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Relevant bibliographies by topics / British Israelism

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Academic literature on the topic 'British Israelism'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 6 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "British Israelism"

1

Williams, Joseph. "Pentecostals, Israel, and the Prophetic Politics of Dominion." Religion and American Culture 30, no. 3 (2020): 426–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rac.2020.16.

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ABSTRACTThis essay traces the evolution of a specific tradition of prophecy interpretation in U.S. pentecostal-charismatic circles, which I dub the “prophetic politics of dominion.” From the start, this strain of pentecostal-charismatic religiosity merged transnational sensibilities with dominion-style language but typically shied away from overt political organization. Building on Israel-themed symbols and ideas acquired from nineteenth-century evangelical prophecy interpretation, a small but influential group of white proto-pentecostals and early pentecostals embraced a distinctive set of eschatological teachings known as British Israelism and its attendant literal racial identification of Anglo-Saxons with Jews. Such emphases bolstered a conviction that spirit-empowered Christians would exert significant influence on global politics prior to the Second Coming of Jesus. In the ensuing decades, a vocal minority of notable pentecostals and their charismatic successors kept alive similar emphases even as they eschewed the highly racialized conceptions of pentecostal connections to the “Lost Tribes of Israel.” More comfortable employing Christian millennial tropes than engaging pragmatic politics, these figures, nevertheless, anticipated the rapid Christianization of society and their own ascendance to positions of spiritual and temporal power in preparation for Christ's return. All the while, Israel-centric symbols and identities remained central. The crystallization of this transnational, dominion-now tradition, with its unique Israel-centric emphases and millennial motifs, represented one of the most significant—and most misunderstood—contributions to evangelical politics by U.S. pentecostals and charismatics over the course of the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries.

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Rivlin, Eliezer. "Israel as a Mixed Jurisdiction." Symposium: Mixed Jurisdictions 57, no. 4 (November 8, 2012): 781–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1013031ar.

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Like in most Western countries, the legal system in Israel is constantly evolving. Israel is a mixed jurisdiction in many respects. Historically, during the time of the Ottoman Empire, the land of Israel was ruled by Turkish law, which was followed by British law during the time of the British Mandate. Today, Israel’s legal system still reflects a mixture of civil law and common law. This mixture is evident, for example, in the combination of codified law and precedent-based law. Several areas of the law were codified, at the time of the British Mandate, in ordinances that remain binding today. However, these ordinances were supplemented and widely interpreted in Israel’s case law, and an “Israeli common law” was created. Today, legislative efforts are being made to codify this new common law. The mixed nature of substantive law in Israel is also illustrated by Israel's constitutional regime. While Israel has no formal constitution, it has a partial bill of rights (the basic laws) enacted by its parliament. In 1995, the Israeli Supreme Court decided, referring to American constitutional law, that it had the authority to invalidate “unconstitutional laws”. In its decision, the Supreme Court relied on a limitation clause, included in the new basic laws and inspired by the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Since then, the Israeli Supreme Court has developed a number of constitutional rights from these basic laws, influenced by both the American concept of liberty and the European concept of human dignity. Finally, comparative law plays an important role in Israeli case law. While British common law no longer binds the Israeli judiciary, judges have wide discretion to use comparative law in their decisions. When relevant, referring to foreign law may be of great assistance to a judge by providing inspiration in a difficult case. Utilizing many different sources of law may help to create harmony between various jurisdictions, especially in times of increasing globalization.

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Stern, Rephael G. "Legal Liminalities: Conflicting Jurisdictional Claims in the Transition from British Mandate Palestine to the State of Israel." Comparative Studies in Society and History 62, no. 2 (March 30, 2020): 359–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417520000080.

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AbstractThis article explores the legal and temporal dimensions of the transition from British Mandate Palestine to the State of Israel on 15 May 1948. I examine the paradoxical character of Israeli jurisdictional claims during this period and argue that it reveals the Israeli state's uncertainty as to whether the Mandate had truly passed into the past. On one hand, Israel recognized the validity of the Mandate administration's jurisdiction until 15 May; I employ the Israeli trial of the British citizen Frederick William Sylvester to demonstrate how Israel even predicated its own jurisdictional claims on their being continuous with those of its predecessor. In this case, the Mandate administration was cast as having entered the realm of the past. Conversely, the Israeli state contested Mandate laws and legal decisions made prior to 15 May to assert its own jurisdictional claims. In the process, Israeli officials belied their efforts to bury their predecessors in the past and implicitly questioned whether the past was in fact behind them. By simultaneously relying upon and disavowing past British legal decisions, the Israeli state staked a claim on being a “completely different political creature” from its British predecessor while retaining its colonial legal structures as the “ultimate standards of reference.” Israel's complex attitude toward its Mandate past directs our attention to how it was created against the backdrop of the receding British Empire and underscores the importance of studying Israel alongside other post-imperial states that emerged from the First World War and the mid-century decolonizing world.

