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Journal articles on the topic 'British in Nigeria'
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1
Uche, Chibuike U. "British Government, British Businesses, and the Indigenization Exercise in Post-Independence Nigeria." Business History Review 86, no. 4 (2012): 745–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000768051200181x.
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The Nigerian Enterprises Promotion Decree of 1972, which was promulgated in Nigeria after the country gained its independence from Britain, put in place a framework for the varied transfer of equity ownership of expatriate businesses to Nigerians. The decree was replaced by a more stringent order in 1977. Despite the extensive research on the Nigerian indigenization episode, there have been few studies on the role of the British government in the entire exercise. This paper, using newly available evidence from the National Archives London, investigates the role played by the British government during the indigenization episode. Evidence in this paper suggests that the British government explored various strategies, orthodox and unorthodox, in its bid to protect British business interests in Nigeria during the period.
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UCHE, CHIBUIKE. "OIL, BRITISH INTERESTS AND THE NIGERIAN CIVIL WAR." Journal of African History 49, no. 1 (March 2008): 111–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853708003393.
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ABSTRACTUsing newly available evidence, mainly from the Public Records Office (now the National Archive) in London, this article attempts to unravel the true extent of the role that British oil interests played in the decision of the British government to insist on a ‘One Nigeria’ solution in the Nigeria/Biafra conflict. While the official position of the British government was that its main interest in the Nigeria conflict was to prevent the break-up of the country along tribal lines, the true position was more complex. Evidence in this paper suggests that British oil interests played a much more important role in the determination of the British attitude to the war than is usually conceded. Specifically, Britain was interested in protecting the investments of Shell-BP in Nigerian oil. Furthermore, Britain was also at the time desperate to keep Nigerian oil flowing in order to mitigate the impact of its domestic oil shortfalls caused by the Middle East Six Day War. Supporting a ‘One Nigeria’ solution was considered its safest bet in order to achieve the above objectives.
3
Mordi, Emmanuel Nwafor. "‘Sufficient Reinforcements Overseas’: British PostWar Troops' Recruiting Policy in Nigeria, 1945–53." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 4 (July 10, 2019): 823–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419855417.
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This article critically examines Britain's postwar recruitment policy in Nigeria, 1945–53. It is a subject that has not been studied by scholars. As the Second World War drew to a close, the Nigerian colonial military had declared that it had sufficient illiterate, ‘pagan’ infantrymen of northern Nigerian ‘tribal,’ including Tiv, origin to meet any but unforeseen demands of troops for service in the South East Asia Command (SEAC). Yet, recruitment of the same category of infantrymen, as well as ex-servicemen, was resumed after the war. The critical/analytic historical method is deployed to interrogate Nigerian and British archival sources on the subject. The study shows that, unlike the case of the High Commission Territories Corps (HCTC), Nigeria's postwar recruitment was not meant for overseas deployment. It was primarily driven by Britain's objectives of restoring the army to its pre-war role of enforcing colonial law and order in furtherance of its resolve to maintain its colonial state in Nigeria despite postwar militant nationalism.
4
Oyebola, Folajimi, and Ulrike Gut. "Nigerian newscasters’ English as a model of standard Nigerian English?" Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics 56, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 651–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/psicl-2020-0022.
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Abstract The aim of this study is to investigate whether the form of English spoken by Nigerian newscasters enjoys the status of a standard in Nigeria. The study employs a verbal guise test and a questionnaire to measure the attitudes of 137 Nigerian participants towards the variety of English used by Nigerian newscasters. The findings show that an exonormative orientation is still present in Nigeria: both British and American English accents are preferred over a Nigerian one for Nigerian newscasters, and a British accent is perceived to be more prevalent than a Nigerian one in Nigerian newscasting. However, the results of the verbal guise test demonstrate that there are very positive attitudes towards all Nigerian newscasters’ accents. The results also show that neither gender nor a stay abroad has a significant effect on Nigerians’ attitudes towards newscasters’ English, but that the age group of the participants significantly influences their evaluations: the older participants rated the newscasters’ English accents higher than the younger ones. Overall, the findings of the study suggest a limited potential of Nigerian newscasters’ English becoming a model of English in Nigeria, as British English as an exonormative norm seems to continue to play a major role.
5
Nwobodo, Ofor. "Operational cooperation between the International Committee of the Red Cross and the Nigerian Red Cross Society." International Review of the Red Cross 38, no. 323 (June 1998): 221–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400090987.
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The Nigerian Red Cross Society has its roots in the year 1917, when the country was still under British rule. In that year the British Red Cross for the first time organized a fund-raising event in Lagos. There followed the formation of what was then known as the Nigeria Central Branch of the British Red Cross Society, with headquarters in Lagos. The branch had divisions in the then three regions of the country — Eastern, Northern and Western — with headquarters respectively in Enugu, Kaduna and Ibadan. Once Nigeria achieved independence, on 1 October 1960, the Nigerian Red Cross Society was born through an act of parliament (“The Nigerian Red Cross Society Act of 1960”). Today, the Society has a branch in each of the country's 36 states as well as in Abuja, in the Federal Capital Territory.
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Peters, Edem Etim, and Ruth Mataba Gadzama. "Influence of British Pottery on Pottery Practice in Nigeria." European Journal of Engineering Research and Science 4, no. 6 (June 12, 2019): 19–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejers.2019.4.6.1254.
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The pottery narratives of Nigeria majorly linked with the activities of a great British potter Michael Cardew who Established pottery centres in Nigeria, and trained many Nigerians in Pottery. Cardew studied under Bernard Leach (1887 – 1979) who travels extensively and taught pottery around the world.Leach studied pottery under Master Kenzan VI in Japan and returned to England in 1920 to establish his own pottery at St. Ives with Shoji Hamada. The impact in pottery created by Cardew in Nigeria from 1950 is a direct British Pottery influence imparted to him by leach at St. Ives. A British potter and artist, Kenneth C. Murray studied pottery under Bernard Leach at St. Ives in 1929 and returned back to Uyo in Nigeria to produce and teach students pottery. Murray produced pottery wares from the Kiln he built at Uyo and took his students to exhibit the ware along with other art works at Zwember gallery (Britain) in 1937. Chief Adam Joshua Udo Ema also studied pottery in 1949 in Britain and later returned to work as a pottery officer at Okigwe Pottery centre as well as established three pottery centres in Nigeria Namely; Ikot Abasi Pottery centre at Etinan, Pottery centre at Mbiafun Ikono, and pottery centre at Ikot Ntot in Abak. Many other Nigerian studied pottery in Nigeria. Lady Kwalii pottery experience was influenced by Michael Cardew. Her pottery influence seen pottery products exhibited in various parts of the world depicted a coordination of Niger and British Pottery influences. A case study design is considered for methodological approach. Data were taken from primary and secondary sources and analyzed respectively. British influence on Nigeria is indeed outstanding.
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Anyanwu, Ogechi E. "Crime and Justice in Postcolonial Nigeria: The Justifications and Challenges of Islamic Law of Shari'ah." Journal of Law and Religion 21, no. 2 (2006): 315–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400005646.
