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Journal articles on the topic 'British in Malawi'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

O’Shea, B. J., M. J. Wigginton, M. A. Bruggeman-Nannenga, N. G. Hodgetts, and R. D. Porley. "British Bryological Society Expedition to Mulanje Mountain, Malawi. 13. New and other unpublished records." Bryophyte Diversity and Evolution 20, no. 1 (December 31, 2001): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/bde.20.1.3.

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Further results are provided of the 1991 British Bryological Society Expedition to Mulanje Mt., Malawi including 168 taxa of bryophyte, comprising 72 taxa of liverwort (38 new to Malawi) and 96 taxa of mosses (45 new to Malawi).

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2

O'Shea, Brian J. "British Bryological Society Expedition to Mulanje Mountain, Malawi 2. Checklist of Malawi bryophytes." Journal of Bryology 17, no. 4 (January 1993): 645–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/jbr.1993.17.4.645.

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3

Wigginton, M. J. "British Bryological Society expedition to Mulanje Mountain, Malawi. 15. Lejeuneaceae, and the occurrence and frequency of foliicolous taxa." Bryophyte Diversity and Evolution 20, no. 1 (December 31, 2001): 83–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/bde.20.1.15.

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Details of habitat and location are given for 64 taxa of Lejeuneaceae collected during the BBS expedition to Mulanje Mountain, Malawi in 1991, of which 47 are new to Malawi. The occurrence and frequency of foliicolous taxa are documented.

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4

Schade, Alexander. "The Malawi Orthopaedic Association/AO Alliance guidelines and standards for open fracture management in Malawi: a national consensus statement." Malawi Medical Journal 32, no. 3 (October 30, 2020): 112–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/mmj.v32i3.2.

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BackgroundOpen fractures are common injuries in Malawi that pose a large burden on the healthcare system and result in long-term disability.AimEstablishing a multiprofessional agreement on the management of open fractures in Malawi from a consensus meeting. MethodsAO Alliance convened a consensus meeting to build an agreement on the management of open fractures in Malawi. Eighteen members from different professions and various regions of Malawi participated in a 1-day consensus meeting on 7 September 2019. Prior to the meeting the British Orthopaedic Audit Standards for Trauma (BOAST) for open fractures, as well as relevant systematic reviews and seminal literature were circulated. Panel members gave presentations on open fracture management, followed by an open discussion meeting. At the 1-day consensus meeting panel members developed statements for each standard and guideline. Panel members then voted to accept or reject the statements.ResultsSubstantial agreement (no rejections) was reached for all 17 guidelines and the associated terminology was agreed on. These guidelines were then presented to the members of the Malawi Orthopaedic Association (MOA) at their annual general meeting on 28 September 2019 and all participants agreed to adopt them.ConclusionsThese MOA/AO Alliance guidelines aim to set a standard for open fracture management that can be regularly measured and audited in Malawi to improve care for these patients.

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5

Kamwendo, Gregory. "Is Malawi guilty of spoiling the Queen's language?" English Today 19, no. 2 (April 2003): 30–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078403002062.

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The present study reports on the history and current circumstances of the English language in Malawi (formerly the British protectorate of Nyasaland), where the standard of English, in terms both of teaching and use, has been in decline since the time of Dr Hastings Banda, the first president (who insisted on high standards in English and education). The study also describes and analyses Malawi's currently rising appetite for English in an environment in which the language is more or less synonymous with education itself.

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6

Hodgetts, N. G. "British Bryological Society Expedition to Mulanje Mountain, Malawi 3. Erpodiaceae (Musci)." Journal of Bryology 19, no. 1 (January 1996): 113–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/jbr.1996.19.1.113.

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7

Enroth, J., and N. G. Hodgetts. "British Bryological Society Expedition to Mulanje Mountain, Malawi 5. Neckeraceae (Musci)." Journal of Bryology 19, no. 1 (January 1996): 135–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/jbr.1996.19.1.135.

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8

Kruijer, J. D. "British Bryological Society Expedition to Mulanje Mountain, Malawi 6. Hypopterygiaceae (Musci)." Journal of Bryology 19, no. 3 (January 1997): 515–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/jbr.1997.19.3.515.

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9

Porley, R. D. "British Bryological Society Expedition to Mulanje Mountain, Malawi. 8. Lejeuneaceae:Colura(Hepaticae)." Journal of Bryology 19, no. 4 (January 1997): 799–803. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/jbr.1997.19.4.799.

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10

Hodgetts, N. G., and T. Póes Eszterházy. "British Bryological Society Expedition to Mulanje Mountain, Malawi. 10. Lepidoziaceae (Hepaticae)." Journal of Bryology 21, no. 4 (January 1999): 316–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/jbr.1999.21.4.316.