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van Leeuwen, Theo, and Adam Jaworski. "The discourses of war photography." Journal of Language and Politics 1, no. 2 (July 10, 2003): 255–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.1.2.06lee.

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Photography has a long history of (de-)legitimation of wars. In this paper we examine the visual rhetoric of two newspapers, the British Guardian and the Polish Gazeta Wyborcza in their representation of the Palestinian-Israeli war in October 2000. Although both newspapers have access to the same (agency) photographs, their images differ. Both papers show the Palestinians to be the main victims of the war. However, Gazeta Wyborcza depicts the Palestinians predominantly as “terrorists” and deflects any military responsibility from the Israelis by not including any photographs of the Israeli soldiers. The Guardian shows the Palestinians predominantly as romanticised, lone heroes against the Israeli military might, although the Israeli military force is vague and de-personalised. Furthermore, both newspapers differ in their representation of the war in political terms choosing different images of local and international politicians.

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Cottrell‐Boyce, Aidan. "British‐Israelists and the “State of Israeli” in the Twentieth Century." Journal of Religious History 44, no. 3 (August 13, 2020): 295–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9809.12685.

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Levy, Yuval. "Criminal Intent: A Comment on “Foreseeability”, “Probability,” “Purpose” and “Knowledge”." Israel Law Review 30, no. 1-2 (1996): 106–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700014977.

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The use of the word “intention” has given rise to considerable uncertainty regarding criminal offenses in the Israeli justice system. The term remained undefined in the Israel Criminal Code [New Version] — 1977, despite the fact that it was used in its offense-creating provisions, and was applied by judges on a daily basis. This paper will provide a survey of Israeli jurisprudence on the meaning of the word “intention”, a comparison of relevant provisions in British law, and observations on the reform bill for Israel's Criminal Code (the General Part) of 1992.Justice Agranat authoritatively defined “intention” in the 1952 case of Jacobovitz v. Attorney General as “foresight of a result accompanied by a desire to bring it about”. This definition has been applied throughout Israeli case law and was reaffirmed of late by Chief Justice Shamgar in Vannunu v. State of Israel.

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Krylov, A. V. "The problem of the status of the Holy Places in Jerusalem and its impact on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict." Journal of International Analytics, no. 2 (June 28, 2016): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2016-0-2-67-82.

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This article focuses on the legal status of Jerusalem - one of the most complex and debated issues of international law and international politics. Before the establishment of Israel in 1948, over the centuries in the Ottoman period and the years of the British Mandate there was no legally binding bilateral or international treaty that would clearly define the legal status of Jerusalem. However, both the Turkish authorities and the British administration in Palestine preceding from the fact that Jerusalem is the center of three world religions, fully ensured of the rights of believers of all confessions. In accordance with the well-known international instruments of law all Jerusalem should be a special territory of Corpus Separatum, which will be subjected to the international control (UN General Assembly Resolution 181 / II of 29 November 1947). However, in 1980 the Israeli Parliament declared Jerusalem the «eternal and undivided capital» of Israel, including the Arab territories of East Jerusalem occupied in 1967. This law, as well as the Israeli law on the protection of the Holy Places has radically changed the Status quo which existed for centuries. No country in the world recognizes Israel’s attempts to change the legal Status of the City. In the present article the following aspects are analyzed: • The Status of the Holy Places in Jerusalem, before the establishment of the British mandate over Palestine in 1922; • The Status of the Holy Places in Jerusalem in accordance with the international law instruments; • The Status of the Holy Places in Jerusalem after the partition of the City on the Israeli and Jordanian enclaves in 1948; • Change of the Status of the Holy Places of Jerusalem after the June 1967 War and the impact of this transformation both on the Arab-Israeli and the Palestinian-Israeli conflicts; • Actions taken by Israel to change the Status of the Temple Mount; • The problem of the Status of Jerusalem in the Palestinian-Israeli Peace Process.

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Karlinsky, Nahum. "Revisiting Israel’s Mixed Cities Trope." Journal of Urban History 47, no. 5 (August 9, 2021): 1103–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00961442211029835.