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Nowhere, in recent times, has the question of the Islamic Law of Shari’ah produced such a crescendo of concern, posed such a challenge to the prevailing justice system, as in Nigeria. In "modern" societies, the criminal justice system not only produces social solidarity by reaffirming the society's bond and its adherence to certain norms, but also serves to legitimize the political authority of the state. In the postcolonial pluralistic society of Nigeria, the criminal justice system has been fundamentally influenced by the ascendancy of Western penology. During the era of European colonization of Africa, existing systems of justice were suppressed; in Nigeria's case, by the British imperial power. Predictably, the British system of justice clashed with the indigenous systems. Nowhere is this historical conflict more manifest than in the ongoing challenge Shari’a has posed to the Nigerian state. Shari’ah was an incendiary issue during the colonial period (1900-60) in Nigeria, and has continued to challenge the classical view of the modern state ever since. This challenge has reshaped Nigeria's postcolonial criminal justice system. Here religion, politics, and society intersect, shedding light on the arrival, reactions, and crises of modernity, themes that run through the Shari’ah controversy like interwoven threads.
8
Adebola, Bolanle. "Common Law, Judicial Precedents and the Nigerian Receivership Procedure." Journal of African Law 58, no. 1 (January 20, 2014): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855313000181.
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AbstractBefore the enactment of the Companies and Allied Matters Act (CAMA) 1990, receivership in Nigeria was governed by case law, informal rules (of practice) and the Companies Decree 1968. Nigerian judges were heavily influenced by British case law, precedents were British and the Nigerian Companies Decree was a transplant of the British Companies Act 1948. Against this background, the Supreme Court of Nigeria delivered the Intercontractors decisions in 1988, which subsequently governed the nature, status and powers of Nigerian receivers. In 1990, CAMA introduced a more robust receivership regime which prescribed the nature, status and powers of the receiver, reversing some of the Intercontractors principles. However, the courts, particularly the Supreme Court, failed to enforce the relevant provisions of CAMA or to examine the applicability of the Intercontractors principles that they conscientiously enforced. This article examines the validity of the Intercontractors principles and their continued relevance under CAMA 2004.
9
WYSS, MARCO. "THE UNITED STATES, BRITAIN, AND MILITARY ASSISTANCE TO NIGERIA." Historical Journal 61, no. 4 (February 26, 2018): 1065–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000498.
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AbstractIn Nigeria, Britain asserted its post-colonial security role during and immediately after the transfer of power, and remained responsible for assisting the Nigerian armed forces. While the Americans recognized Nigeria's potential as an important partner in the Cold War, they preferred to focus on development aid. Washington was thus supposed to complement British assistance, while leaving the responsibility for the security sector to London. But with the escalation of the Cold War in Africa, the Nigerians’ efforts to reduce their dependency on the United Kingdom, and Nigeria's growing significance for the United States in African affairs, this Anglo-American burden-sharing was increasingly questioned in Washington. The United States thus eventually decided to militarize its aid policy towards Nigeria. In analysing the militarization of US aid policy towards Nigeria, this article will, first, assess the Anglo-American relationship in the early 1960s; secondly, position Nigeria in American Cold War policy towards Sub-Saharan Africa; thirdly, question the role of military assistance in Washington's policy towards Nigeria and Africa; and fourthly, discover the regional and local factors that influenced policy-makers in Washington and London.
10
Eribo, Festus. "Higher Education in Nigeria: Decades of Development and Decline." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 24, no. 1 (1996): 64–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1548450500004996.
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On October 1, 1960, the British colonialists departed Nigeria, leaving behind one lonely university campus at Ibadan which was established in 1948 as an affiliate of the University of London and a prototype of British educational philosophy for the colonies. Thirty-five years into the post-colonial era, Nigerians established 40 new universities, 69 polytechnics, colleges of technology and of education. Twenty of the universities and 17 polytechnics are owned by the federal government while the state governments control the others. Nigerian universities are largely directed by Nigerian faculty and staff. The student enrollment in the universities is on the increase, reaching an estimated 400,000 Nigerian students and a handful of African and non-African students.
11
Eribo, Festus. "Higher Education in Nigeria: Decades of Development and Decline." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 24, no. 1 (1996): 64–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502212.
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On October 1, 1960, the British colonialists departed Nigeria, leaving behind one lonely university campus at Ibadan which was established in 1948 as an affiliate of the University of London and a prototype of British educational philosophy for the colonies. Thirty-five years into the post-colonial era, Nigerians established 40 new universities, 69 polytechnics, colleges of technology and of education. Twenty of the universities and 17 polytechnics are owned by the federal government while the state governments control the others. Nigerian universities are largely directed by Nigerian faculty and staff. The student enrollment in the universities is on the increase, reaching an estimated 400,000 Nigerian students and a handful of African and non-African students.
12
Mohammad, Dahiru Sale, and Sarimah Ismail. "Comparative Analysis Between Nigeria and Malaysia Education Policies and Employability Skills in Tvet Curriculum." Open Journal of Science and Technology 2, no. 2 (October 19, 2019): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.31580/ojst.v2i2.912.
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Nigeria and Malaysia have almost similar historical background; both had sultan as spiritual and government leader in their major areas, colonized by British and got independence in 1960 and 1957 respectively. Presently, Malaysia has recorded human development increments from 1980 to date and aspire to be a developed country in 2020. While Nigeria has recorded poverty increments from 1980 to date and it may likely be among underdeveloped countries in 2020. The purpose of this study was to make judgments about Technical and Vocational Education and training (TVET) systems of Malaysia and Nigeria. The idea was to see what makes Malaysian system successful and how Nigeria addressed its TVET problems. The methodology employed in this paper was analytical method of study that involved evaluation based on critical reading and review of materials which include Nigeria and Malaysia education philosophies, policies, TVET curriculums, employability skills, Malaysian Human Development Index and Nigeria’s Poverty Incidence. Findings revealed that education philosophy and education policy of Malaysia is intellectually, spiritually, emotionally and physically balanced based on firm belief and devotion to God while Nigerian education philosophy and policy are limited to intellectual and physical development. Malaysia TVET curriculum is equipped with employability skills including core skills, generic skills and personal attributes which are likely contributed to Malaysian human development and full employment of TVET graduates. Malaysia has recorded increments in human and economic developments from 1980 to date while Nigeria TVET curriculum has not been integrated with employability skills which are likely contributed to Nigeria’s poverty incidence and high Nigerian unemployment rate across all educational levels including TVET graduates at both secondary and tertiary levels. Nigeria has recorded steady increase of poverty incidence from 1980 to date.
13
Njung, George N. "Amputated Men, Colonial Bureaucracy, and Masculinity in Post–World War I Colonial Nigeria." Journal of Social History 53, no. 3 (2020): 620–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shz123.
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Abstract Since the 1980s, several aspects of masculinity in relation to the First World War, including the image of the citizen-soldier, have been well studied. Other aspects, however, such as the experience of combat and its impact on peacetime masculinities lag well behind. Though wartime and postwar experiences in Africa provide a repertoire for gender and masculinity research, the continent has been neglected in this realm of studies. British colonial Nigeria contributed tens of thousands of combat men to the war with thousands becoming disabled and facing challenges to their masculine identities, yet there is no serious research on this topic for Nigeria. This paper contributes to this long-neglected aspect of African history. Known in colonial archival documents only as “amputated men,” war-disabled Nigerian men struggled to navigate colonial bureaucracy in order to obtain artificial limbs and redeem what they considered their lost manhood. Employing data collected from the Nigerian and British archives, the article’s objectives are twofold: it analyzes the diminishment of the masculine identities of war-disabled men in Nigeria following the First World War, and it explains how such diminishment was accentuated by an inefficiently structured British colonial bureaucracy, paired with British colonial racism. The article contributes to scholarship on WWI, disability studies, gender studies, and colonial studies, through examination of the protracted legacies of the global conflict on the African continent.