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11

Harries, Anthony D., Christopher J. Forshaw, and Howard M. Friend. "Malaria prophylaxis amongst British residents of Lilongwe and Kasungu districts, Malawi." Transactions of the Royal Society of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene 82, no. 5 (September 1988): 690–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0035-9203(88)90200-3.

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12

MARJOMAA, RISTO. "THE MARTIAL SPIRIT: YAO SOLDIERS IN BRITISH SERVICE IN NYASALAND (MALAWI), 1895–1939." Journal of African History 44, no. 3 (November 2003): 413–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853703008430.

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During the colonial period, the Yao formed the main source of recruits for the King's African Rifles Nyasaland (Malawi) battalions. Originally, the main reason for the large number of Yao volunteers was probably the simple fact that the recruitment office was near Yao areas. However, due to prevailing racial ideals the British colonial military interpreted this as a sign of a ‘martial spirit’. This led to active encouragement to enlist the Yao, which in turn made military service ever more attractive among this group. They became the ‘martial race’ of Nyasaland, a concept which continued to affect British recruitment policies until the Second World War.

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13

Pócs, Tamás. "British bryological society expedition to Mulanje Mountain, Malawi. 19. Metzgeriaceae and other unpublished records." Bryophyte Diversity and Evolution 29, no. 1 (August 6, 2008): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/bde.29.1.1.

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Localities and habitats are provided of 6 Metzgeria species collected on Mulanje Mountain. Additional records of some other hepatic species are included; four of them, Riccardia amazonica, Riccardia longispica, Drepanolejeunea ternatensis and Drepanolejeunea vandenbeghenii, are new to Malawi.

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14

Bae, Yuh-Jin. "Analyzing the Changes of the Meaning of Customary Land in the Context of Land Grabbing in Malawi." Land 10, no. 8 (August 10, 2021): 836. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land10080836.

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Ordinary Malawians who live in customary land have been suffering from land grabbing due to their weak and ill-defined land rights. Although Malawi has experienced a number of land reforms that should have contributed to strengthening customary land rights, many people in customary land still suffer from land grabbing. Accordingly, it is important to understand the factors that lead to land grabbing in customary land in Malawi. Thus, by looking at the overview of land laws and policies throughout history, this study has two aims: (1) to analyze the historical changes in the meaning and position of customary land in Malawi and (2) to analyze the land grabbers in Malawi before, during, and after the colonial era. In order to achieve the main goals, this research mainly analyzes land laws and policies connected to customary land in Malawi. The main findings of this research are that (1) the meaning of customary land changed before and after the colonial period, but little has changed between the colonial period and the present. Since the creation of land laws during the colonial period, the land rights of the people who live in customary land have not been secured, and (2) the land grabbers changed from the British colonial rulers and European settlers to the Government of Malawi. Further, with the recent land laws, such as Land Act 2016 and Customary Land Act 2016, wealthy Malawians may become new land grabbers who can afford to obtain the customary estate grants. By examining the main results, it was found that from the colonial period until the present, customary land has been vulnerable to land grabbing as its weak position still resembles that of the colonial era. Thus, Malawi appears to face significant challenges in amending its customary land laws for the benefit of the poor.

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15

Wigginton, M. J., R. D. Porley, and N. G. Hodgetts. "British Bryological Society expedition to Mulanje Mountain, Malawi. 18.Cololejeunea lichenyae, a new species of Lejeuneaceae (Jungermanniopsida) from Malawi." Journal of Bryology 29, no. 1 (March 2007): 7–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/174328207x160586.

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16

Sultana, S. R., D. J. Byrne, and J. B. McCullough. "The Value of a Travel History in Urology." Scottish Medical Journal 40, no. 3 (June 1995): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003693309504000308.

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We report a case of a young British woman who contracted urinary schistosomiasis while on holiday in Africa, having swum in Lake Malawi. A travel history would have been helpful in reaching the diagnosis earlier. The diagnosis was made after biopsy of an unusual bladder mucosal lesion and effective treatment given but it could easily have been missed, with the disease's resulting sequelae.

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17

GREEN, ERIK. "A LASTING STORY: CONSERVATION AND AGRICULTURAL EXTENSION SERVICES IN COLONIAL MALAWI." Journal of African History 50, no. 2 (July 2009): 247–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853709990028.

