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Journal articles on the topic 'British in Jamaica'
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1
Ellis, Harold. "Mary Seacole: Self Taught Nurse and Heroine of the Crimean War." Journal of Perioperative Practice 19, no. 9 (September 2009): 304–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/175045890901900907.
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Mary Jane Seacole was born Mary Grant in Kingston Jamaica in 1805. Her father was a Scottish army officer and her mother a free Jamaican black, (slavery was not fully abolished in Jamaica until 1838). Her mother ran a hotel, Blundell Hall, in Kingston and was a traditional healer. Her skill as a nurse was much appreciated, as many of her residents were disabled British soldiers and sailors. It was from her mother that Mary learned the art of patient care, and she also assisted at the local British army hospital.
2
Graham, Aaron. "Towns, government, legislation and the ‘police’ in Jamaica and the British Atlantic, 1770–1805." Urban History 47, no. 1 (March 4, 2019): 41–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926819000166.
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AbstractUrban renewal in the British Isles in the long eighteenth century was based on new municipal powers made possible by parliament. Focusing on Jamaica between 1770 and 1805, which passed legislation for the ‘policing’ – in the broader Scottish sense – of its towns, demonstrates that it was a global phenomenon common to the whole British Atlantic. However, the solutions it produced were also specific to local circumstances. Jamaican elites feared invasion, revolt and the dissolution of the slave society. Their police acts reflected these concerns, and demonstrate the alternative pathway that urban modernity took in this part of the British Atlantic.
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Tantam, William. "Vybz Kartel—’British Love (Anything 4 You)‘." Suomen Antropologi: Journal of the Finnish Anthropological Society 43, no. 2 (February 6, 2019): 71–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.30676/jfas.v43i2.77689.
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In this article, I reflect on the importance of the dancehall song 'British Love (Anything 4 You)' released by Vybz Kartel in Jamaica in 2011. While undertaking ethnographic fieldwork with football players in Black River, a rural community on the South Coast of Jamaica, I received the nickname 'World Boss,' one of Vybz Kartel's nicknames. In this piece, I think through the importance of the song and the nickname for reflecting on power inequalities in Jamaica, and situated within global hierarchies.
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Heuman, Gad. "1865: prologue to the Morant Bay Rebellion in Jamaica." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 65, no. 3-4 (January 1, 1991): 107–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002010.
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[First paragraph]1865 was a crucial year for Jamaica. In October, the Morant Bay Rebellion transformed the colony's political structure as well as that of most of the British Caribbean. Led by a native Baptist deacon, Paul Bogle, the rebellion engulfed the parish of St. Thomas in the East. The subsequent repression by British forces and by the Jamaican Maroons resulted in the deaths of nearly 500 blacks. Yet although the rebellion itself has received considerable attention, there has been relatively little discussion about the nine months which preceded the outbreak (Craton 1988; Curtin 1955; Green 1976; Hall 1959; Heuman 1981; Robotham 1981). This is surprising in light of the highly politicized state of the island during most of 1865. This paper therefore seeks to discuss these developments; it focuses especially on island politics and on the widescale public meetings which took place throughout the island during the year.1
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Jacoberger, Nicole A. "Sugar Rush: Sugar and Science in the British Caribbean." Britain and the World 14, no. 2 (September 2021): 128–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2021.0369.
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This article examines the contrasting evolution in sugar refining in Jamaica and Barbados incentivized by Mercantilist policies, changes in labor systems, and competition from foreign sugar revealing the role of Caribbean plantations as a site for experimentation from the eighteenth through mid-nineteenth century. Britain's seventeenth- and eighteenth-century protectionist policies imposed high duties on refined cane-sugar from the colonies, discouraging colonies from exporting refined sugar as opposed to raw. This system allowed Britain to retain control over trade and commerce and provided exclusive sugar sales to Caribbean sugar plantations. Barbadian planters swiftly gained immense wealth and political power until Jamaica and other islands produced competitive sugar. The Jamaica Assembly invested heavily in technological innovations intended to improve efficiency, produce competitive sugar in a market that eventually opened to foreign competition such as sugar beet, and increase profits to undercut losses from duties. They valued local knowledge, incentivizing everyone from local planters to chemists, engineers, and science enthusiasts to experiment in Jamaica and publish their findings. These publications disseminated important findings throughout Britain and its colonies, revealing the significance of the Caribbean as a site for local experimentation and knowledge.
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Griffith, David. "Social Organizational Obstacles to Capital Accumulation Among Returning Migrants: The British West Indies Temporary Alien Labor Program." Human Organization 45, no. 1 (March 1, 1986): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/humo.45.1.12215l5310615778.
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Recent research on return migration has undermined the idea that international labor migration serves as a vehicle for economic development in labor-sending countries. This has led to the ascendance of a view of international labor migration as yet another form of exploitation of poor nations by wealthy nations, as migrants fail to accumulate capital enough to free themselves and their replacement generations from the migrant stream. This paper examines Jamaicans who migrate to the U.S. seasonally and annually to harvest sugar cane in south Florida and apples in the Northeast. It compares their capital holdings and primary economic activities in Jamaica with other Jamaicans who have not had the opportunity to migrate to the U.S. to work. These comparisons reveal few significant differences between the migrant and non-migrant groups and suggest that seasonal migration to the U.S. generally does not result in capital accumulation among the returning migrants. The lack of capital accumulation among the majority of the migrants is then explained by reference to their temporal and structural positions within and between peasant households in Jamaica, and their obligations to those households. Also discussed are those cases of migrants who, as the households to which they are obligated change over time, have been able to accumulate small-scale capital with their U.S. earnings. This paper contributes to the refinement of the use of the household as a unit of analysis in international labor migration studies.
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Greenspan, Nicole. "Barbados, Jamaica and the development of news culture in the mid seventeenth century." Historical Research 94, no. 264 (April 30, 2021): 324–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htab014.
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Abstract This article examines the production and circulation of news across the British Atlantic, focusing on two main events: the royalist rebellion at Barbados (1650-2) and the conquest of Jamaica (1655). Royalists and commonwealth supporters alike cast the rising on Barbados as an extension of the wars of the 1640s and early 1650s, which moved beyond England, Scotland, and Ireland into the Atlantic world. The conquest of Jamaica offered a new war against a different enemy, Spain, and a new imperial vision. Together, the Barbados rebellion and Jamaica conquest allow us to examine role of news in shaping political, military, and imperial goals.