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Kea, Pamela, and Katrin Maier. "Challenging Global Geographies of Power: Sending Children back to Nigeria from the United Kingdom for Education." Comparative Studies in Society and History 59, no. 4 (September 29, 2017): 818–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417517000299.
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AbstractWest Africans have a long history of investing in their children's education by sending them to Britain. Yet, some young British-Nigerians are being sent to Nigeria for secondary education, going against a long historical grain. The movement of children from London to Nigeria is about the making of good subjects who possess particular cultural dispositions and behave in such a manner as to ensure educational success and the reproduction of middle-class subjectivities within neoliberal globalization. We maintain that this movement highlights the way in which global geographies of power—rooted in a colony-metropole divide—are being challenged and reconfigured, serving to provincialize the UK, through the educational choices that Nigerian parents make for their children. Such small acts disrupt imagined geographies and particular spatial and temporal configurations of progress and modernity, in which former colonial subjects have traveled to the metropole for education, while generating counter-narratives about Nigerian education, society, and economy. Yet, the methods used to instill new dispositions and habits in the contemporary Nigerian educational context are informed by the British educational colonial legacy of discipline through corporal punishment—physical punishment was central to the civilizing mission of British colonial educational policy. Consequently, the choice to send children to school in Nigeria and other African countries both challenges global geographies of power and illuminates the continued relevance of the colonial educational legacy and its disciplinary strategies, which are, in turn, part of the broader project of modernity itself.
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Adig, Mathias Azang. "The Question of British Southern Cameroons’ Autonomy in the Evolution of Nigeria Federation, 1945-1961." IRA-International Journal of Management & Social Sciences (ISSN 2455-2267) 7, no. 2 (May 29, 2017): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.21013/jmss.v7.n2.p11.
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<div><p><em>The connection of Southern Cameroons to the Nigerian Federation by Britain after the First World War, worked to the disadvantage of Southern Cameroons’ sovereignty and political ambitions. With her international status as a Trust Territory, Southern Cameroons was marginalized by the colonial administration which failed to recognize her as a separate territory within the Nigerian Federation. Under such dispensation, Southern Cameroonians felt that for such a Nigerian connection to be of any benefit to the territory, it should be granted an autonomous regional status in line with the existing regions in Nigeria. This strain of relations caused Cameroonians to animate Nigeria political scene with series of events which became very instrumental in influencing the direction and nature of the evolution of the Nigerian federation. This feud for regional autonomy which dominated Nigerian politics was undertaken by pressures groups, political parties, and at individual levels through vocal voices, petitions, conferences and walkouts which expressed their grievances. The paper argues that the granting of quasi and full regional status in 1954 and 1959 respectively to Southern Cameroons was a consequence of their demonstrations. On this score Nigeria rose from three to four regions under colonial rule. From this paradigm we conclude that the history of the evolution of Nigerian federation can never be complete without the Southern Cameroons factor. Archival data and analyses of existing literature have provided evidence for this conclusion.</em></p></div>
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Ajidahun, C. O. "Book acquisition practices in Nigerian university libraries: challenges and prospects." Library Management 29, no. 4/5 (May 30, 2008): 414–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01435120810869156.
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PurposeThis study aims to investigate and examine the acquisition practices in the Nigerian University Libraries.Design/methodology/approachA total of 42 copies of a questionnaire entitled: “Collection Development in University Libraries Questionnaire” were mailed to all the 42 state and federal university libraries in Nigeria excluding the private university libraries. Only 18 university libraries returned their questionnaires that were used for the study.FindingsResults show that acquisition of books in Nigerian university libraries is done mostly through purchase. In addition, Nigerian university libraries patronize the British‐based multinational publishers more than the local booksellers for their acquisitions. The study further shows that payments made to book vendors in Nigeria are taxed by Nigerian universities.Originality/valueThe paper provides useful suggestions that can enhance the acquisition practices in Nigerian university libraries.
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Unuabonah, Foluke Olayinka, and Ulrike Gut. "Commentary pragmatic markers in Nigerian English." English World-Wide 39, no. 2 (May 31, 2018): 190–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.00010.unu.
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Abstract This article investigates the use of commentary pragmatic markers in Nigerian English. The frequency and stylistic variability of five types of commentary markers – assessment, manner of speaking, evidential, hearsay and emphasis markers – were examined in ICE-Nigeria and compared with ICE-Great Britain. The results reveal that Nigerian English has patterns of use of pragmatic markers that differ systematically from British English: speakers of Nigerian English use an overall lower frequency and a reduced inventory of commentary pragmatic markers compared to British English, show distinct preference patterns for individual pragmatic markers and demonstrate different stylistic variability in the use of pragmatic markers. Some of the preference patterns may be influenced by Nigerian languages and socio-cultural norms.
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Adebayo, A. G. "Of Man and Cattle: A Reconsideration of the Traditions of Origin of Pastoral Fulani of Nigeria." History in Africa 18 (1991): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172050.
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The fair-skinned people who inhabit the Sudan fringes of west Africa stretching from the Senegal valley to the shores of Lake Chad and who speak the language known as Fulfulde, are known by many names.1 They call themselves Fulbe (singular, Pullo). They are called Fulani by the Hausa of southern Nigeria, and this name has been used for them throughout Nigeria. The British call them Ful, Fulani, or Fula, while the French refer to them as Peul, Peulh, or Poulah. In Senegal the French also inadvertently call them Toucouleur or Tukulor. The Kanuri of northern Nigeria call them Fulata or Felata. In this paper we will adopt the Hausa (or Nigerian) name for the people—Fulani.Accurate censuses are not available on the Fulani in west Africa. A mid-twentieth century estimate puts the total number of Fulani at “over 4 million,” more than half of whom are said to inhabit Nigeria. Another estimate towards the end of 1989 puts the total number of Nigeria's Fulani (nomads only) at over ten million. If both estimates were correct, then the Fulani population in Nigeria alone must have grown 500 per cent in forty years. The dominant factor in this population growth is increased immigration of pastoralists into Nigeria in the wake of the 1968-73 Sahelian drought.
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Alegbeleye, G. B. "Archival Odyssey: A Study of the Problems of the Researcher in Using The Methodist Church Records of Nigeria." History in Africa 14 (1987): 375–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171849.
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Methodism was introduced into Nigeria as a result of the separate missionary activities of the Primitive Methodist Church and the Wesleyan Methodist Church, both from Britain. In 1962 the Nigerian Methodist Church gained her autonomy from the British Methodist conference. The checkered history of the Methodist church in Nigeria has affected the organization of the records of the church and consequently researchers' access to and utilization of these records. An attempt is made in this paper to examine critically the problems that might face the scholar who intends to use Methodist church records in Nigeria for research purposes. Ways of overcoming these problems are suggested.
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Naanen, Ben. "Economy within an Economy: the Manilla Currency, Exchange Rate Instability and Social Conditions in South-Eastern Nigeria, 1900–48." Journal of African History 34, no. 3 (November 1993): 425–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700033740.