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AbstractHistorians have written extensively about agricultural extension services and the linkages between colonial administrations and rural communities in British Africa. Most studies argue that it is possible to identify a qualitative shift in strategies between the inter- and the post-war periods. The former is characterized by modest attempts at promoting soil conservation, while the latter is described as a period when colonial governments in British Africa – guided by scientific knowledge – tried to transform peasant agriculture to increase production. This article questions this division by using colonial Malawi as a case. It reveals that the strategies and intensity of agricultural extension services changed over time but that the aim of intervention, i.e. to combat soil erosion, remained the focal point throughout the colonial period. This shows that it is important to distinguish between strategies and scale of intervention on the one hand and their aims and contents on the other. Changes in the former took place within the conservation paradigm. Additionally, this article reveals that agricultural extension services were directed by colonial officials' perceptions about African farmers rather than detailed empirical knowledge about existing farming methods.

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18

O'Shea, Brian J., and Benito C. Tan. "British Bryological Society Expedition to Mulanje Mountain, Malawi. 17 Sematophyllaceae (Bryopsida): Part 1." Journal of Bryology 28, no. 4 (December 2006): 360–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/174328206x152315.

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19

Longton, R. E. "British Bryological Society Expedition to Mulanje Mountain, Malawi 1. Background, itinerary and procedures." Journal of Bryology 17, no. 4 (January 1993): 633–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/jbr.1993.17.4.633.

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20

Hodgetts, N. G. "British Bryological Society Expedition to Mulanje Mountain, Malawi 7. Adelanthaceae, Porellaceae, Schistochilaceae (Hepaticae)." Journal of Bryology 19, no. 3 (January 1997): 521–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/jbr.1997.19.3.521.

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21

Norrish, Alan. "In the footsteps of Dr David Livingstone." Bulletin of the Royal College of Surgeons of England 88, no. 9 (October 1, 2006): 306–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1308/147363506x148110.

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About 150 years ago the first British doctor set foot in what is now known as the Central African country of Malawi; he was the intrepid missionary, explorer, diplomat and medical doctor, Dr David Livingstone. What he found there was terrible suffering, in part a result of the horrific slave trade. No doubt things have changed considerably since that time: there are now roads, schools and hospitals. Nevertheless, there is still terrible suffering from disease and disability.

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22

McCracken, John. "Economics and Ethnicity: The Italian Community in Malawi." Journal of African History 32, no. 2 (July 1991): 313–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700025743.

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This article focuses on the Italian community in Malawi, one of the smallest immigrant minority groups in Central Africa, but by no means the least important. Using the records of the Custodian of Enemy Property housed in the National Archives of Malawi, it suggests that, in the light of the Italian experience, there is need to modify the conventional view of the white farming sector as being uniformly inefficient and incapable of survival other than through the active support of the colonial state. At a time between the wars when capitalist farming as a whole was in deep depression, Ignaco Conforzi succeeded for reasons largely unconnected with the intervention of the state, in creating a highly profitable, diversified agricultural empire which survived the Second World War virtually intact. Through his influence, an Italian community was created, linked to Conforzi by a variety of economic and family ties and drawn largely from the same small area of central Italy from which he himself had come. Like members of other ethnic groups, these immigrants were constantly balancing their multiple identities – as whites, as farmers or mechanics, as Italians or as natives of a particular district in Italy. Between the mid-1930s and the mid-1940s external and internal forces combined to transform them into a classic minority, ‘singled out…for differential and unequal treatment’ but from the late 1940s onwards those who were regarded by the colonial authorities as conforming to European standards were reabsorbed within the wider settler community. Overall, however, they tended to be more skilled and, crucially, less heavily reliant on the state than were British settlers and it is these factors that explain their relative success.

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23

William Kayuni, Steven. "Running to stand still: reflections on the cashgate scandal heist in Malawi." Journal of Money Laundering Control 19, no. 2 (May 3, 2016): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jmlc-04-2015-0014.