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This article offers a critical examination of the term mixed cities, concentrating mainly on its usage in Zionist and Israeli discourse. It posits that the term is uniquely reserved to denote Israel’s Jewish Arab urban spaces. Presented as bureaucratic and value-free, the term sharply contrasts with the anti-Arab reality of Israel’s mixed cities. The article traces the origin of the term to pre-State, Zionist discourse, which denounced Arab Jewish “mixing,” situating it between “pure” Zionist and “foreign” Palestinian Arab spaces. The article identifies four general forms of urban (anti-)mixing: pluralistic, racial, sovereign, and colonial. It locates Israel’s mixed cities within the latter two categories. Abandoning this ideologically charged trope and replacing it with Urban Studies concepts are proposed. The advantages of this perspective are demonstrated with a test-case analysis of Arab-Jewish cities in British Palestine (1918-1948) through the lens of Scott Bollens’s model for the study of ethno-national contested cities.

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Milani, Tommaso M., and Erez Levon. "Israel as homotopia: Language, space, and vicious belonging." Language in Society 48, no. 4 (August 21, 2019): 607–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404519000356.

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AbstractIsrael has recently succeeded in presenting itself as an attractive haven for LGBT constituencies. In this article, we investigate how this affective traction operates in practice, along with the ambiguous entanglement of normativity and antinormativity as expressed in the agency of some gay Palestinian Israelis vis-à-vis the Israeli homonationalist project. For this purpose, we analyze the documentaryOriented(2015), produced by the British director Jake Witzenfeld together with the Palestinian collective Qambuta Productions. More specifically, the aim of the article is twofold. From a theoretical perspective, we seek to demonstrate how Foucault's notion of heterotopia provides a useful framework for understanding the spatial component of Palestinian Israeli experience, and the push and pull of conflicted identity projects more generally. Empirically, we illustrate how Israel is a homotopia, an inherently ambivalent place that is simultaneously utopian and dystopian, and that generates what we call vicious belonging. (Code-switching, heterotopia, homonationalism, normativity, pinkwashing, sexuality, space)*

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Leep, Matthew, and Jeremy Pressman. "Foreign cues and public views on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 21, no. 1 (November 21, 2018): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148118809807.

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As foreign sources in the news might help the public assess their home country’s foreign policies, scholars have recently turned attention to the effects of foreign source cues on domestic public opinion. Using original survey experiments, we explore the effects of domestic (United States) and foreign (Israeli, British, and Palestinian) criticism of Israel’s military actions and settlements on US attitudes towards the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. We find that foreign cues by government officials and non-governmental organisations have modest effects, and are generally not more influential than domestic cues. We also show that individuals might discount foreign criticism of Israel in the context of US bipartisan support for Israel. While our experiments reveal some heterogeneous effects related to partisanship, we are sceptical of significant movement in opinion in response to foreign cues. These findings provide insights into foreign source cue effects beyond the context of the use of military force.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "British Israelism"

1

Hudson, David Neil. "A schism and its aftermath : an historical analysis of denominational discerption in the Elim Pentecostal Church, 1939-1940." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1999. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/a-schism-and-its-aftermath--an-historical-analysis-of-denominational-discerption-in-the-elim-pentecostal-church-19391940(1808d412-6bf6-4f19-9c15-784f7d683022).html.

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2

Tenembaum, Yoav Javier. "British policy towards Israel and the Arab-Israeli dispute 1951-1954." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.315883.

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Bernstein, Alina. "British and Israeli newspaper coverage of the 1992 Barcelona Olympics : a comparative analysis." Thesis, University of Leicester, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/30567.

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This study is a comparative analysis of the build-up and coverage of the Barcelona Olympics in British and Israeli newspapers. It employs content analysis, supplemented by interviews conducted with journalists and the detailed analysis of front page items, to examine, comparatively, the build up and coverage in four newspapers (two from each country) over a period of five months, from April 1st to September 1st, 1992. This thesis focuses on several theoretical approaches in order to analyse the Olympic coverage by newspapers. The approaches include the 'grand' theories of media events, news construction and globalisation as well as the concepts of national identity, heroes and gender. The theories and the literature engaged with them are discussed critically while applying them to sport in general and to the Olympics in particular, and guide the empirical study conducted. The findings of empirical analysis, most significantly, show that despite the International Olympic Committee's declarations, which in essence go towards a united world, the factor which determined the newspaper build up and coverage of the Barcelona Olympics, in both Britain and Israel, was the interest in the performance of their own country. Put differently, the local - in this case national - perspective was found to be the prevailing one in the coverage of this global event.