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This paper studies the effects of the coexistence of the manilla currency and British currency in south-eastern Nigeria, and the way in which this monetary situation created political tensions which eventually led to the redemption of the manilla. When British control of Southern Nigeria was formalized in 1900 and British currency introduced in the south-east in the following year, the inability of the colonial authorities to put into circulation adequate supplies of British coins, coupled with historically entrenched use of traditional currencies, compelled the colonial state to recognize the latter as legal tender. However, the continuing circulation of these currencies alongside British coins created financial and economic difficulties, causing the colonial state to adopt a number of legislative measures to eradicate them. While other traditional currencies capitulated to these measures, the manilla continued to be popular as a result of objective economic factors, and was strengthened by some of the very instruments designed to eliminate it.Meanwhile, the constantly fluctuating exchange rate of the manilla was generating discontent. These fluctuations were caused primarily by the gyrations of the world market. Improved prices of palm products–the main sources of British currency in the economy of southeastern Nigeria–brought about the appreciation of the manilla. This caused hardship among wage-earners by reducing the exchange value and the purchasing power of their meagre and fixed income which had to be converted to manillas in order to buy food and other locally produced goods and services. Periods of depression, on the other hand, caused manilla depreciation as a result of a diminished inflow of British currency. This reduced the income of peasant producers, while increasing the purchasing power of workers. The ferments generated by fluctuating manilla values have remained, until now, unidentified causal links in the political movements in south-eastern Nigeria, including especially the women's movements of the 1920s.The discontent intensified in the 1940s, when the influx of cash into the Nigerian economy caused by war-time military spending and the post-war commodity boom caused a continuous appreciation of the manilla. This development made life more difficult for workers, whose incomes were already being decimated by inflation. The resulting intensified political tension, as well as the existing obstacles to trade and smooth collection of taxes (also caused by unabating manilla fluctuations), made the demonetization of the manilla through redemption inevitable. With the elimination of the manilla, which had constituted a sub-system within the economic system of colonial Nigeria, the colonial state's economic control of Nigeria can be said to have been completed.
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UCHE, CHIBUIKE. "BRITISH PETROLEUM VS. THE NIGERIAN GOVERNMENT: THE CAPITAL GAINS TAX DISPUTE, 1972–9." Journal of African History 51, no. 2 (July 2010): 167–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853710000265.
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ABSTRACTThis article documents a landmark dispute between British Petroleum (BP) and the Nigerian tax authorities that occurred over a N130 million (£100 million) capital gains tax assessment arising from an intra BP Group transfer of its 50 per cent shareholding in Shell/BP Nigeria. This was necessitated by a BP transaction in Abu Dhabi. This tax assessment, which was more than twice the yearly cash flow of BP's Nigerian operations at the time, ignited a chain of events and schemes that saw the British government covertly and overtly providing support to BP, with the primary goal of influencing the outcome of the dispute in order to protect the interests of both the British government and BP. Evidence in this article highlights the complexities of postcolonial relationships between centre countries and African ex-colonies.
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Markova, Elena A. "Precious resources of Dark Continent: a New Status of African Literature or Regional Augment to World National Literatures?" Philological Sciences. Scientific Essays of Higher Education 2, no. 6 (November 2020): 307–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.20339/phs.6-20.307.
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This article examines literary works of bilingual authors in Nigeria, who create their own national cultural worldviews through the language in which they write, thereby explaining why English in Nigeria is influenced by Nigerian culture. Nigeria is a country that has witnessed a cross-flow of linguistic change due to its inherent multilingualism combined with colonial experiences under British rule, a country where ethnic minorities were referred to as “oil minorities”. Although only two languages are recognized as official languages in Nigeria — Yoruba and English –the problem of multilingualism in Nigeria today remains unexplored, and where there is language contact, there must be a language conflict. Indeed, contiguous languages are often competitive languages and there is no language contact without language conflict. Moreover, the problem of linguistic contact and linguistic conflict exists at three different but interrelated levels: social, psychological and linguistic. The social aspect is related to such issues as the choice of language and its use, the psychological — to the attitude towards language, ethnicity, while the linguistic aspects are focused on the code switching, the donor language intervention, which the English language is. The language conflict has influenced the literary work of Nigerian writers writing in English, which has become an exoglossic language, superimposed on the indigenous languages of the Nigerian peoples. Thus, bilingualism in Nigeria can be considered semi-exoglossic, including English coupled with language mixing.
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Piola, Afriliyani, and Happy Anastasia Usman. "THE IMPACT OF THE 19TH CENTURY EUROPEAN COLONIALISM IN AFRICA, IN THE NOVEL “THINGS FALL APART” BY CHINUA ACHEBE." British (Jurnal Bahasa dan Sastra Inggris) 8, no. 2 (September 29, 2019): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.31314/british.8.2.109-118.2019.
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Things Fall Apart is a novel potrays the background of traditional life and primitive culture Ibo tribe in Umuofia, Nigeria, Africa and also the impact of European colonialism towards Africans’ society in the early 19th century. The research applies the qualitative method and it supported by the sociology of literature approach. The primary data are taken from the novel Things Fall Apart by Chinua Achebe. Based on the analysis the researcher conducts, the impact of European colonialism in Africa which not only brings a positive impacts but also negative legacy. There are several points of the impact European colonialism in Africa : existence of christianity, existence of language, establishment regulation and contribution to development.
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Ujunwa, Augustine. "Rethinking corporate governance in Nigeria." Corporate Ownership and Control 9, no. 1 (2011): 514–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv9i1c5art3.
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Corporate governance is generally seen as a critical determinant of corporation’s growth and development, most especially for low income countries. Corporate governance laws have evolved in developed economies often in response to corporate failures or systemic crises. The recent focus on corporate governance has accentuated due to corporate failure in different parts of the world. Most countries developed corporate governance codes that address their institutional specifics. However, corporate laws in Nigeria draw extensive inspiration from British laws maybe, because of the colonial legacy. This study documents extensive evidence to show that existing laws in the country are grossly inadequate to promote good corporate governance. The author advocates for total overhaul of company laws in Nigeria. Such policy prescription must recognize the peculiar challenges of the Nigerian corporate environment, and also establish proactive mechanism for enforcement and compliance.
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Stapleton, Timothy J. "Martial Identities in Colonial Nigeria (c. 1900–1960)." Journal of African Military History 3, no. 1 (October 10, 2019): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24680966-00301003.
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Abstract In British colonial Nigeria, the military was more heterogeneous than previously thought and British ideas about “martial races” changed depending on local reactions to recruiting. In the early twentieth century British officers saw the northern Hausa and southwestern Yoruba, who dominated the ranks, as civilized “martial races.” The Yoruba stopped enlisting given new prospects and protest, and southeasterners like the Igbo rejected recruiting given language difficulties and resistance. The British then perceived all southern Nigerians as lacking martial qualities. Although Hausa enlistment also declined with opportunities and religious objections, the inter-war army developed a northern ethos through Hausa language and the northern location of military institutions. The rank-and-file became increasingly diverse including northern and Middle Belt minorities, seen by the British as primitive warriors and as insurance against Muslim revolt, enlisting because of poverty. From 1930, military identities in Nigeria polarized with uneducated northern/Middle Belt infantry and literate southern technicians.
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Thurston, Alexander. "The Era of Overseas Scholarships: Islam, Modernization, and Decolonization in Northern Nigeria, c. 1954-1966." Journal of Religion in Africa 44, no. 1 (February 25, 2014): 62–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12301273.