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Alice Young, Mary. "Dirty money in Jamaica." Journal of Money Laundering Control 17, no. 3 (July 8, 2014): 355–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jmlc-09-2013-0032.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine the current state and future pressures of money laundering on Jamaica and the financial crime connections between the UK and Jamaica. Design/methodology/approach – The paper focuses on the primary data collected from a series of semi-structured interviews with members from the law enforcement and financial services sectors of Jamaica. The main objective of the interviews was to secure a range of opinions concerning the problem of money laundering in the country. Interviewees were selected from the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions, the Financial Investigation Division of the Ministry of Finance and Planning, the British High Commission and the Financial Services Commission. The names of all subjects shall remain anonymous to protect the privacy of those who were interviewed. Findings – Through the analysis of primary data it will be shown that Jamaica remains vulnerable to money laundering – particularly the proceeds of crime laundered through the remittance sector – despite a legislative overhaul in 2007 to adopt the UK’s Proceeds of Crime Act. Ineffective legislation is most certainly due to generic weaknesses and flaws which are applicable to many Caribbean states, for example, a lack of political will to enforce anti-money laundering regulations, corruption, inadequate police training, lack of resources, a strong remittance sector and geographical positioning along a drug-trafficking route. Originality/value – This paper is the first of its kind to comprehensively analyze the money laundering situation in Jamaica, using detailed first accounts from members of the law enforcement and financial sectors.
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Thomas, Sue. "THE TROPICAL EXTRAVAGANCE OF BERTHA MASON." Victorian Literature and Culture 27, no. 1 (March 1999): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106015039927101x.
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AS SUSAN L. MEYER SUGGESTS, “[a]n interpretation of the significance of the British empire in Jane Eyre must begin by making sense of Bertha Mason Rochester, the mad, drunken West Indian wife whom Rochester keeps locked up on the third floor of his ancestral mansion” (252). In Richard Mason’s deposition concerning the marriage of Edward Fairfax Rochester and Bertha Antoinetta Mason in Spanish Town, Jamaica, Bertha is described as the child of Jonas Mason, West India planter and merchant, and Antoinetta Mason, identified only as a Creole. In Rochester’s account of Bertha’s family the “germs of insanity” are passed on by the Creole mother (334; ch. 27). In this essay I retraverse late eighteenth- to mid-nineteenth-century ethnographic discourses about white Creole degeneracy and situate Brontë’s representations of the Creoleness of Bertha and Richard Mason in relation to them, arguing that Jane Eyre demarcates both femininity and masculinity in imperial and racial terms, while also blurring these categories. Brontë, I demonstrate, links the degenerate moral and intellectual character of the white Creole with the cruelties of the slave-labour system in Jamaica, and with historical Jamaican slave rebellions figured through metaphor and allusion. This depiction suggests that Brontë has carefully historicized the relationships among Bertha Mason Rochester, Edward Fairfax Rochester, and Jane Eyre.
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Petley, Christer. "Managing “Property”." Journal of Global Slavery 6, no. 1 (January 29, 2021): 81–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00601004.
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Abstract Probate inventories helped to support the established social and economic order in colonial Jamaica. These documents were part of the legal process of winding up an estate after a death and presented an account of personal possessions that had belonged to a decedent. They facilitated the transfer of property to heirs and identified those parts of an estate that were available for the repayment of debts. The inventories contain lists of enslaved people, representing them as a type of “property,” and so these documents form a major part of the archive of Jamaican slavery. This article explores the practices, aims, and assumptions of the people who produced the inventories, developing our understanding of slaveholder culture in the British Caribbean and of the bureaucratic and accounting techniques that facilitated slave management.
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Donovan, Stephen K., David A. T. Harper, and Eamon N. Doyle. "A new smooth-shelledArgyrothecaDall (Brachiopoda, Articulata) from the Eocene of Jamaica." Journal of Paleontology 67, no. 6 (November 1993): 1079–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022336000025439.
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The fossil brachiopods of the Caribbean region are reasonably well known following publication of Cooper's (1979) monograph; however, the Jamaican fauna was not considered in this volume. Until recently, only Trechmann (1927, 1930) had described and figured fossil brachiopods from the island. Harper (1993; Harper and Donovan, 1990) has recently revised Trechmann's identifications and added to the still small faunal list, which includes two Cretaceous and 11 Cenozoic species (excluding those discussed below). Further specimens continue to be found and the present communication is a description of a significant collection of small terebratellaceans from the top of the Paleocene to Eocene Richmond Formation of eastern Jamaica. One of the two species described herein was originally recognized on the basis of three brachial valves asArgyrothecasp. 1 in Harper (1993). The availability of superior material has confirmed the uniqueness of this species and has permitted adequate description and diagnosis. All specimens described herein are deposited in the James Mitchell Museum of University College, Galway (JMM), and the British Museum (Natural History), London (BMNH).
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Savishinsky, Neil J. "Transnational popular culture and the global spread of the Jamaican Rastafarian movement." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 68, no. 3-4 (January 1, 1994): 259–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002653.
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Discusses the spread of the Rastafarian movement in the British Caribbean, North America, Europe, Africa, New Zealand, and the Pacific. In the vast majority of cases it has been reggae music which has functioned as the primary catalyst for spreading the religion and culture of Rastafari beyond Jamaica.
13
Rauhut, Claudia. "Reassessing the Compensation Payments to British Slave Owners in Current Caribbean Claims to Reparations." Sociologus: Volume 70, Issue 2 70, no. 2 (July 1, 2020): 123–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/soc.70.2.123.
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This paper deals with the compensation paid to British slave owners at the end of slavery in the 1830s. It explores its current reassessment within Caribbean claims to slavery reparations, exemplified by Jamaican activists and scholars, who have always been at the forefront of calls for reparations across the whole Americas in different regions and periods. Based on anthropological research and interviews I conducted with members of National Council for Reparations in Kingston in 2014 and 2017, I analyse how they trace back the legacies of slavery and compensation, link them to current social conditions, and generate a political agenda on behalf of reparations, addressing foremost the British government. I highlight narratives that reassess the compensation of British slave owners while the enslaved people went to freedom without any compensation for the injuries they suffered. I emphasize how powerfully the notion of injustice and the need to repair resonates in Jamaica. In particular, the paper explores activists’ reactions in relation to research that uncovered the links of former British Prime Minister David Cameron to the Caribbean slavery economy and a public scandal in relation to a bank loan for compensation that was paid off only in the year 2015. Finally, I reflect on their countering of the British politics of denial of recognition and of the hierarchy of global power relations. My research encourages further academic and political debates on how to come to terms with historical injustices through a framework of reparations that would include slavery, colonialism and its long-lasting legacies.
