, Fiji, New Zealand, Papua New Guinea, Samoa.

Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Prunus necrotic ringspot virus Viruses: Bromoviridae: llavirus Hosts: Mainly Prunus spp., Rosa spp. and Rubus spp. Information is given on the geographical distribution in EUROPE, Albania, Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Malta, Moldova, Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Azores, Romania, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden, UK, Ukraine, Yugoslavia (Fed. Rep.), ASIA, China, Shaanxi, India, Himachal Pradesh, Iran, Israel, Japar, Honshu, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, Turkey, AFRICA, Egypt, Morocco, South Africa, Tunisia, NORTH AMERICA, Canada, British Columbia, Ontario, USA, Alabama, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Idaho, Louisiana, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, New Jersey, New York, North Dakota, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, Washington, Wisconsin, Wyoming, SOUTH AMERICA, Argentina, Brazil, Rio Grande do Sul, Chile, Uruguay, OCEANIA, Australia, New South Wales, Queensland, Tasmania, Victoria, Fiji, New Zealand.