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AbstractIn independence-era Northern Nigeria, different segments of the modernizing elite contended over defining the place of Islam in society. This article argues that the case of Northern Nigeria disrupts scholarly periodizations of twentieth-century Islamic thought and activism that depict the 1950s and 1960s as a time of secularist dominance. The specificity of Muslim communities’ experiences of colonialism and decolonization helped shape the role Islam played in different societies during this period. This article develops this thesis by examining the semiautonomous Northern Nigerian regional government’s program of sending young, Arabophone Muslim scholars to Arab and British universities between 1954 and 1966. The overseas scholarships system was to be the culmination of British colonial efforts to produce ‘modern’ Muslim judges and teachers. However, Arabophones’ experiences overseas, and their ambivalent relationship with the Northern government after their return highlight the unintended consequences of colonial policies and of scholarship winners’ encounters with the broader Muslim world.
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Adeyemi, Oluwatobi, O. "Amalgamation and the Crisis of Governance: The Nigeria Experience." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 8, no. 3 (July 16, 2018): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v8i3.13390.
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This paper deals with the discourse on evolution of Nigerian state and the challenges it poses for actualisation of democratic governance in the polity. The continued crises in the polity and corrupt practices that characterizes Nigerian state overtime reveals a diminishing state of accountability and ethical values which has its foundation in emergence of the Nigerian state. Since the purpose of amalgamation was to protect the British economic interest and to facilitate exploitation of the nation’s resources, the Nigerian politician who took over power from the British continued from where they stopped, thereby making the state an instrument to perpetuate corrupt practices of all sorts. The implication of this is the disappearance of democratic values, political decadence and retarded development. Methodologically, the paper adopted a qualitative research technique of data collection through the content analysis of empirical studies conducted by scholars who have made outstanding contributions on the practice of governance within and outside Nigerian political landscape. Against this analytical background, the study analyses the issue of governance vis-a-vis avoidable crises foisted on the polity by the politicians since the commencement of the independence in 1960 and finds out that, the present governance crises in Nigeria had its root in colonialism. The study therefore calls for a resolution among the federating units which must entail a renegotiation of the polity along democratic principles and a total reform of the anti-corruption agencies for effective performance.
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Owolabi, Dare. "Potential words in English: examples from morphological processes in Nigerian English." English Today 28, no. 2 (May 17, 2012): 47–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078412000156.
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It is now common knowledge that the English language has become part of Nigeria's linguistic family, albeit as a second language that has been ‘home-grown…adapted and tamed to suit the Nigerian environment’ (Adegbija, 2004: 19). Summarizing Alamin A. Mazrui (2004), Akere (2006: 9) describes this domestication as ‘the transformation of English as an alien medium, to make it respond to local imagery, figures of speech, sound patterns and the general cultural milieu of the region’. This has been the practice of many writers where English is the colonial masters' language and is now adopted as a second language, but with ‘local colour’, as noted by Emenyonu (2006: xi). This dynamic and creative variety has helped Nigerians express their world view in a more international medium. In addition, there are more ‘pragmatic’ sub-varieties, including what Omolewa (1979: 14–15) calls ‘working English’. This is, however, different from the widespread Pidgin English, which continues to serve as the linguistic bridge across the linguistic Babel of Nigeria. While Pidgin is greatly influenced by the immediate local languages, thus making uniformity difficult to achieve, the emerging Nigerian English (henceforth NE) is not as heavily dependent on indigenous local languages. According to Igboanusi (2002: 4), ‘NE has its origin in British English, and the lexicon of NE has therefore shown a strong British influence.’ In other words, while Pidgin is common among the uneducated and spoken by the educated when necessary, NE is spoken by the educated and the level of education determines the variety of NE used by individuals. NE should be seen as an autonomous variety, showing acceptable departures from the rules of standard diction, pronunciation and grammar. The contact of English with indigenous languages in Nigeria is bound to lead to greater deviation from the standard in the future. Since Nigeria has one of the largest populations of speakers of English as a second language in the world (Akere, 2009; Jowitt, 2009), this is bound to have implications for English as a global language.
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Okafor, Eddie E. "Francophone Catholic Achievements in Igboland, 1883-–1905." History in Africa 32 (2005): 307–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2005.0020.
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When the leading European powers were scrambling for political dominion in Africa, the greatest rival of France was Britain. The French Catholics were working side by side with their government to ensure that they would triumph in Africa beyond the boundaries of the territories already annexed by their country. Thus, even when the British sovereignty claim on Nigeria was endorsed by Europe during the Berlin Conference of 1884-85, the French Catholics did not concede defeat. They still hoped that in Nigeria they could supplant their religious rivals: the British Church Missionary Society (CMS) and the other Protestant missionary groups. While they allowed the British to exercise political power there, they took immediate actions to curtail the spread and dominion of Protestantism in the country. Thus some of their missionaries stationed in the key French territories of Africa—Senegal, Dahomey, and Gabon—were urgently dispatched to Nigeria to compete with their Protestant counterparts and to establish Catholicism in the country.Two different French Catholic missions operated in Nigeria between 1860s and 1900s. The first was the Society of the African Missions (Société des Missions Africaines or SMA), whose members worked mainly among the Yoruba people of western Nigeria and the Igbos of western Igboland. The second were the Holy Ghost Fathers (Pères du Saint Esprit), also called Spiritans, who ministered specifically to the Igbo people of southeastern Nigeria. The French Catholics, the SMA priests, and the Holy Ghost Fathers competed vehemently with the British Protestants, the CMS, for the conversion of African souls. Just as in the political sphere, the French and British governments competed ardently for annexation and colonization of African territories.
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ALI, MUSTAPHA ALHAJI. "An Overview of the Role of Traditional Institutions in Nigeria." Asia Proceedings of Social Sciences 4, no. 3 (May 18, 2019): 85–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.31580/apss.v4i3.862.
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he British officials in Nigeria mounted and imposed rules and laws through the traditional rulers who only served as mediators between the people and the British officials. Though, the cultures and traditions of the Nigerian citizens were cherished and reserved by the British government in order to accept and welcome them by the citizens of the country. However, this system worked out well because of the support of the traditional rulers who claimed that since their cultures and traditions were not interfered with, they have no problem with the British authorities (Teslim, 2019).
Before traditional rulers are attached with some important functions among which are contributing to development administration, linkage or "brokering" between grassroots and capital, extension of national identity through the conferral of traditional titles, low-level conflict resolution and judicial gate-keeping, ombudsmanship and institutional safety- valve for overloaded and sub-apportioned bureaucracies. In addition to the above roles, traditional rulers are meant to create educated chieftaincies meaningfully improves the success of traditional rulers (Miles, 1993). Furthermore, traditional rulers serve as another institute of conflict resolution in any nation where the state legal system is weakening to fully provide the judicial requirements of the country (Zeleke, 2011).
A study by Isaac (2018) disclosed that in the olden days, traditional institutions are the administrative organizations in Nigeria. These establishments are entrenched in the history, cultures, and the traditions of several ethnic groups and cultural background. He further explained that traditional institutions plays an important role in the managerial process before, during, and after colonial rules, these institutions have contributed to the history of the nation. The role of traditional organizations was important and highly respected during these periods.
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Shehu, Sani, and Mohd Afandi Salleh. "NECESSITATING FACTORS TO NIGERIAN FAILURE ON PALM OIL." Asian People Journal (APJ) 3, no. 2 (October 31, 2020): 36–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.37231/apj.2020.3.2.166.