14
Graham, Aaron. "Patents and invention in Jamaica and the British Atlantic before 1857 †." Economic History Review 73, no. 4 (July 29, 2020): 940–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ehr.12995.
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Burnard, Trevor. "‘Rioting in goatish embraces’: Marriage and improvement in early British Jamaica." History of the Family 11, no. 4 (January 2006): 185–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.hisfam.2006.12.001.
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Connolly, N. D. B. "The Enduring, Gilded Periphery: Colonialism and Grand Cayman in Capital's Atlantic World." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 2 (March 11, 2020): 206–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153778141900063x.
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The man they called “Smiley” died in February 1938 on an operating table in Kingston, Jamaica. His stomach cancer, only recently discovered, was quickly deemed inoperable by a doctor in the Cayman Islands, where he lived with his pregnant wife and four children. In Cayman, there had been no public hospital. Instead, a British heiress paid to build a four-bed emergency ward and dispensary meant to serve the island's 6,500 residents. Four beds for more than six thousand. Such insufficiency represented the extent of institutionalized health care at the edge of the British Empire.
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Pellizzari, Peter. "Supplying slavery: Jamaica, North America, and British intra-imperial trade, 1752–1769." Slavery & Abolition 41, no. 3 (November 28, 2019): 528–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0144039x.2019.1698125.
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Samuel, Petal. "Mine the Ruins." Small Axe: A Caribbean Journal of Criticism 23, no. 3 (November 1, 2019): 178–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07990537-7912478.
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This review essay explores the extent to which the phenomenon of imperial “neglect” proposed in Christopher Taylor’s Empire of Neglect: The West Indies in the Wake of British Liberalism (2018) maintains saliency in the wake of national independence throughout the British Caribbean. Through a reading of Jamaica Kincaid’s A Small Place, the essay highlights how the market logics of mid-nineteenth-century imperial liberalization continued to animate new forms of West Indian erasure well into the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. While Kincaid deploys arguments of imperial neglect, she refuses the aspirations for repair that neglect implies. By stressing the impossibility of repairing the violence of British colonial rule, her work instead asks, What new forms of thought become possible beyond argumentative frames of repair?
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Campbell, James. "Murder Appeals, Delayed Executions, and the Origins of Jamaican Death Penalty Jurisprudence." Law and History Review 33, no. 2 (March 24, 2015): 435–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248015000103.
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In December 1993, the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council ruled in Pratt and Morgan v. The Attorney General for Jamaica that excessive delay in the enforcement of death sentences—defined with some caveats as more than 5 years from the time of conviction to execution—was “inhuman” and therefore unconstitutional. The Judicial Committee also reversed earlier rulings in finding that the 5 year time frame for appeals should include those delays that resulted from legal proceedings initiated by prisoners themselves. The result was to clear death row cells across most of the British Caribbean, with the capital sentences of more than 100 condemned prisoners commuted in Jamaica alone. Pratt also ushered in a new era of Judicial Committee activism in Caribbean death penalty cases that resulted in a series of further safeguards against executions, including the abolition of mandatory death sentences. The cumulative effect of these judgments is that there has not been an execution in Jamaica since 1988, even though capital punishment remains legal and, amidst persistently high rates of violent crime across the region, political support for a resumption of hanging is strong.
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Sheridan, Richard B. "Changing sugar technology and the labour nexus in the British Caribbean, 1750-1900, with special reference to Barbados and Jamaica." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 63, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1989): 59–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002033.
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Author examines the pattern and direction of technological change in the cane sugar industry of Barbados and Jamaica, and analyses the impact of this change on the employment, productivity, and welfare of workers engaged in the production of sugar.
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Randle, Ian. "Swimming Against the Tide: The Challenge of Legal Publishing in the English Speaking Caribbean." International Journal of Legal Information 37, no. 2 (2009): 204–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500005199.
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Book Publishing in the English speaking Caribbean is a relatively recent phenomenon. Prior to the 1960s there were sporadic attempts by individuals and even large firms like the Gleaner Company's Pioneer Press in Jamaica, but some semblance of sustained publishing activity did not come to the region until the post-independence period. In that first immediate post-independence period, the initiative to set up publishing operations came from British educational publishers who established either wholly-owned subsidiaries or went into partnerships with local business interests like the Collins/Sangster imprint in Jamaica. For the most part, these were token operations. They were also essentially the companies’ marketing and sales outlets as all publishing decisions, as well as editorial, design and production work, remained in the UK. Consequently there was no skills transfer or structured training in any aspect of book publishing.
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van Schalkwyk, Simon, and Michael Titlestad. "“I have been in an earthquake”: Epistemic upheaval in Richard Hughes’ A High Wind in Jamaica." Journal of Commonwealth Literature 54, no. 2 (February 6, 2017): 174–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021989416685593.
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Published in 1929, Richard Hughes’ A High Wind in Jamaica was praised by reviewers and critics across the spectrum of the British and American literary scenes (among them Rebecca West, Ford Madox Ford, Vita Sackville-West, Cyril Connelly, John Masefield, Hugh Walpole, and Arnold Bennett). At the same time, its readers were generally shocked by its portrait of child psychology (“the mind of the child”). While several critics applauded its realism, the record of its reception suggests that it induced — what one critic referred to as — “a sort of mental panic”. This article considers aspects of Hughes’ “new psychology”, which derived largely from the writings of Freud and the Freudians. Reading the novel and Freud in counterpoint, the argument concludes that — while Hughes constructs A High Wind in Jamaica as a rejoinder to the ideological logic of the imperial romance — in inscribing Freudian “primitivism” it reiterates colonial assumptions about “civilization”.
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Ryan, Maria. "“The influence of Melody upon man in the wild state of nature”: Enslaved Parishioners, Anglican Violence, and Racialized Listening in a Jamaica Parish." Journal of the Society for American Music 15, no. 3 (August 2021): 268–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752196321000171.