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Purpose In September, 2013 following a police tip, a government accounts clerk was found with huge sums of cash amounting to US$300,000 in his car, and a week later, Malawi’s Budget Director (Treasury Official) was fatally shot outside his home. These two incidents unravelled what would later be famously known as the “Cashgate Scandal” that leading to revelations of fraud amounting to US$32 million, an amount representing almost 1 per cent of Malawi’s annual GDP in merely six months. As a result, donors withdrew their annual 40 per cent budgetary support. A lot of people (almost 70) in both public and private sector found with both cash in local or foreign currency were arrested. An independent audit report by Baker Tilly, a British accountancy firm, revealed that the fraud and theft was with such sophistication that cheques were issued to private companies for services that had not been rendered to government. Those cheques were cashed, and money was distributed among several people. Those arrested were charged with offences ranging from corruption, abuse of office, theft, theft by public servant, tax evasion and money laundering. This paper aims to analyse the cashgate scandal. It explores the first conviction of these cashgate case series which also happens to be the first ever conviction on money laundering offence in Malawi. It further explores the law likely to apply to the cashgate scandal case series, the opportunities that have been lost and likely stifling implications on the future of the fight against corruption and money laundering offences in Malawi. All law enforcement actors such as the prosecution, defence and the courts have that duty to clarify and implement the common interests of Malawians, namely, the prescriptive purposes of the law in accordance with the expectations of an approximate process that guarantees attainment of human good, i.e. justice. Design/methodology/approach This paper presents the desk research of various journal articles and reports on money laundering in general and Malawi. Further, an analysis of the first money laundering conviction is presented. Findings Malawi is still struggling with enforcement of money laundering offences. Research limitations/implications There was no quantitative research involved. Further, being the first case for litigation and conviction, not much has come up on Malawi’s money laundering practice. Actually, this is likely to be the first article on money laundering and analysis of the cashgate heist. Social implications The paper serves as a learning process for future prosecutions. Originality/value The paper offers a new and novel approach to the fight against money laundering offences and organized criminality in Malawi. Before the Treza Senzani Judgment, Money Laundering Law in Malawi had never been tested before the Courts. Through an exegesis of the Malawi law as regards these offences, the paper adds value to the research and fight against money laundering. It further offers insights into legal interpretation and policy formulation that would enable law enforcement agencies in Malawi to succeed in the fight against such criminality.

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24

Kalinga, Owen. "Independence Negotiations in Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia." International Negotiation 10, no. 2 (2005): 235–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1571806054741001.

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AbstractThis article examines the processes of negotiations for autonomy from British rule in Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia in the late 1950s and early 1960s. It shows that developments in the Zambezia region, in particular African resistance to the Central African Federation, influenced the nature and pace of the negotiations. African nationalists conducted horizontal negotiations among themselves in addition to intense negotiations with colonial authorities divided between the Federation and London. In the end, the negotiations succeeded in transferring power to the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) led by Kamuzu Banda and the United National Independence Party (UNIP) under Kenneth Kaunda.

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25

Frahm, Jan-Peter, and Brian J. O'Shea. "British Bryological Society Expedition to Mulanje Mountain, Malawi 4. Dicranaceae: Campylopodioideae(Atractylocarpus, Bryohumbertia, Campylopus, Microcampylopus)." Journal of Bryology 19, no. 1 (January 1996): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/jbr.1996.19.1.119.

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26

O'Shea, B. J. "British Bryological Society Expedition to Mulanje Mountain, Malawi. 9. Regmatodontaceae, Rhachitheciaceae, Rhacocarpaceae and Rhizogoniaceae (Bryopsida)." Journal of Bryology 19, no. 4 (January 1997): 805–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/jbr.1997.19.4.805.

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27

Statham, Todd. "Teetotalism in Malawian Protestantism: Missionary Origins, African Appropriation." Studies in World Christianity 21, no. 2 (August 2015): 161–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2015.0116.

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Although beer had a profound cultural, economic and religious significance among traditional societies in central Africa, teetotalism – in other words, abstinence from alcohol – has become widespread in Malawian Protestantism (as elsewhere in African Christianity), and in many churches it is regarded as a mark of true faith. This article examines the origins of the antipathy to alcohol in the Presbyterian missionaries who evangelised Malawi in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, who drew a parallel between the ‘problem of drink’ among the working poor in their home culture and central Africans, to urge sobriety and its concomitant values of thrift and hard work among their converts. Yet research shows that it was new Christians in Malawi themselves (and not the missionaries) who took the lead in making temperance or teetotalism a criterion for church membership. By drawing upon the experiences of other socially and politically marginalised groups in the British Empire at this time, it is suggested that these new Christians were likely motivated to adopt temperance/teetotalism in order to assert to foreign missionaries their ability to lead and control their own churches and countries.

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28

Woods, Tony. "The Myth of the Capitalist Class: Unofficial Sources and Political Economy in Colonial Malawi, 1895-1924." History in Africa 16 (1989): 363–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171792.

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One of the prevalent theories in Malawian historiography is that primitive accumulation created a unified capitalist class which worked in concert with the colonial state and sowed the seeds of poverty by viciously exploiting the indigenous community. This proposition relies almost exclusively on official sources, and scholars have rarely looked for unofficial material to corroborate it. Such a lacuna is regrettable because unofficial data indicate that Malawi's colonial capitalists were often a badly fragmented class antagonistic to the colonial administration. Moreover, the capitalists' divisions paralyzed them politically and thus allowed the state to enact legislation which was often antithetical to capitalists' ambitions and prerequisites. As a result, the capitalists often found themselves economically imperiled. Few documents demonstrate this trend better than the colony's most important expatriate newspaper, The Nyasaland Times.The Nyasaland Times first appeared in 1895. Published by R.S. Hynde at the Blantyre Mission press, it immediately declared that “we are devoted to the planting interests of the community—the interest, we venture to state, on which the commercial prosperity of B.C.A. [British Central Africa] depends.” That the planters needed a voice devoted to them can scarcely be denied. By 1895 both the administration and the missions had established papers which were often hostile to the planters. In particular, Sir Harry Johnston's British Central African Gazette reflected the Commissioner's almost feral antipathy towards the planters in its editorials.