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The oil palm tree, is originally a native crop of the tropical forest of West Africa. Palm oil trade emergedduring the British Industrial Revolution, whereby it was used for machines lubrication. Nigeria is among thefew places where the fruit was first discovered before the 14th century. Palm oil serves as the main vegetableoil produced globally, generating almost 60% of international trade in vegetable oils. In 1960s, Nigeria wasthe largest palm oil-producing and exporting country in the world. This accounted for forty-three percent ofentire palm oil global production, but the production entirely declined as a result of other factors that causedslow growth in palm oil production, while the domestic consumption has increased. Now it produces ameagre 1.7 percent of total world production which is insufficient for local consumption. Nigeria lost itsposition to Malaysia and Indonesia. Nigeria currently does not export palm oil, but it imports it fromMalaysia and Indonesia due to the local shortfall. The objective of this paper, explores the necessitatingfactors to Nigerian failure on palm oil, the paper is a qualitative research, it has adopted document analysis,the findings of the paper are the necessitating factors that led to the Nigerian failure on palm oil whichinclude; oil boom and decline in agriculture, civil war, traditional system of palm oil production, inconclusion, these factors are the failure to Nigerian palm oil production.
Keywords: Nigerian Background, Oil Palm, Palm Oil, Necessitating Factors
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Okoro, Rev Canon Charles Ugochukwu, and Fortune Bella Charles. "Naira Exchange Rate Variation and Nigeria Economic Growth: A Time Series Study." American Economic & Social Review 5, no. 2 (July 23, 2019): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.46281/aesr.v5i2.360.
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This study examined the effect of exchange rate variation on Nigeria economy. The objective was to investigate how Naira exchange rate variations against key currencies affect the country’s real gross domestic product. Time series data was sourced from Central Bank of Nigeria statistical bulletin. Real gross domestic products were modeled as the function of United State commodity currency, British commodity currency, Japanese yen currency, Chinese yen currency and French franc currency. The ordinary least square method was used as data analysis techniques. The study used cointegration, unit root, and granger causality test and error correction estimate to study the dynamic effects of commodity currencies on financial market. The study found that naira exchange rate variation with the currencies can explain 65 percent variation on Nigerian real gross domestic products while the remaining 35 percent estimation can be traced to external variables not included in the model. The estimated f-test proved that the model is fit while the estimated DW statistics found the presence of positive serial autocorrelation among the variables. The estimated beta coefficient of the variables revealed that commodity currency of US; Japanese yen and Chinese yen have positive and significant effect on Nigeria real gross domestic products while British pound and French Franc have negative effect on Nigeria real gross domestic products. From the co-integration test, we found at least two co-integrating equation from the trace test and maximum eigenvalue. The granger causality test found unidirectional causality from real gross domestic products to Chinese yen and from French Franc to real gross domestic products. The study found that in the long run, Japanese and Chinese yen and French Franc have negative long run effect on Nigeria real gross domestic products; while United States dollar and British Pound Sterling have positive long run effect on Nigeria gross domestic products. The study recommended amongst others that Monetary and macroeconomic policies should be properly articulated with an impregnable feedback loop, implemented to the letter, and a quarterly examination of the impact on the Naira should be regularly engaged, evaluated, interpreted and ensure that the results and possible remedial action(s) get to the appropriate authority timeously so as to ensure well informed decision(s).
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Hair, P. E. H. "The Cowboys: A Nigerian Acculturative Institution (ca. 1950)." History in Africa 28 (2001): 83–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172209.
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From 1952 to 1955 I carried out field research in eastern Nigeria, centered at Enugu, and I wrote the paper below, with the present title, before leaving Nigeria, which to my regret I have never revisited. It is reproduced with a very slightly edited text (but added explanatory footnotes), since it now supplies a twofold historical testimony, first, to an African situation, and second, to the discourse interests (and terminology) of an expatriate “colonialist,” a British academic historian, half a century ago. In the paper I commented on the first. I now let the second speak for itself. The article should incite Nigerian scholars—or ex-Cowboys—to question, correct, enlarge, and update my account.
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Kirk-Greene, A. H. M., Jack Ince, and John Sacher. "The Postal Services of the British Nigeria Region." International Journal of African Historical Studies 27, no. 2 (1994): 454. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221072.
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Robins, Jonathan. "Colonial Cuisine: Food in British Nigeria, 1900-1914." Cultural Studies ↔ Critical Methodologies 10, no. 6 (June 13, 2010): 457–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532708610372767.
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Wyss, Marco. "The Challenge of Western Neutralism during the Cold War: Britain and the Buildup of a Nigerian Air Force." Journal of Cold War Studies 20, no. 2 (June 2018): 99–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00817.
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In the wake of decolonization, Britain wanted to maintain its strategic interests in Nigeria and to keep the newly independent African country in the Western orbit. Having abrogated a defense agreement in reaction to Nigerian domestic opposition, the British government counted on military assistance to secure its postcolonial security role. The British thus hoped to gain responsibility for the buildup of a Nigerian air force, which the authorities in Lagos wished to establish for national prestige and protection against potential enemies such as Ghana. The Nigerians, however, first tried to secure the requisite assistance from Commonwealth countries other than Britain before opting for a West German air force mission. The Nigerian government aimed to reduce its dependence on Britain and thereby burnish its neutralist credentials. Yet London was challenged by a Western version of neutralism, similar to Western neutrality, because the Nigerians never attempted to approach the Soviet bloc about military assistance.
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Emelonye, Obi, and Françoise Ugochukwu. "Exploring the diasporan dimension of Nollywood – a conversation with Obi Emelonye." Issue 1 1, no. 1 (June 12, 2018): 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2516-2713/2018/v1n1a3.
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Obi Emelonye, born on March 24, 1967 in Port-Harcourt (Nigeria), settled in London in the 1990s. A prolific film producer and director with a passion for excellence, he has greatly contributed to the professionalization of the Nigerian cinema in diaspora. A graduate of Theatre Arts from the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, with a Law degree from the British University of Wolverhampton, he turned to film production and direction after a short spell as a lawyer. He has since secured international distribution for most of his films, which treat a variety of contemporary subjects, and is now recognised as a truly international leader in the profession. In this personal interview dated August 23, 2018, he offers a panoramic view of his films and reveals the professionalism, passion and hard work which characterise his production and endeared his films to both Nigerian and international audiences.
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Sani, Abdullahi Ibrahim, and Cecep Anwar. "Madrasa and Its Development in Nigeria." Jurnal Pendidikan Islam 6, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 205–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jpi.v6i2.9750.
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This study aims to describe the development of madrasa education system in African continent. It also explores the development of madrasa in Taraba State, Nigeria. This research used a descriptive method. The results showed that in African continent, madrasa institutions had their historical developments, financial support and how British colonial influenced their development. In Nigeria, madrasa institutions have had similar developments with their counterparts from other countries in the African continent. British colonialism has reduced the supremacy of madrasa in terms of financial and managerial capacity. In Taraba State, Nigeria, there are several different forms of traditional non-formal Islamic education. Their forms include madrasa qur'anic college with the evolutionary development around Alaramma; madrasa whose mobility is limited; and Islamic school. The three educational institutions are recognized by the government and they have experienced modernization in terms of their management for the Qur'an program and their Western infrastructure use.
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Jum'ah-Alaso, Salih Muhammad. "al-Ta‘līm al-‘Arabī fī Nījīriyā: Bayna Mu’āmarāt al-Tadmīr wa-Majhūdāt al-Ta‘mīr." Al-Ma‘rifah 16, no. 2 (October 30, 2019): 165–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.21009/almakrifah.16.02.06.