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AbstractIn 1827, George Wilson Bridges, the outspoken proslavery rector of the parish of St. Ann, Jamaica, published a pamphlet of music that he had written to be used as the choral service at his church. The Bishop of Jamaica condemned Bridges's musical innovations on the grounds that they were not suitable to be heard by “a congregation chiefly composed by people of colour & negroes.” On the Bishop's orders, Bridges's music stopped, and by 1828 he reported that his pews were once more empty. The congregation of St. Ann parish church was almost entirely enslaved Africans and Afro-descendants who could choose their place of worship. However, in Bridges's own household, the people he claimed as property had little opportunity to escape his ministering. In 1829 Bridges came to the attention of British abolitionists for his brutal flogging of Kitty Hylton, a woman he claimed to own. This article uses Black feminist approaches to archival materials to explore the relationship between the music promoted by Bridges, conflicting views held by white religious leaders about what music was appropriate for African and African-descended people to listen to, and Bridges's violence towards enslaved people; in so doing exploring the inescapable entanglement of religious music, race, and violence in colonial Jamaica.
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Quintanilla, Mark. "The World of Alexander Campbell: An Eighteenth-Century Grenadian Planter." Albion 35, no. 2 (2003): 229–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000069830.
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In 1763 few Europeans doubted the enormous importance of their Caribbean possessions, a fact indicated by the ready willingness of the French to cede Canada in order to regain British-occupied Martinique. The British were no different, and in the West Indies they were in the process of establishing a New World aristocracy whose riches were based upon African slavery and the production of tropical crops. The British prized their Caribbean territories, especially since the sugar revolution that had begun during the mid-seventeenth century first in Barbados where the crop had become dominant by 1660 and then in Jamaica. British planters continued their success in the Leeward Island settlements of Antigua, St. Christopher, Nevis, and Montserrat, where entrepreneurs converted their lands to sugar cane by the early 1700s. West Indian planters became influential within the British Empire, and exercised profound social, political, and economic importance in the metropolis. By the eighteenth century they were the richest colonists within the empire; they were landed aristocrats who could have vied in wealth and prestige with their counterparts in Britain.
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Chattopadhyaya, Utathya. "Empire and Indifference." Victorian Literature and Culture 47, no. 4 (2019): 835–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150319000421.
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The Caribbean's middleness within anthropological literature has been recognized and progressively untangled by scholars like Sidney Mintz and David Scott. The dialectics that figure the Caribbean as a perennially contingent space, always embodying too little and too much of the values that bound discourses of colonial modernity, frame the arguments in both Victorian Jamaica and Empire of Neglect. Both books respond to the problem of an ill-fitting Caribbean, especially after the formal abolition of slavery gave way to apprenticeships and inaugurated an uneven process of gaining political freedoms. Victoria's six-decade reign over the British Empire witnessed the expansion of liberal capitalism, reformulations of state and planter relationships, and movements for political rights under empire. Insurgencies and rebellions dotted the landscape of empire, from India (1857–59) and Jamaica (1865) to the Zulu territories (1879) and Alexandria in Egypt (1879–82). Empire responded to subjects who exposed its shaky footings through greater repression, social reform, and ballasting the civilizing mission from above. From below, colonized subjects inhabited empire in resistant, calculative, and often contradictory modes that revealed the undoing of imperial ambitions in practice. The Caribbean's marginalization in post-emancipation political economy, as the British Empire occupied more territory in Africa and Asia, produced many such complex habitations of empire that superficially may appear, pace Mintz, to be culturally midway between there and here.
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GRAHAM, AARON. "JAMAICAN LEGISLATION AND THE TRANSATLANTIC CONSTITUTION, 1664–1839." Historical Journal 61, no. 2 (October 17, 2017): 327–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1700022x.
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AbstractBetween its first meeting in January 1664 and the final session held under unfree labour in December 1838, the volume of legislation passed by the house of assembly in Jamaica increased exponentially. As in Britain and Ireland, this reflected the growing administrative capacity and political power of the legislature and also the enormous demand for laws and law-making among local interest groups. The rise and fall of slavery and the slave society in the island was therefore underpinned in a large part by the power of its colonial legislature, which also operated within the broader transatlantic constitution structured by imperial politics and law. There was very little though to distinguish the house of assembly from others in British North America, at least in legislative terms, and even after the traumatic imperial disjuncture of 1783 the reformed transatlantic constitution continued to provide a supportive environment for the expansion of legislation within the island of Jamaica.
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Dawson, Andrew. "Political Violence in Consolidated Democracies: The Development and Institutionalization of Partisan Violence in Late Colonial Jamaica (1938–62)." Social Science History 40, no. 2 (2016): 185–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2016.1.
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Past research suggests that although political violence in mature democracies is rare, it does occasionally occur along ethnic, religious, and/or linguistic lines. Jamaica is an exceptional case in that it is a relatively mature democracy that experiences political violence between demographically similar groups. This article examines the origins of political violence in Jamaica—that is, the conditions that led to its development, intensification, and institutionalization during the late colonial period. Through original archival research, this article supports past findings identifying personality politics, the politicization of race/class divisions, and clientelism as contributing factors to the development of political violence. The research also, however, makes a major new contribution by providing evidence that colonial nonintervention during the early stages of political violence was a crucial factor leading to its escalation and then institutionalization. This finding gives the British colonial state a different and more central role than the extant literature suggests and has broader implications for all democracies.
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Charles, Persis. "The Name of the Father: Women, Paternity, and British Rule in Nineteenth-Century Jamaica." International Labor and Working-Class History 41 (1992): 4–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900010486.
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Robertson, James. "RewritingDr. Noin 1962: James Bond and the End of the British Empire in Jamaica:." Small Axe 19, no. 2 47 (July 2015): 56–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07990537-3139370.
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Burnard, Trevor. "Slaves and Slavery in Kingston, 1770–1815." International Review of Social History 65, S28 (February 21, 2020): 39–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859020000073.
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AbstractHistorians have mostly ignored Kingston and its enslaved population, despite it being the fourth largest town in the British Atlantic before the American Revolution and the town with the largest enslaved population in British America before emancipation. The result of such historiographical neglect is a lacuna in scholarship. In this article, I examine one period of the history of slavery in Kingston, from when the slave trade in Jamaica was at its height, from the early 1770s through to the early nineteenth century, and then after the slave trade was abolished but when slavery in the town became especially important. One question I especially want to explore is how Kingston maintained its prosperity even after its major trade – the Atlantic slave trade – was stopped by legislative fiat in 1807.
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Cleve, George Van. "Somerset's Caseand Its Antecedents in Imperial Perspective." Law and History Review 24, no. 3 (2006): 601–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s073824800000081x.