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29

Ferguson, Kim T., Yuna L. Ferguson, and Gail M. Ferguson. "“I am Malawian, Multicultural or British”: Remote acculturation and identity formation among urban adolescents in Malawi." Journal of Psychology in Africa 27, no. 2 (April 21, 2017): 122–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14330237.2017.1301701.

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30

Wigginton, M. J., and R. D. Porley. "British Bryological Society Expedition to Mulanje Mountain, Malawi. 14. Allisoniaceae, Arnelliaceae, Aytoniaceae, Geocalycaceae, Gymnomitriaceae, Pallaviciniaceae (Hepaticae)." Journal of Bryology 23, no. 2 (April 2001): 133–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/jbr.2001.23.2.133.

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31

Wigginton, M. J., N. G. Hodgetts, and R. E. Longton. "British Bryological Society expedition to Mulanje Mountain, Malawi. 16. New and other unpublished bryophyte records, 2." Journal of Bryology 42, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 179–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03736687.2020.1753331.

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32

LEE, CHRISTOPHER JOON-HAI. "THE ‘NATIVE’ UNDEFINED: COLONIAL CATEGORIES, ANGLO-AFRICAN STATUS AND THE POLITICS OF KINSHIP IN BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA, 1929–38." Journal of African History 46, no. 3 (November 2005): 455–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853705000861.

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This article examines the categorical problem that persons of ‘mixed-race’ background presented to British administrations in eastern, central and southern Africa during the late 1920s and 1930s. Tracing a discussion regarding the terms ‘native’ and ‘non-native’ from an obscure court case in Nyasaland (contemporary Malawi) in 1929, to the Colonial Office in London, to colonial governments in eastern, central and southern Africa, this article demonstrates a lack of consensus on how the term ‘native’ was to be defined, despite its ubiquitous use. This complication arrived at a particularly crucial period when indirect rule was being implemented throughout the continent. Debate centered largely around the issue of racial descent versus culture as the determining factor. The ultimate failure of British officials to arrive at a clear definition of the term ‘native’, one of the most fundamental terms in the colonial lexicon, is consequently suggestive of both the potential weaknesses of colonial state formation and the abstraction of colonial policy vis-à-vis local empirical conditions. Furthermore, this case study compels a rethinking of contemporary categories of analysis and their historical origins.

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33

O’Shea, B. J. "Erratum British Bryological Society Expedition to Mulanje Mountain, Malawi. 13. New and other unpublished records." Bryophyte Diversity and Evolution 22, no. 1 (December 21, 2002): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/bde.22.1.12.

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In a paper in volume 20 (O’Shea et al. 2001), because of a problem with fonts, part of the account for 3 species of Fissidens contained text that was transliterated into letters of the Greek alphabet.

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34

Otanez, M. G. "Eliminating child labour in Malawi: a British American Tobacco corporate responsibility project to sidestep tobacco labour exploitation." Tobacco Control 15, no. 3 (June 1, 2006): 224–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/tc.2005.014993.

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35

O'shea, Brian J. "British Bryological Society Expedition to Mulanje Mountain, Malawi. 11. Pterigynandraceae M.Fleisch. and Rigodiaceae H.A.Crum (Bryopsida) in Africa." Journal of Bryology 21, no. 4 (January 1999): 309–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/jbr.1999.21.4.309.

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36

Watling, Malcolm C., and Brian J. O'Shea. "British Bryological Society Expedition to Mulanje Mountain, Malawi. 12. A revision of the genusRhacopilopsisRenauld & Cardot (Hypnaceae, Bryopsida)." Journal of Bryology 22, no. 3 (January 2000): 207–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/jbr.2000.22.3.207.

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37

Thompson, David M. "A Triangular Conflict: The Nyasaland Protectorate and Two Missions, 1915–33." Studies in Church History 54 (May 14, 2018): 393–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2017.22.