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The Arabic language in the Nigerian society is of paramount importance as the language of religion, history, culture, economy, politics, international relations, and others. The current researcher focused his attention on the growth of the Arabic language and its development in Nigeria since its entry and the recognition and respect and progress in the times of the Islamic Caliphate in Sokoto, and ignored the contempt and contempt and delay in the days of British colonial, and then the love, attention, and development of the Arab scientists Nigerian Her enthusiasts. The researcher approached the historical recovery method by retrieving the past of the Arabic language in these countries and their effects. In gathering information, the researcher used the interview and the electronic inquiry method with or without yes, especially when talking about the problems facing Arab education in Nigeria. The findings of the researcher include the following: (1) Arabic is the first language of civilization seen by the Nigerian people and educated by the culture of writing and reading at a time when the two were a kind of magic and mastered by very few people in society. (2) Nigerian Muslims are very interested in Arab education and have spent every Gal and Nafis to develop it from the first era to the present. The research concluded with some suggestions and recommendations towards the development of Arab education in Nigeria.
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Amiara, Amiara, Solomon, Dr Paul Uroku Omeje, and Dr Kennth Igbomaka Nwoikie. "Ethnic Politics and the Agitation for Restructuring Nigeria: Implication for National Development and Dialogue Initiative." Archives of Business Research 7, no. 10 (October 22, 2019): 51–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/abr.710.7142.
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The evolution of NIgerian State is shrouded in cultural complexities that are built on linquistc variations and ethno-religious discontents. Asa a product of the British imperialism, the 1914 amaglmation of the northern and southern protectorates saw the emergence of what became an independent NigerianState on October 1, 1960. Thus, the activities of these imperialists led to the birth of Nigeria's naionalism which was couched in ethnic nationalism rather than true pan Nigerianism. This ethnocentrism has advertently deepened Nigeria's problems and led to the evolution of several regime system that manifested into resource control, independent movement and ethnic militants. Scholars and policy-makers alike, have over the last two decades tried several workable political system without actually arriving at any possible solution thereby stoking the flame of ethnic based crises that fraught Nigerian sovereignty. Against this background, the proclamation of the Sovereign State of Biafra was celebrated with attended war that followed therein. Therefore, it is understood that the aftermath of the war still linger and gave birth to Indigenous People of Biafra. While it could be said that the bulk of Nigerian resources are committed to finding solution to the existing political structures, it is obvious that the weighter problems arising from corruption, prebendalism and lack of true federalism that resulted to the evolution of ethnic millitias are still neglected. Therefore, the study identifies corruption, favouritism and nepotism as the majorproblems of ethnic politics in Nigeria while applying thematic, and historical analytical method as a method of analysis
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Chukwuemeka, Emma E. O., Walter Ezeodili, and Aloysius Aduma. "Nigeria’s Unity, Development and Civil Society: The Imperative of Good Governance." Communication, Society and Media 1, no. 1 (May 16, 2018): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/csm.v1n1p27.
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<em>Before the arrival of the British imperialist, there was no united entity called Nigeria. There was also nothing like political infrastructure known as “regions”. Nigeria comprises of about 250 ethnic groups who were doing things as entity of their own before the British colonizers integrated Nigeria to be one. The merger could be described as “forced union”. The introduction of indirect rule by the British imperial master orchestrated divide and rule in Nigeria, it also gave rise to ethnic consciousness. It is on this backdrop that this study evaluated the role of governance in Nigeria’s unity with a view to identifying the areas of problems. Survey research method was adopted. Data collected through questionnaire were analyzed using</em> <em>Z-test. Myriads of factors were identified as responsible for disunity and separatist agitation in Nigeria. The factors were critically discussed and suggestions proffered. Essentially it is the position of the paper that there should be reduction of scarcity and inequality through revolutionary development. Development which should be predicated on equity and fairness. The rotation of power to ensure that all ethnic groups are given opportunity is also recommended. Also the paper recommended that the emphasis on ethnicity/tribe or place of origin in official forms should be abolished.</em>
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Gukas, Isaac D., Anne C. Girling, Barnabas M. Mandong, Wendy Prime, Barbara A. Jennings, and Samuel J. Leinster. "A Comparison of Clinicopathological Features and Molecular Markers in British and Nigerian Women with Breast Cancer." Clinical medicine. Oncology 2 (January 2008): CMO.S474. http://dx.doi.org/10.4137/cmo.s474.
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Background Some studies have suggested that breast cancer in black women is more aggressive than in white women. This study's aim was to look for evidence of differences in tumour biology between the two cohorts. Methods This study compared the stage, grade and pathological expression of five immunohistochemical markers (oestrogen receptor [ER], progesterone receptor [PR], ERBB2, P53 and cyclin D1 [CCND1]) in tumour biopsies from age-matched cohorts of patients from Nigeria and England. Sixty-eight suitable samples from Nigerian (n = 34) and British (n = 34) breast cancer patients were retrieved from histology tissue banks. Results There were significant differences between the two cohorts in the expression of ER and CCND1; and stark differences in the clinical stage at presentation. But no significant differences were observed for tumour grade. Conclusion There was a significantly, low ER expression in the Nigerian cases which also predicts a poor response to hormonal therapy as well as a poorer prognosis. Differences in clinical stage at presentation will most likely influence prognosis between Nigerian and British women with breast cancer.
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Oyedeji, Babatunde. "Federalism as Protagonist or as Nemesis for Nigeria’S Political Development." Modern Applied Science 11, no. 7 (June 9, 2017): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/mas.v11n7p57.
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Despite the plethora of findings and feelings surrounding federalism and the acerbity of the cynical discomfort at the negative nuances about the ideology, the federal system has produced stable and settled societies in Canada, Australia, the United States of America, India, Germany, Switzerland, New Zealand, Brazil, Malaysia and Mexico. Nevertheless, the frequent conclusion is its inherent attraction to ‘inevitability of instability’ generally in Africa and specifically in Nigeria. This typology seems to apply to developing countries more than others, in any case, at least nineteen countries containing some 40% of the world’s population. This puts and acute pressure on Nigeria, the surviving big federal country in Africa. It can be asked, did the British leave meaningful alternatives to federalism whilst ruling Nigeria between 1900 and 1914 and 1960? Can’t it not be deduced that federalism was indeed a natural product of decisions and phenomena like the Indirect Rule, the political activism on the part of Southern Nigerian politicians. Was the complex nature of Nigeria’s federalism a product of residual colonialist autocracy? The paper aims at delving into variants contributing to the sticky challenge and complexities of the Nigerian federation. It would be expository and analytical as it examines the advantages and attractions prior to the shortcomings and deficiencies of federalism. There would be references to the applicability of these deductions to the Nigerian example.
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Maikanti, Sale, Austin Chukwu, Moses Gideon Odibah, and Moses Valentina Ogu. "Globalization as a Factor for Language Endangerment: Nigerian Indigenous Languages in Focus." Malaysian Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities (MJSSH) 6, no. 9 (September 10, 2021): 521–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.47405/mjssh.v6i9.1055.