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James Somerset was taken from Africa as a slave to the Americas in 1749. He was sold in Virginia to Charles Steuart, a Scottish merchant and slave trader in Norfolk who served after 1765 as a high-ranking British customs official. In 1769, Steuart took Somerset with him to England. After two years in England, Somerset escaped from Steuart, but was recaptured. Steuart decided to sell Somerset back into slavery in Jamaica, and, in late November 1771, Somerset was bound in chains on a ship on the Thames, theAnn and Mary, awaiting shipment.
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Blake, Kim. "T. E. S. Scholes: the unknown Pan Africanist." Race & Class 49, no. 1 (July 2007): 62–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396807080068.
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In the roll call of the Pan African movement, the name of Theophilus Scholes is virtually unknown. Yet this one-time Baptist missionary, who was born in Jamaica and served briefly in the Congo and on the Gold Coast, became a trenchant and influential critic of late nineteenth-century British imperialism. His attacks on the notions of `scientific racism' were similarly authoritative and his works were read and admired by leading black intellectuals and activists of the day, including Arthur Schomburg, Pixley Seme and W. E. B. Du Bois.
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KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 80, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2008): 253–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002497.
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Ileana Rodríguez; Transatlantic Topographies: Islands, Highlands, Jungles (Stuart McLean)Eliga H. Gould, Peter S. Onuf (eds.); Empire and Nation: The American Revolution in the Atlantic World (Peter A. Coclanis)Michael A. Gomez; Reversing Sail: A History of the African Diaspora (James H. Sweet)Brian L. Moore, Michele A. Johnson; Neither Led Nor Driven: Contesting British Cultural Imperialism in Jamaica, 1865-1920 (Gad Heuman)Erna Brodber; The Second Generation of Freemen in Jamaica, 1907-1944 (Michaeline A. Crichlow)Steeve O. Buckridge; The Language of Dress: Resistance and Accommodation in Jamaica, 1760- 1890 (Jean Besson)Deborah A. Thomas; Modern Blackness: Nationalism, Globalization, and the Politics of Culture in Jamaica (Charles V. Carnegie)Carolyn Cooper; Sound Clash: Jamaican Dancehall Culture at Large (John D. Galuska)Noel Leo Erskine; From Garvey to Marley: Rastafari Theology (Richard Salter)Hilary McD Beckles; Great House Rules: Landless Emancipation and Workers’ Protest in Barbados, 1838‑1938 (O. Nigel Bolland)Woodville K. Marshall (ed.); I Speak for the People: The Memoirs of Wynter Crawford (Douglas Midgett)Nathalie Dessens; Myths of the Plantation Society: Slavery in the American South and the West Indies (Lomarsh Roopnarine)Michelle M. Terrell; The Jewish Community of Early Colonial Nevis: A Historical Archaeological Study (Mark Kostro)Laurie A. Wilkie, Paul Farnsworth; Sampling Many Pots: An Archaeology of Memory and Tradition at a Bahamian Plantation (Grace Turner)David Beriss; Black Skins, French Voices: Caribbean ethnicity and Activism in Urban France (Nadine Lefaucheur)Karen E. Richman; Migration and Vodou (Natacha Giafferi)Jean Moomou; Le monde des marrons du Maroni en Guyane (1772-1860): La naissance d’un peuple: Les Boni (Kenneth Bilby)Jean Chapuis, Hervé Rivière; Wayana eitoponpë: (Une) histoire (orale) des Indiens Wayana (Dominique Tilkin Gallois)Jesús Fuentes Guerra, Armin Schwegler; Lengua y ritos del Palo Monte Mayombe: Dioses cubanos y sus fuentes africanas (W. van Wetering)Mary Ann Clark; Where Men Are Wives and Mothers Rule: Santería Ritual Practices and Their Gender Implications (Elizabeth Ann Pérez)Ignacio López-Calvo; “God and Trujillo”: Literary and Cultural Representations of the Dominican Dictator (Lauren Derby)Kirwin R. Shaffer; Anarchism and Countercultural Politics in Early Twentieth-Century Cuba (Jorge L. Giovannetti)Lillian Guerra; The Myth of José Martí: Conflicting Nationalisms in Early Twentieth-Century Cuba (Jorge L. Giovannetti)Israel Reyes; Humor and the Eccentric Text in Puerto Rican Literature (Nicole Roberts)Rodrigo Lazo; Writing to Cuba: Filibustering and Cuban Exiles in the United States (Nicole Roberts)Lowell Fiet; El teatro puertorriqueño reimaginado: Notas críticas sobre la creación dramática y el performance (Ramón H. Rivera-Servera)Curdella Forbes; From Nation to Diaspora: Samuel Selvon, George Lamming and the Cultural Performance of Gender (Sue Thomas)Marie-Agnès Sourieau, Kathleen M. Balutansky (eds.); Ecrire en pays assiégé: Haiti: Writing Under Siege (Marie-Hélène Laforest)In: New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids (NWIG), 80 (2006), no. 3 & 4
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KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 80, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2006): 253–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-90002497.