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The idea that the churches became agents of empire through their missionary activity is very popular, but it is too simple. Established Churches, such as those of England and Scotland, could certainly be used by government, usually willingly; so could the Roman Catholic Church in the empires of other countries. But the position of the smaller churches, usually with no settler community behind them, was different. This study examines the effects of the Chilembwe Rising of 1915 on the British Churches of Christ mission in Nyasaland (modern Malawi). What is empire? The Colonial Office and the local administration might view a situation in different ways. Their decisions could thus divide native Christians from the UK, and even cause division in the UK church itself, as well as strengthening divisions on the mission field between different churches. Thus, even in the churches, imperial actions could foster the African desire for independence of empire.

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38

Coffey, Rosalind. "‘Does the Daily Paper rule Britannia’: British Press Coverage of a Malawi Youth League Demonstration in Blantyre, Nyasaland, in January 1960." Journal of Southern African Studies 41, no. 6 (November 2, 2015): 1255–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2015.1101819.

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39

Cobley, Alan. "“Lacking in Respect for Whitemen”: “Tropical Africans” on the Witwatersrand Gold Mines, 1903–1904." International Labor and Working-Class History 86 (2014): 36–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754791400009x.

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AbstractIn May 1903, 380 Africans were recruited from British Central Africa (modern Malawi) by the Witwatersrand Native Labour Association on one-year contracts to work in the gold mines. It was an experiment designed to test the potential for recruiting cheap black labor for the mines from the region north of the Zambesi. By the end of the contract period, more than a quarter of the men were either dead or permanently disabled. Their struggles to adapt to the harsh working conditions in the mines fueled a racist discourse among white South Africans about “Tropical Africans,” which focused on their supposed susceptibility to disease on the one hand, and their supposed “natural indolence” on the other. Notwithstanding these issues, the mine owners considered the experiment a success and moved rapidly to expand recruitment from the region in the years that followed. This article tells the story of this pioneering group of migrant workers, detailing their grim encounter with modernity and the power of capital in South Africa. It also suggests ways in which their experiences helped to determine the conditions of employment for the generations of migrant mineworkers that followed them.

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Bande, Lewis Chezan. "A history of Malawi’s criminal justice system: from pre-colonial to democratic periods." Fundamina 26, no. 2 (2020): 288–336. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/fund/v26/i2a2.

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This contribution traces the historical development of the criminal justice system in Malawi, from the pre-colonial period, through the colonial and independence periods, to the contemporary democratic period. It highlights the major political hallmarks of each historical period and their impact on the development of the criminal justice system. The contribution shows that all aspects of the current criminal justice system – substantive criminal law, procedural law, criminallaw enforcement agencies, courts and correctional services – are products of political and constitutional processes and events of the past century. Their origins are directly traceable to the imposition of British protectorate rule on Nyasaland in the late nineteenth century. The development of the Malawian criminal justice system since then has been heavily influenced by the tension and conflict of colonialism, the brutality of one-party dictatorship and the country’s quest for a constitutional order that is based on liberal principles of democracy, rule of law, transparency and accountability, respect for human rights, limited government and equality before the law. To properly understand Malawi’s current criminal justice system, one has to know and appreciate its historical origins and development.

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Lee, Christopher J. "Jus SoliandJus Sanguinisin the Colonies: The Interwar Politics of Race, Culture, and Multiracial Legal Status in British Africa." Law and History Review 29, no. 2 (May 2011): 497–522. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s073824801100006x.

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In April 1929, an unremarkable man—a local entrepreneur and defendant in a minor lawsuit—entered the High Court of Nyasaland (contemporary Malawi) and made a remarkable gesture. The son of an Indian immigrant and an African woman, Suleman Abdul Karim declared himself a “non-native” and that he should consequently be tried as such. The lawsuit brought against him concerned the ownership of a Ford truck for which he had failed to complete payment. Approximately ten months earlier on June 28, 1928, Ernest Carr of Blantyre, Nyasaland—a local auctioneer and businessman who frequently ran advertisements inThe Nyasaland Timesduring the 1920s—had sold the Ford to Karim with a written agreement that it would be paid for with £30 as a down payment, £20 on July 31, 1928, with the remaining £50 to be paid in monthly installments of £10 starting August 31, 1928. All told, this business transaction was intended to be resolved expeditiously, with its completion by the new year of 1929. However, the minor expectation that this contract had promised was not fulfilled. Two payments were made, an initial one on the day of sale for £30 and a second several months later on November 16, this time for £8. Karim defaulted on the remaining amount. Furthermore, he failed to make an insurance premium payment of £10 to the African Guarantee and Indemnity Co. Ltd., for which Carr was a local agent. Despite these defaults, Karim had not returned the Ford. Consequently, after several more months elapsed, a claim against Karim came before the High Court on April 11, 1929.

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Hastings, Gerard. "CSR." Social Marketing Quarterly 22, no. 4 (August 1, 2016): 280–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1524500416631942.