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4

Kandil, Magdi Ahmed. "The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict in American, Arab, and British Media: Corpus-Based Critical Discourse Analysis." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/alesl_diss/12.

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The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is one of the longest and most violent conflicts in modern history. The language used to represent this important conflict in the media is frequently commented on by scholars and political commentators (e.g., Ackerman, 2001; Fisk, 2001; Mearsheimer & Walt, 2007). To date, however, few studies in the field of applied linguistics have attempted a thorough investigation of the language used to represent the conflict in influential media outlets using systematic methods of linguistic analysis. The current study aims to partially bridge this gap by combining methods and analytical frameworks from Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Corpus Linguistics (CL) to analyze the discursive representation of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in American, Arab, and British media, represented by CNN, Al-Jazeera Arabic, and BBC respectively. CDA, which is primarily interested in studying how power and ideology are enacted and resisted in the use of language in social and political contexts, has been frequently criticized mainly for the arbitrary selection of a small number of texts or text fragments to be analyzed. In order to strengthen CDA analysis, Stubbs (1997) suggested that CDA analysts should utilize techniques from CL, which employs computational approaches to perform quantitative and qualitative analysis of actual patterns of use occurring in a large and principled collection of natural texts. In this study, the corpus-based keyword technique is initially used to identify the topics that tend to be emphasized, downplayed, and/or left out in the coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in three corpora complied from the news websites of Al-Jazeera, CNN, and the BBC. Topics –such as terrorism, occupation, settlements, and the recent Israeli disengagement plan—which were found to be key in the coverage of the conflict—are further studied in context using several other corpus tools, especially the concordancer and the collocation finder. The analysis reveals some of the strategies employed by each news website to control for the positive or negative representations of the different actors involved in the conflict. The corpus findings are interpreted using some informative CDA frameworks, especially Van Dijk’s (1998) ideological square framework.

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Tzinieris, Sarah. "Attesting global arenas of influence : British foreign policy and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, 1996-2004." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608890.

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Greene, T. B. "Between the crescent and the star : British policy in the Israeli-Palestinian arena in the wake of 9/11." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2011. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1322692/.

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The 9/11 attacks brought greater urgency to the debate within Europe and the United States over the role of Western foreign policies in contributing to hostile feeling towards the West among Muslims. In analysing different American policy responses to political Islam prior to 9/11, Fawaz Gerges provided a framework by identifying two broad categories. The first is confrontationalist and the second is accommodationist. Confrontationalists tend to see Israel as an ally in containing Islamism as an anti-Western threat. Accommodationists reject the idea of a unified Islamist threat, and tend to see the Israeli-Palestinian issue as a grievance which exacerbates tensions between Islam and the West. This thesis explores this debate in the British context. It looks specifically at the impact of 9/11 and the associated developments in international affairs on the Blair government's policy in the Israeli-Palestinian arena. It builds on existing accounts by analysing interviews with key personnel in the Blair government, conducted by the author, as well as official records, statements and documents. It also examines the impact of the domestic counter-radicalisation agenda on policy making in the Israeli-Palestinian arena, drawing on previously unpublished material released to the author under the Freedom of Information Act. It is argued that the heightened awareness of the challenge of Islamism created a new situation, whereby the Israeli-Palestinian arena became linked by policy makers to Britain's national security. Applying the accommodationist-confrontationalist distinction to the UK context clarifies the difference in view between Blair and others in his party, and in the government, over the role played by the Israeli-Palestinian issue in the relationship between Islam and the West. Sections of the Labour party and the Foreign Office tended towards the accommodationist approach. Blair's position, however, became increasingly confrontationalist over time, leading to major rifts within government.

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Jevon, Graham. "Jordan, Palestine and the British world system, 1945-57 : Glubb Pasha and the Arab Legion." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:01496a87-76a9-4cbb-87b7-a6b67969df3a.