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Ileana Rodríguez; Transatlantic Topographies: Islands, Highlands, Jungles (Stuart McLean)Eliga H. Gould, Peter S. Onuf (eds.); Empire and Nation: The American Revolution in the Atlantic World (Peter A. Coclanis)Michael A. Gomez; Reversing Sail: A History of the African Diaspora (James H. Sweet)Brian L. Moore, Michele A. Johnson; Neither Led Nor Driven: Contesting British Cultural Imperialism in Jamaica, 1865-1920 (Gad Heuman)Erna Brodber; The Second Generation of Freemen in Jamaica, 1907-1944 (Michaeline A. Crichlow)Steeve O. Buckridge; The Language of Dress: Resistance and Accommodation in Jamaica, 1760- 1890 (Jean Besson)Deborah A. Thomas; Modern Blackness: Nationalism, Globalization, and the Politics of Culture in Jamaica (Charles V. Carnegie)Carolyn Cooper; Sound Clash: Jamaican Dancehall Culture at Large (John D. Galuska)Noel Leo Erskine; From Garvey to Marley: Rastafari Theology (Richard Salter)Hilary McD Beckles; Great House Rules: Landless Emancipation and Workers’ Protest in Barbados, 1838‑1938 (O. Nigel Bolland)Woodville K. Marshall (ed.); I Speak for the People: The Memoirs of Wynter Crawford (Douglas Midgett)Nathalie Dessens; Myths of the Plantation Society: Slavery in the American South and the West Indies (Lomarsh Roopnarine)Michelle M. Terrell; The Jewish Community of Early Colonial Nevis: A Historical Archaeological Study (Mark Kostro)Laurie A. Wilkie, Paul Farnsworth; Sampling Many Pots: An Archaeology of Memory and Tradition at a Bahamian Plantation (Grace Turner)David Beriss; Black Skins, French Voices: Caribbean ethnicity and Activism in Urban France (Nadine Lefaucheur)Karen E. Richman; Migration and Vodou (Natacha Giafferi)Jean Moomou; Le monde des marrons du Maroni en Guyane (1772-1860): La naissance d’un peuple: Les Boni (Kenneth Bilby)Jean Chapuis, Hervé Rivière; Wayana eitoponpë: (Une) histoire (orale) des Indiens Wayana (Dominique Tilkin Gallois)Jesús Fuentes Guerra, Armin Schwegler; Lengua y ritos del Palo Monte Mayombe: Dioses cubanos y sus fuentes africanas (W. van Wetering)Mary Ann Clark; Where Men Are Wives and Mothers Rule: Santería Ritual Practices and Their Gender Implications (Elizabeth Ann Pérez)Ignacio López-Calvo; “God and Trujillo”: Literary and Cultural Representations of the Dominican Dictator (Lauren Derby)Kirwin R. Shaffer; Anarchism and Countercultural Politics in Early Twentieth-Century Cuba (Jorge L. Giovannetti)Lillian Guerra; The Myth of José Martí: Conflicting Nationalisms in Early Twentieth-Century Cuba (Jorge L. Giovannetti)Israel Reyes; Humor and the Eccentric Text in Puerto Rican Literature (Nicole Roberts)Rodrigo Lazo; Writing to Cuba: Filibustering and Cuban Exiles in the United States (Nicole Roberts)Lowell Fiet; El teatro puertorriqueño reimaginado: Notas críticas sobre la creación dramática y el performance (Ramón H. Rivera-Servera)Curdella Forbes; From Nation to Diaspora: Samuel Selvon, George Lamming and the Cultural Performance of Gender (Sue Thomas)Marie-Agnès Sourieau, Kathleen M. Balutansky (eds.); Ecrire en pays assiégé: Haiti: Writing Under Siege (Marie-Hélène Laforest)In: New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids (NWIG), 80 (2006), no. 3 & 4
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Parry, Odette. "In One Ear and Out the Other: Unmasking Masculinities in the Caribbean Classroom." Sociological Research Online 1, no. 2 (July 1996): 10–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.12.
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Derived from qualitative data collected for a research project based at the Institute of Social and Economic Research at the University of the West Indies, Jamaica, this paper explores classroom gendered responses of High School students in Jamaica, Barbados and St. Vincent and the Grenadines. The account shows how teachers interpret gendered responses as confirmation of natural and necessary differences between male and female pupils. It is these perceived differences which they use to justify the case for single sex education, particularly for males. Conversely the paper argues that male gendered responses are informed by cultural expectations which translate into pedagogical relationships. These expectations reflect a version of masculinity (emerging from the historical experiences of white patriarchal chattel slavery in the West Indies) which equates education with the female side of a male/female dichotomy. The paper explores ways in which schools encourage this version of ‘masculinity’ at the same time as rendering it educationally inappropriate. In doing so the paper addresses issues which have been raised about male educational failure in recent British research.
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Bartrop, Paul R. "From Lisbon to Jamaica: A study of British refugee rescue during the Second World War." Immigrants & Minorities 13, no. 1 (March 1994): 48–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02619288.1994.9974833.
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Morgan, Kenneth. "Merchant networks, the guarantee system and the British slave trade to Jamaica in the 1790s." Slavery & Abolition 37, no. 2 (January 21, 2016): 334–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0144039x.2015.1116305.
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Baptista de Sousa, José. "“Anti-Slave Trade Cruzader”: Lord Holland’s Contribution to the Abolition of the Transatlantic Slave Trade and its Impact on the Anglo-Portuguese Political and Diplomatic Relations." Revista de Estudos Anglo-Portugueses/Journal of Anglo-Portuguese Studies, no. 27 (2018): 163–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.34134/reap.1991.208.274.
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This article investigates the role of Lord Holland in the abolition of the Slave Trade and in the enforcement of abolition on other nations. Holland, nephew of Charles James Fox, was the embodiment of Whig idealism, yet there was ambiguity in his position. In the frst place much of Holland’s income came from a sugar plantation in Jamaica so that his support for the abolition of slavery itself was highly qualifed. Secondly, Holland was an ardent lusophile and British attempts to suppress the Portuguese Slave Trade produced strains in an alliance that had lasted since the fourteenth century.
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Green, Cecilia A. "“The Abandoned Lower Class of Females”: Class, Gender, and Penal Discipline in Barbados, 1875–1929." Comparative Studies in Society and History 53, no. 1 (January 2011): 144–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417510000666.
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Between 1873 and 1917, the numbers of Barbadian women committed to penal custody on an annual basis surpassed those of men. While women's per capita imprisonment rate was still somewhat below that of men for most of these years, given the wide margins by which women outnumbered men in the population and the labor force, these proportions were nevertheless unprecedented, not only in the British Caribbean but also in other parts of the world. Available figures for Jamaica and Trinidad over sections of the period hover around an 18–20 percent female proportion rate, while in Barbados the rate usually exceeded 50 percent.
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Alhassan, Shamara Wyllie. "“We Stand for Black Livity!”: Trodding the Path of Rastafari in Ghana." Religions 11, no. 7 (July 21, 2020): 374. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11070374.
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Rastafari is a Pan-African socio-spiritual movement and way of life that was created by indigent Black people in the grip of British colonialism in 1930s Jamaica. Although Rastafari is often studied as a Jamaican phenomenon, I center the ways the movement has articulated itself in the Ghanaian polity. Ghana has become the epicenter of the movement on the continent through its representatives’ leadership in the Rastafari Continental Council. Based on fourteen years of ethnography with Rastafari in Ghana and with special emphasis on an interview with one Ghanaian Rastafari woman, this paper analyzes some of the reasons Ghanaians choose to “trod the path” of Rastafari and the long-term consequences of their choices. While some scholars use the term “conversion” to refer to the ways people become Rastafari, I choose to use “trodding the path” to center the ways Rastafari theorize their own understanding of becoming. In the context of this essay, trodding the path of Rastafari denotes the orientations and world-sensorial life ways that Rastafari provides for communal and self-making practices. I argue that Ghanaians trod the path of Rastafari to affirm their African identity and participate in Pan-African anti-colonial politics despite adverse social consequences.