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Corporate social responsibility (CSR), with its subdisciplines of corporate social marketing (CSM) and cause-related marketing (CRM), has an axiomatically attractive ring. The idea of publicly traded corporations doing good deeds and behaving well seems self-evidently desirable, and any addition to humankind’s pool of social responsibility is surely to be welcomed. So when a multinational offers to provide books for British school children, support indigenous rights in the Americas, or fund child literacy programs in Malawi, the temptation is simply to say “thank you kind sir and more power to your elbow.” However, all that glisters is not gold and good deeds are not always what they seem; a kiss can be a mark of love or an act of betrayal. So we need to look further, beyond the immediate act, and examine motives, repercussions, and morality before we decide. We marketers, of all people, should look carefully at the price tag before we make the purchase. And when we do so with CSR, CSM, and CRM, it becomes clear that the costs are simply unaffordable. In this article, I adopt an uncompromisingly critical stance. I do so because helping those in need, who have fallen on hard times or are less fortunate than ourselves, and to do so without expectation of return or advantage, is the defining quality of our humanity. When we allow this to be co-opted and distorted for commercial advantage, we create a profound moral hazard.

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Hinfelaar, Marja. "The White Fathers' Archive in Zambia." History in Africa 30 (2003): 439–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003314.

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The archive of the Generalate of the White Fathers (WF) in Rome is a well-known “treasure trove for Africanists of all disciplines.” Owing partly to the availability of a series of published catalogues and guides, it attracts a steady flow of external researchers and features prominently in the bibliographies of numerous recent works on sub-Saharan African history. What many Africanists might not be aware of, however, is the existence of regional WF's archives, the holdings of which do not necessarily replicate—and in fact often complement—those of the central Roman deposit. It is to this latter, by and large neglected, category that the archive of the WF's headquarters in Lusaka, Zambia (WFA-Z), belongs. In the summer of 2001 Fr. Hugo Hinfelaar, longstanding missionary in Zambia, renowned scholar and part-time keeper of the WFA-Z, entrusted the authors with the task of updating the in-house catalog of the archive under his charge, in light of fresh acquisitions. This enriching experience provided the initial incentive for the preparation of this paper.Until not long ago, the WF were the largest missionary society to operate in Zambia. They were also one of the earliest to settle in the country, their first station among the Mambwe, in the Tanganyika-Malawi corridor, having been inaugurated in 1891, before the effective inception of British rule. The Mambwe themselves had long been harassed by the politically and linguistically dominant ethnic group in northern Zambia, the Bemba, towards whom the WF directed their subsequent efforts. The establishment of Chilubula mission by the bishop of the newly constituted Nyasa Vicariate, Joseph Dupont, in 1898 marked the beginning of the WF's colonization of Lubemba.

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Mandala, Elias. "The Making of Wage Laborers in Nineteenth Century Southern Africa: Magololo Porters and David Livingstone, 1853–1861." International Labor and Working-Class History 86 (2014): 15–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547914000088.

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AbstractThis essay illuminates the worldwide transition to free labor from various forms of unfree labor by examining that process in the particular conditions of Southern Africa's encounter with Britain. Dr. David Livingstone's servants—whose descendants in Malawi have been called “Magololo,”1 a term used throughout this essay to distinguish them from the “Kololo” conquerors of Bulozi in contemporary Zambia and parts of Namibia—exemplify this global development. Between 1853 and 1861, over a hundred young Magololo men worked as porters, deckhands, and guides and showed Livingstone the very places in southern Africa whose “discovery” (for Britons) made Livingstone famous. Owing tribute labor to their king, Sekeletu, they initially performed these tasks as subjects. But, after Livingstone's return from England in 1858, they labored for wages; they were among the first groups of Africans in the region to make the emblematic modern move from formally unfree labor to formally free labor. This transition, which would form the core conflict of indirect rule in British Africa, radically altered Livingstone's relationship with his guides: They rebelled against him in 1861. This is one side of the story. The other side follows from the fact that one cannot sensibly speak about workers without the story of their employers. Accordingly, this essay revisits the well-known story of Livingstone's life but offers a different perspective than other biographies. It is the first study to combine the long-familiar documentary evidence with oral sources, for the specific purpose of retelling the Livingstone narrative (in its many renderings) from the viewpoint of his relations with the Magololo workers. In that way, it can shed light on the beginnings of the transition to wage labor in this region.

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"Alternaria passiflorae. [Distribution map]." Distribution Maps of Plant Diseases, no. 2) (August 1, 1985). http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/dmpd/20046500479.