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This thesis offers a microcosmic insight into Britain's transition toward a world system without an Empire by exploring the life of the Anglo-Jordan Treaty (1946-57) via the prism of the British financed Jordanian Army, also known as the Arab Legion, and its British commander, Glubb Pasha. In so doing it puts the state of the relationship down to a system of mutual dependence. Britain's withdrawal from Jordan has primarily been linked either to the success of Arab nationalism or the loss of British will. By examining the Treaty relationship from construction to termination this thesis posits that it is imprudent to push any single factor too deeply, but identifies a shift in the balance of mutual dependence, caused by the changing geopolitical climate, as the driving force. A subsidiary aspect of this thesis concerns the partition of Palestine. The Arab Legion was the most important Arab army during the 1948 War. Based on unprecedented access to Glubb's private papers 'the most significant new documents to emerge since the opening of the official western archives in the late 1970s' this thesis provides the most accurate portrayal of the Arab Legion's conduct yet achievable. In so doing it reconciles inconsistencies within the controversial 'collusion' debate. It negates the revisionist argument that a firm Hashemite-Zionist agreement existed, but corroborates the notion that Britain approved the Arab Legion's use to implement an alternative form of partition to that proposed by the UN. It thus supports the revisionist argument that pre-war negotiations helped shape the 1948 War, but explains the Arab Legion's adherence to this secret scheme by emphasising Glubb's (limited) autonomy. Moreover, it reveals further details concerning the divisions within the Arab coalition, which further debunks the traditional David (Israel) versus Goliath (Arab coalition) portrayal of the conflict.

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El, Hankouri Ouadia. "La politique britannique au Proche-Orient au prisme des relations anglo-israéliennes : de la première guerre israélo-arabe (1948-1949) à la guerre des Six-Jours (1967)." Thesis, Paris Est, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PESC0001.

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L'objectif de cette thèse est d'étudier la politique de la Grande-Bretagne vis-à-vis du conflit israélo-arabe au prisme de ses intérêts au Proche-Orient entre la première guerre israélo-arabe (1948-1949) jusqu'à la guerre des Six-Jours en 1967. Nous avons essayé de préciser, en ce sens, qu'en plus des intérêts politiques, géostratégiques et économiques, cette politique a été aussi marquée par les changements des rapports de force qui s'imposaient inévitablement dans le monde entier, notamment l'avènement des États-Unis et de l'URSS comme superpuissances mondiales, le nationalisme arabe…etc. Dans ce cadre d'intérêts politiques et économiques, nous avons souligné que la création de l'État d'Israël répondait aux besoins stratégiques des puissances occidentales au Moyen-Orient. D'ailleurs, cette approche prouvera sa validité dès 1956 quand l'État d'Israël va jouer un rôle déterminant pendant l'expédition de Suez. Nous avons mis l'accent sur la place qu'occupait l'industrie du pétrole et les intérêts commerciaux dans le processus de la décolonisation britannique du Moyen-Orient pendant les années 1950 et 1960. Bien que l'étude de la politique britannique au Proche-Orient soit négligée, et ce, en raison de son « déclassement politique », notre recherche a bien montré que la Grande-Bretagne a joué un rôle aussi important que celui des Américains dans la sauvegarde de leurs intérêts à travers une « gestion » commune des affaires du Moyen-Orient
The aim of this thesis is to study the British policy towards the Arab-Israeli conflict through the prism of British interests in the Middle East from the first Arab-Israeli war in 1948-1949 to the Six-Day War in 1967. In addition to economic and political interests, we show that in the years under review the British policy has also been marked by a change in the world balance of power, namely the emergence of the United States and the Soviet Union as the world's leading superpowers, Arab nationalism ... etc. In this context, we emphasize that the creation of the State of Israel met the strategic needs of Western powers in the Middle East. This approach will prove its effectiveness only eight years after the creation of Israel when the latter played a decisive role during the tripartite invasion of Egypt in late 1956. Moreover, we point out the place occupied by oil industry and commercial interests in the process of British decolonization in the Middle East in the 1950s and 1960s. The study of British foreign policy in the Middle East has been neglected because of the “demise of Britain's political supremacy” worldwide. Nevertheless, we show that Britain has played a role as important as that of the United States in safeguarding their common interests in the Middle East through a close collaboration

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Books on the topic "British Israelism"

1

Friedman, O. Michael. Origins of the British Israelites: The lost tribes. San Francisco: Mellen Research University Press, 1993.

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Programme, Discovery, and Royal Irish Academy, eds. Tara and the Ark of the Covenant: A search for the Ark of the Covenant by British-Israelites on the Hill of Tara (1899-1902). Dublin: The Discovery Programme/Royal Irish Academy, 2003.

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Sanz Sabido, Ruth. The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict in the British Press. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-52646-5.

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Transforming command: The pursuit of mission command in the U.S., British, and Israeli armies. Stanford, Calif: Stanford Security Studies, 2011.