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Martens, Emiel. "The 1930s Horror Adventure Film on Location in Jamaica: ‘Jungle Gods’, ‘Voodoo Drums’ and ‘Mumbo Jumbo’ in the ‘Secret Places of Paradise Island’." Humanities 10, no. 2 (March 29, 2021): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h10020062.
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In this article, I consider the representation of African-Caribbean religions in the early horror adventure film from a postcolonial perspective. I do so by zooming in on Ouanga (1935), Obeah (1935), and Devil’s Daughter (1939), three low-budget horror productions filmed on location in Jamaica during the 1930s (and the only films shot on the island throughout that decade). First, I discuss the emergence of depictions of African-Caribbean religious practices of voodoo and obeah in popular Euro-American literature, and show how the zombie figure entered Euro-American empire cinema in the 1930s as a colonial expression of tropical savagery and jungle terror. Then, combining historical newspaper research with content analyses of these films, I present my exploration into the three low-budget horror films in two parts. The first part contains a discussion of Ouanga, the first sound film ever made in Jamaica and allegedly the first zombie film ever shot on location in the Caribbean. In this early horror adventure, which was made in the final year of the U.S. occupation of Haiti, zombies were portrayed as products of evil supernatural powers to be oppressed by colonial rule. In the second part, I review Obeah and The Devil’s Daughter, two horror adventure movies that merely portrayed African-Caribbean religion as primitive superstition. While Obeah was disturbingly set on a tropical island in the South Seas infested by voodoo practices and native cannibals, The Devil’s Daughter was authorized by the British Board of Censors to show black populations in Jamaica and elsewhere in the colonial world that African-Caribbean religions were both fraudulent and dangerous. Taking into account both the production and content of these movies, I show that these 1930s horror adventure films shot on location in Jamaica were rooted in a long colonial tradition of demonizing and terrorizing African-Caribbean religions—a tradition that lasts until today.
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Clayton, T. R. "Sophistry, Security, and Socio-Political Structures in the American Revolution; or, Why Jamaica did not Rebel." Historical Journal 29, no. 2 (June 1986): 319–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00018768.
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Britain's most important American colonies did not rebel in 1776. Thirteen provinces did declare their independence; but no fewer than nineteen colonies in the western hemisphere remained loyal to the mother country. Massachusetts and Virginia may have led the American revolution, but they had never been the leading colonies of the British empire. From the imperial standpoint, the significance of any of the thirteen provinces which rebelled was pale in comparison with that of Jamaica or Barbados. In the century before 1763 the recalcitrance of these two colonies had been more notorious than that of any mainland province and had actually inspired many of the imperial policies cited as long-term grievances by North American patriots in 1774. Real Whig ideology, which some historians have seen as the key to understanding the American revolution, was equally understood by Caribbean elites who, like the continental, had often proved extremely sensitive on questions of constitutional principle. Attacks of ‘frenzied rhetoric’ broke out in Jamaica in 1766 and Barbados in 1776. But these had nothing whatsoever to do with the Stamp Act or events in North America.
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Knox, Bruce. "The Queen's Letter of 1865 and British Policy towards Emancipation and Indentured Labour in the West Indies, 1830–1865." Historical Journal 29, no. 2 (June 1986): 345–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0001877x.
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Modern historians of the Jamaica rebellion of October 1865 have attached much causal importance to a document of 14 June the same year, known as ‘the Queen's Letter’. This was the official response to a petition in which ‘certain poor people’ of St Ann's parish in the island had naively asked their sovereign for ‘a quantity of land’ and other means of relief from distress. Drafted by Henry Taylor, clerk and senior clerk in the West India department, of the colonial office since the mid-1820s, and approved by permanent under-secretary Sir Frederic Rogers and secretary of state Edward Cardwell, it has acquired an unmitigatedly bad reputation. It is not merely that it was naturally based on the knowledge that no imperial funds or other competence existed or could exist for relieving the consequences even of admittedly bad seasons in colonies (or at home), but rather that it thrust austere advice upon the suffering petitioners. Any labouring population, it stated, whether in Jamaica or England, could provide against adversity only by ‘industry and prudence’: above all, by undertaking – what was understood to be notoriously lacking amongst creoles – regular work for wages. Even the most sympathetic critics have considered this to be ‘harsh’ and ‘callous’. One writes that it reflected the sentiments of an imperial bureaucracy whose expectations had been influenced by the remarkable changes in English society, whose attitudes were governed by evangelical propriety, and whose notions of progress were inextricably tied to productivity, trade figures, accumulating property, and the refinements which these entailed.
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Beasley, Nicholas M. "Ritual Time in British Plantation Colonies, 1650-1780." Church History 76, no. 3 (September 2007): 541–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700500572.
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Four thousand miles of ocean divided the plantation colonies of the first British Empire from the English metropole, a great physical distance that was augmented by the cultural divergence that divided those slave societies from England. Colonists in Barbados, Jamaica, and South Carolina thus made the re-creation of English ritual ways central to their ordering of the colonial experience. In particular, the preservation of the English liturgical year and its ritual enactment offered opportunities to connect colonial experience to metropolitan ideal. Confronted with seasons and crops that did not square meteorologically with English experience, colonists sought the comfort of maintaining English calendrical norms as much as possible. Within parish boundaries, colonists built churches in which the parish community could gather for the carefully scheduled, well-ordered worship of the English national church. The English Sabbath was central to the passage of time in weekly units, a day set apart for the church's liturgy, rest from labor, and social gatherings. The great and minor festivals of the Christian year and the daily office offered similar opportunities for Christian teaching and social fellowship, just as the celebration of state holidays connected these distant outposts of the empire to the Protestant national narrative that held an increasingly British people together. These ways of ordering time lent meaning to days that otherwise slipped by amid the routines of agricultural, commercial, and domestic life.
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Palmer, Annette. "Rum and Coca Cola: The United States in the British Caribbean 1940-1945." Americas 43, no. 4 (April 1987): 441–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007188.