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Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Alternaria passiflorae Simmonds. Hosts: Passion fruit (Passiflora edulis). Information is given on the geographical distribution in Africa, Kenya, Malawi, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia, Asia, Bhutan, Australasia & Oceania, Australia, New South Wales, Queensland, Western Australia, Fiji, Hawaii, New Zealand, Papua New Guinea, North America, Canada, British Columbia.

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Williams, M. A. J. "Cercospora zonata. [Descriptions of Fungi and Bacteria]." IMI Descriptions of Fungi and Bacteria, no. 94 (July 1, 1987). http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/dfb/20056400939.

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Abstract A description is provided for Cercospora zonata. Information is included on the disease caused by the organism, its transmission, geographical distribution, and hosts. HOSTS: Vicia species including V. faba, V. narbonensis and P. saliva; also Lens esculenta.DISEASE: Leaf spot. GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION: Africa: Ethiopia, Libya, Malawi, Mauritius, Zambia; Asia: India, Iran, Nepal; Europe: British Isles, Cyprus, Malta, Rumania; North America: USA. TRANSMISSION: Presumably by air-borne, or rain-splash dispersed, conidia.

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"Sphaceloma fawcettii var. scabiosa. [Distribution map]." Distribution Maps of Plant Diseases, no. 4) (August 1, 1990). http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/dmpd/20046500161.

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Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Sphaceloma fawcettii[Elsinoe fawcettii] Jenkins var. scabiosa (McAlp. & Tryon) Jenkins. Hosts: Citrus spp. Information is given on the geographical distribution in Africa, Comores Islands, Madagascar, Malawi, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Asia, Hong Kong, Indonesia, West Irian, Malaysia, Peninsular, Sabah, Sarawak, Sri Lanka, Australasia & Oceania, Australia, New South Wales, Queensland, British Solomon Islands, Fiji, New Caledonia, Papua New Guinea, South America, Argentina, Brazil.

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"Alternaria passiflorae. [Distribution map]." Distribution Maps of Plant Diseases, No.October (August 1, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/dmpd/20143369342.

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Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Alternaria passiflorae Simmonds. Dothideomycetes: Pleosporales: Pleosporaceae. Host: passionflower (Passiflora sp.). Information is given on the geographical distribution in Asia (Bhutan, China, Guangdong, India, Kerala, Sikkim, West Bengal), Africa (Kenya, Malawi, Mauritius, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia, Zimbabwe), North America (Canada, British Columbia, Florida, Hawaii), South America (Brazil, Sao Paulo, Colombia, Venezuela), Oceania (Australia, Queensland, Western Australia, Fiji, New Caledonia, New Zealand, Niue, Norfolk Island, Papua New Guinea, Tonga).

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"Pseudomonas syringae pv. pisi. [Distribution map]." Distribution Maps of Plant Diseases, no. 5) (August 1, 1993). http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/dmpd/20046500253.

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Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Pseudomonas syringae pv. pisi (Sackett) Young, Dye & Wilkie. Hosts: Pea (Pisum sativum) and other Apiaceae. Information is given on the geographical distribution in Africa, Kenya, Malawi, Morocco, South Africa, Tanzania, Zimbabwe, Asia, India, Rajasthan, Himachal Pradesh, Indonesia, Israel, Japan, Lebanon, Nepal, Pakistan, Russia, Armenia, Kirghizistan, Australasia & Oceania, Australia, New South Wales, South Australia, Western Australia, Queensland, Tasmania, Victoria, New Zealand, Europe, Bulgaria, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Netherlands, Romania, Russia, Ukraine, Voronezh, Moldavia, Switzerland, UK, England, Yugoslavia, North America, Bermuda, Canada, Alberta, British Columbia, Manitoba, Ontario, Quebec, Saskatchewan, Mexico, USA, New York, South America, Argentina, Colombia, Uruguay.

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"Neonectria coccinea. [Distribution map]." Distribution Maps of Plant Diseases, No.October (August 1, 2006). http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/dmpd/20063191816.

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Abstract A new distribution map is provided for N. coccinea (Pers.) Rossman & Samuels. Ascomycota: Hypocreales. Hosts: Plurivorous. Information is given on the geographical distribution in Europe (Austria, Croatia, Denmark, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Poland, Serbia and Montenegro, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, UK), Asia (China, Hong Kong, India, Kerala, Rajasthan, Japan, Malaysia, Nepal, Pakistan, Turkey), Africa (Kenya, Malawi), North America (Canada, British Columbia, New Brunswick, Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island, Quebec, USA, California, Connecticut, Idaho, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Mississippi, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Vermont, Virginia, Washington, West Virginia), Oceania (Australia, New South Wales, New Caledonia, New Zealand).

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