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World special forces insignia: Not including British, United States, Warsaw Pact, Israeli, or Lebanese units. London: Osprey Pub., 1989.

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Watchmen on the walls: An eyewitness account of Israel's fight for independence from the journal of Hannah Hurnard. Nashville: Broadman & Holman, 1998.

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Moffett, Martha Roadstrum. Perpetual emergency: A legal analysis of Israel's use of the British Defence (Emergency) Regulations, 1945, in the Occupied Territories. Ramallah, West Bank, Via Israel: Al-Haq, 1989.

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Horovitz, David Phillip. A little too close to God: The thrills and panic of a life in Israel. New York: Knopf, 2000.

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Joint British-Dutch Old Testament Conference (1988 Elspeet, Netherlands). In quest of the past: Studies on Israelite religion, literature, and prophetism : papers read at the Joint British-Dutch Old Testament Conference, held at Elspeet, 1988. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1990.

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The holy Rosenbergs: A play in two acts. London: Oberon Books, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "British Israelism"

1

Cottrell-Boyce, Aidan. "British-Israelism and the British Empire." In Israelism in Modern Britain, 109–26. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429355486-5.

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Cottrell-Boyce, Aidan. "British-Israelism and Ireland." In Israelism in Modern Britain, 127–51. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429355486-6.

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Cottrell-Boyce, Aidan. "British-Israelism and Russia." In Israelism in Modern Britain, 177–97. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429355486-8.

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Cottrell-Boyce, Aidan. "What do British-Israelists believe?" In Israelism in Modern Britain, 26–58. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429355486-2.

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Cottrell-Boyce, Aidan. "British-Israelism and the Jews." In Israelism in Modern Britain, 82–108. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429355486-4.

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Cottrell-Boyce, Aidan. "British-Israelism and the European Union." In Israelism in Modern Britain, 198–212. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429355486-9.

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Cottrell-Boyce, Aidan. "British-Israelism and the state of Israel." In Israelism in Modern Britain, 152–76. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429355486-7.

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Cottrell-Boyce, Aidan. "A history of British-Israelism in the twentieth century." In Israelism in Modern Britain, 59–81. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429355486-3.

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Alam, M. Shahid. "British Interests and Zionism." In Israeli Exceptionalism, 103–16. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230101371_11.

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Pappé, Ilan. "British Policy towards the Israeli-Transjordanian Negotiations." In Britain and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948-51, 162–84. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19326-4_8.

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Conference papers on the topic "British Israelism"

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Petkova, Tatyana V., and Daniel Galily. "Hava Nagila." In 6th International e-Conference on Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences. Center for Open Access in Science, Belgrade, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.e-conf.06.06073p.

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Abstract:

This article is about the story of a favorite Jewish song of many people around the world. Hava Nagila is one of the first modern Israeli folk songs in the Hebrew language. It went on to become a staple of band performers at Jewish weddings and bar/bat (b'nei) mitzvah celebrations. The melody is based on a Hassidic Nigun. According to sources, the melody is taken from a Ukrainian folk song from Bukovina. The text was probably the work of musicologist Abraham Zvi Idelsohn, written in 1918. The text was composed in 1918, to celebrate the Balfour Declaration and the British victory over the Turks in 1917. During World War I, Idelsohn served in the Turkish Army as a bandmaster in Gaza, returning to his research in Jerusalem at the end of the war in 1919. In 1922, he published the Hebrew song book, “Sefer Hashirim”, which includes the first publication of his arrangement of the song Hava Nagila.

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2

Petkova, Tatyana V., and Daniel Galily. "Hava Nagila." In 6th International e-Conference on Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences. Center for Open Access in Science, Belgrade, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.e-conf.06.06073p.

Full text

Abstract:

This article is about the story of a favorite Jewish song of many people around the world. Hava Nagila is one of the first modern Israeli folk songs in the Hebrew language. It went on to become a staple of band performers at Jewish weddings and bar/bat (b'nei) mitzvah celebrations. The melody is based on a Hassidic Nigun. According to sources, the melody is taken from a Ukrainian folk song from Bukovina. The text was probably the work of musicologist Abraham Zvi Idelsohn, written in 1918. The text was composed in 1918, to celebrate the Balfour Declaration and the British victory over the Turks in 1917. During World War I, Idelsohn served in the Turkish Army as a bandmaster in Gaza, returning to his research in Jerusalem at the end of the war in 1919. In 1922, he published the Hebrew song book, “Sefer Hashirim”, which includes the first publication of his arrangement of the song Hava Nagila.

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