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The presence of American bases and troops in the British Caribbean during the Second World War was the catalyst to an anti-Americanism which has continued to dominate political thinking in the area. This has been a rather ironic turn of events. Prior to the arrival of the Americans, there had been a growing sentiment among sections of the population for some sort of American take-over of the islands. After the Americans arrived, however, relations with the people of the islands soured. The idea of an American take-over died aborning, and by the end of the war, such ideas were no longer being entertained by the people of the British Caribbean. They were replaced instead, by an aggressive nationalism which called for self-government for the islands as an entity. Whereas in 1938, a British journalist could have written that “Trinidad (and Barbados and Jamaica) wants to be American,” it had long ceased to be true by the end of the war. A Trinidadian labor leader, at a regional conference in 1945, succinctly summed up the ideas of all of his confreres. “Whenever we pass into other hands,” he declared, “both hands must be our own.”
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Gowricharn, Ruben. "Ethnogenesis: The Case of British Indians in the Caribbean." Comparative Studies in Society and History 55, no. 2 (April 2013): 388–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417513000078.
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AbstractAs a concept, ethnogenesis presupposes a category of individuals that are not a group becomes a group. Most accounts of ethnogenesis exhibit two features: they confuse ethnogenesis with the resilience of ethnicity, and they describe the “emergence” of ethnic groups as a response to external circumstances. This paper deviates from these perspectives by adopting a primordial approach, arguing that internal rather than external forces generate group cohesion. I establish three related propositions: First, while the debate between the so-called “circumstantialists” and “primordialists” suggests that these perspectives can be used interchangeably depending on scholarly preference, I argue that a “primacy” holds in favor of the primordial perspective. Second, I assert that this primordial perspective must be redefined, since ethnogenesis always incorporates “external” elements, thus changing and adapting to specific social and physical ecologies. Consequently, an ethnic group is constituted by the content of the ethnicity which functions as “boundaries.” Third, I contend that the emergence of primordial (though adjusted) ethnicity is not a “natural” process but instead requires actors that shape it, and that the initiatives of ethnic leaders are crucial in this regard. These propositions are established through a comparison of British Indians in the three former Caribbean plantation colonies of Suriname, Guyana, and Jamaica.
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Reid-Vazquez, Michele. "Caribbean-Atlantic Discourses of Race, Equality, and Humanity in the Age of Revolution." Journal of Black Studies 50, no. 6 (May 29, 2019): 507–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934719851474.
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As geopolitical warfare intensified in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, free individuals of African heritage increasingly disputed European ideologies that condemned them as naturally inferior and lacking in humanity. With the onset of the Haitian Revolution (1791-1804) and the Latin American wars for independence (1810-1825), individuals and groups of African descent circulated their own views. I argue that free Blacks from colonial Saint Domingue, Jamaica, and Cuba employed similar rhetorical strategies across the French, British, and Spanish empires. Their speeches, petitions, and declarations forged distinct Afro-Atlantic counter-discourses that proclaimed their equality and advocated for their human and civil rights.
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Garcia, Ana Catarina Abrantes. "New ports of the New World: Angra, Funchal, Port Royal and Bridgetown." International Journal of Maritime History 29, no. 1 (February 2017): 155–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871416677952.
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This article presents a comparative analysis of the port systems of the Portuguese and British Empires in the Atlantic during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. It is based on the study of four insular ports under the sovereignty of these two imperial polities: Angra in the Azores, Funchal in Madeira, Bridgetown in Barbados, and Port Royal in Jamaica. The aim of the analysis is to compare the main factors that led to the choice of these sites as key places in the structure of the respective Portuguese and British imperial models, how they developed to satisfy trade needs and their most significant problems, as well as the extent to which the development of these colonies conformed to what was ‘expected’ of each imperial project, taking into account the geographical, economic and social factors of the respective port cities. The methodological approach to the study of these Atlantic insular ports brings together data from landscape archaeology, nautical and underwater archaeology, together with historical documentation and cartography.
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Kleiser, R. Grant. "An Empire of Free Ports: British Commercial Imperialism in the 1766 Free Port Act." Journal of British Studies 60, no. 2 (April 2021): 334–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2020.250.
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AbstractThe Free Port Act of 1766 was an important reform in British political economy during the so-called imperial crisis between the Seven Years’ War (1756–1763) and the American Revolution (1775–1783). In an explicit break from the letter if not the spirit of the Navigation Acts, the act opened six British ports in the West Indies (two in Dominica and four in Jamaica) to foreign merchants trading in a highly regulated number of goods subject to various duties. Largely understudied, this legislation has been characterized in most previous work on the subject as a fundamental break from British mercantile policies and meant to benefit North American colonial merchants. This article proposes a different interpretation. Based on the wider context of other imperial free port models, the loss of conquests such as French Guadeloupe and Martinique and Spanish Havana in the 1763 Paris Peace Treaty, a postwar downturn in Anglo-Spanish trade, and convincing testimonies by merchants and colonial observers, policy makers in London conceived of free ports primarily as a means of extending Britain's commercial empire. The free port system was designed to ruin the rival Dutch trade economically and shackle Spanish and French colonists to Britain's mercantile, manufacturing, and slaving economies. The reform marks a key moment in the evolution of British free trade imperial designs that became prevalent in the nineteenth century and beyond.
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Green, Cecilia A. "Hierarchies of whiteness in the geographies of empire: Thomas Thistlewood and the Barrets of Jamaica." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 80, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2008): 5–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002486.
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Shows how a racial solidarity between whites in colonial Jamaica during slavery developed, but covered class differences between whites. Author examines the differences between the lesser-white, socially mobile settlers, and the upper plantocracy. She looks especially at social-structural factors, in particular genealogy and reproduction, that separated upper plantocratic families and dynasties, with connections with Britain, e.g. through absentee plantation owners, from less wealthy white settlers, that obtained intermediate positions as overseers, and generally were single males. She relates this further to the context with a white minority and a majority of slaves, and with relatively less women than men among the whites, that influenced differing reproductive patterns. The upper-class tended to achieve white marrying partners from Britain, alongside having children with slaves or people of colour, while lower-class whites mostly reproduced only in this last way. Author exemplifies this difference by juxtaposing the family histories and relationships, and relative social positions of Thomas Thistlewood, an overseer who came alone, and had an intermediate position, and the upper-class wealthy Barrett family, who were large land and slave owners, and established a powerful white dynasty in Jamaica, with British connections, over centuries, and that also included, sidelined, coloured offspring.