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Globalization can be viewed from economic, cultural and socio-political perspectives including information and communication technology (ICT). In view of this, it is seen as the increasing empowerment of western cultural values including language, philosophy and world view. In many African countries Nigeria inclusive, English language which is the language of colonization is gradually becoming a global language due to its influence and subsequent adoption as the official language by many African nations which are largely multi-cultural and multilingual under the British colony. This trend has not only relegated the status of Nigerian Indigenous languages to the background but has also threatened their existence in Nigeria which accommodates over 500 native languages. If this trend is left unchecked, the ill-wind of globalization will gradually sweep the native languages including the so-called major ones (Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba) out of existence particularly in Nigeria. This paper discusses globalization as one of the major factors for language endangerment with respect to Nigeria as a nation, with a view to proffering possible solutions capable of sustaining and empowering the nation’s socio-cultural and economic stability.
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Omojola, Olabode F. "Contemporary art music in Nigeria: an introductory note on the works of Ayo Bankole (1935–76)." Africa 64, no. 4 (October 1994): 533–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161372.
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The introduction of Christian missionary activity and the British colonial administration of Nigeria in the middle of the nineteenth century led to some of the most significant musical changes in the country. Perhaps the most far reaching was the emergence of modern Nigerian art music, a genre which is conceptually similar to European classical music. This study focuses on Ayo Bankole, one of the pioneer composers of Nigerian art music.As an introductory study of Ayo Bankole, the article briefly discusses the musico-historical factors responsible for the growth of Nigerian art music as well as the nature of Bankole's musical training and experience. This provides an appropriate context for understanding and appreciating the stylistic features of Bankole's works. Drawing on examples from his works, the article establishes the eclectic nature of Bankole's style, in which European and African musical elements interact.
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Ekeh, Peter P. "Obasanjo and the Burden of Civilianization." Issue 27, no. 1 (1999): 73–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700503199.
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The foundations of modern Nigerian politics were laid in the 1950s. That decade began with the Ibadan constitutional conference of 1950, at which leaders of northern and southern Nigeria met for the first time in a common political forum since the amalgamation of these two separate British colonies in 1914. It ended with the attainment of independence in 1960. In the course of that fateful decade, Nigerians, previously estranged from one another by the circumstances of colonial rule, not only got to know themselves but worked together to produce a blueprint for the country’s political future. In essence, they rejected British as well as nationalist proclivities toward centralization. Instead, they forged a consensus that federalism was the appropriate vehicle for resolving political problems created by the nation’s deep-seated diversity.
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Agboola, Ayodeji O. J., Adekumbiola A. F. Banjo, Charles C. Anunobi, Babatunde Salami, Mopelola Deji Agboola, Adewale A. Musa, Christopher C. Nolan, Emad A. Rakha, Ian O. Ellis, and Andrew R. Green. "Cell Proliferation (KI-67) Expression Is Associated with Poorer Prognosis in Nigerian Compared to British Breast Cancer Women." ISRN Oncology 2013 (April 11, 2013): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2013/675051.
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Background. Black women with breast cancer (BC) in Nigeria have higher mortality rate compared with British women. This study investigated prognostic features of cell proliferation biomarker (Ki-67) in Nigerian breast cancer women. Materials and Methods. The protein expression of Ki-67 was investigated in series of 308 Nigerian women, prepared as a tissue microarray (TMA), using immunohistochemistry. Clinic-pathological parameters, biomarkers, and patient outcome of tumours expressing Ki-67 in Nigerian women were correlated with UK grade-matched series. Results. A significantly larger proportion of breast tumours from Nigerian women showed high Ki-67 expression. Those tumours were significantly correlated with negative expression of the steroid hormone receptors (ER and PgR), p21, p27, E-cadherin, BRCA-1, and Bcl-2 (all ), but positively associated with EGFR (), p53, basal cytokeratins: CK56, CK14, triple negative, and basal phenotype using Nielsen’s classification (all ) compared to UK women. Multivariate analyses showed that race was also associated with BCSS independent of tumour size, lymph node status, and ER status. Conclusion. Ki-67 expression was observed to have contributed to the difference in the BCSS in Nigerian compared with British BC women. Therefore, targeting Ki-67 in the indigenous black women with BC might improve the patient outcome in the black women with BC.
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Kabari, Ledisi Giok, Marcus B. Chigoziri, and Joseph Eneotu. "Machine Learning Algorithmic Study of the Naira Exchange Rate." European Journal of Engineering Research and Science 5, no. 2 (February 17, 2020): 183–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejers.2020.5.2.1739.
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In this study, we discuss various machine learning algorithms and architectures suitable for the Nigerian Naira exchange rate forecast. Our analyses were focused on the exchange rates of the British Pounds, US Dollars and the Euro against the Naira. The exchange rate data was sourced from the Central Bank of Nigeria. The performances of the algorithms were evaluated using Mean Squared Error, Root Mean Squared Error, Mean Absolute Error and the coefficient of determination (R-Squared score). Finally, we compared the performances of these algorithms in forecasting the exchange rates.
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Warren, Dennis Michael. "Islam in Nigeria." American Journal of Islam and Society 5, no. 1 (September 1, 1988): 161–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v5i1.2888.
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Islam in Nigeria is the product of A. R. I. Doi's twenty years of research on the spread and development of Islam in Nigeria. Professor Doi, currently the director of the Centre for Islamic Legal Studies at Ahmadu Bello University in Zaria, has also taught at the University of Nigeria at Nsukka and the University of lfe. His lengthy tenure in the different major geographical zones of Nigeria is reflected in the book. The twenty-one chapters begin with a general introductory overview of the spread of Islam in West Africa. Part I is devoted to the impact of Islam in the Northern States of Nigeria, Part II deals with the more recent spread of Islam into the Southern Nigerian States and Part III explicates a wide variety of issues germane to the understanding of Islam at the national level. The book is comprehensive, thoroughly researched, and is based on analyses of secondary sources as well as primary field research conducted in all parts of Nigeria. The book has nine maps, seventy-three photographs, detailed notes at the end of each chapter, a bibliography and an index. Professor Doi traces the spread of Islam through North Africa into the Ancient Empires of Ghana, Mali and Songhai. As Islam moved into the Northern part of Nigeria, it had a dramatic impact on the seven Hausa states and on the Fulani peoples who carried out the jihad under Shehu Utham Dan Fodio and the Fulani Sultans of Sokoto. A link was established between the Umawz Arabs and the Kanem-Bornu State. Islam also influenced the Nupe and Ebirra peoples. With the arrival of the Royal Niger Company, British Imperialism and Christian missions began to move into Northern Nigeria about 1302 AH/1885 AC. The impact of colonialism and Christianity upon Islam in Northern Nigeria is analyzed by Dr. Doi. Of particular interest is the analysis of syncretism between Islam and the indigenous cultures and religions of Northern Nigeria. The Boori Cult and the belief in al-Jinni are described. The life cycle of the Hausa-Fulani Muslims includes descriptions of the ceremonies conducted at childbirth, the naming of a new child, engagement, marriage, divorce, and death. Non-Islamic beliefs which continue to persist among Muslims in Northern Nigeria are identified ...
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Peters, Dele. "The Domestication of International Human Rights Instruments and Constitutional Litigation in Nigeria." Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights 18, no. 3 (September 2000): 357–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/092405190001800304.
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Nigeria has had a chequered history of human rights. Since its attainment of political independence from the British about four decades ago, the country has experienced series of military coup and coup d'etat, and about three decades of military ride. Those periods of military interregnum marked the peak of human rights abuse and abridgement in the country. Even the short periods under democratic dispensation were not entirely without some measures of human rights violations. All these were notwithstanding the fact that some international human rights instruments have been domesticated in the country. This article focuses on how the Nigerian Judiciary has responded to some of these domesticated international human rights instruments in matters brought before them for adjudication.