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Journal articles on the topic 'British Israelism'
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1
Williams, Joseph. "Pentecostals, Israel, and the Prophetic Politics of Dominion." Religion and American Culture 30, no. 3 (2020): 426–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rac.2020.16.
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ABSTRACTThis essay traces the evolution of a specific tradition of prophecy interpretation in U.S. pentecostal-charismatic circles, which I dub the “prophetic politics of dominion.” From the start, this strain of pentecostal-charismatic religiosity merged transnational sensibilities with dominion-style language but typically shied away from overt political organization. Building on Israel-themed symbols and ideas acquired from nineteenth-century evangelical prophecy interpretation, a small but influential group of white proto-pentecostals and early pentecostals embraced a distinctive set of eschatological teachings known as British Israelism and its attendant literal racial identification of Anglo-Saxons with Jews. Such emphases bolstered a conviction that spirit-empowered Christians would exert significant influence on global politics prior to the Second Coming of Jesus. In the ensuing decades, a vocal minority of notable pentecostals and their charismatic successors kept alive similar emphases even as they eschewed the highly racialized conceptions of pentecostal connections to the “Lost Tribes of Israel.” More comfortable employing Christian millennial tropes than engaging pragmatic politics, these figures, nevertheless, anticipated the rapid Christianization of society and their own ascendance to positions of spiritual and temporal power in preparation for Christ's return. All the while, Israel-centric symbols and identities remained central. The crystallization of this transnational, dominion-now tradition, with its unique Israel-centric emphases and millennial motifs, represented one of the most significant—and most misunderstood—contributions to evangelical politics by U.S. pentecostals and charismatics over the course of the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries.
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Rivlin, Eliezer. "Israel as a Mixed Jurisdiction." Symposium: Mixed Jurisdictions 57, no. 4 (November 8, 2012): 781–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1013031ar.
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Like in most Western countries, the legal system in Israel is constantly evolving. Israel is a mixed jurisdiction in many respects. Historically, during the time of the Ottoman Empire, the land of Israel was ruled by Turkish law, which was followed by British law during the time of the British Mandate. Today, Israel’s legal system still reflects a mixture of civil law and common law. This mixture is evident, for example, in the combination of codified law and precedent-based law. Several areas of the law were codified, at the time of the British Mandate, in ordinances that remain binding today. However, these ordinances were supplemented and widely interpreted in Israel’s case law, and an “Israeli common law” was created. Today, legislative efforts are being made to codify this new common law. The mixed nature of substantive law in Israel is also illustrated by Israel's constitutional regime. While Israel has no formal constitution, it has a partial bill of rights (the basic laws) enacted by its parliament. In 1995, the Israeli Supreme Court decided, referring to American constitutional law, that it had the authority to invalidate “unconstitutional laws”. In its decision, the Supreme Court relied on a limitation clause, included in the new basic laws and inspired by the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Since then, the Israeli Supreme Court has developed a number of constitutional rights from these basic laws, influenced by both the American concept of liberty and the European concept of human dignity. Finally, comparative law plays an important role in Israeli case law. While British common law no longer binds the Israeli judiciary, judges have wide discretion to use comparative law in their decisions. When relevant, referring to foreign law may be of great assistance to a judge by providing inspiration in a difficult case. Utilizing many different sources of law may help to create harmony between various jurisdictions, especially in times of increasing globalization.
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Stern, Rephael G. "Legal Liminalities: Conflicting Jurisdictional Claims in the Transition from British Mandate Palestine to the State of Israel." Comparative Studies in Society and History 62, no. 2 (March 30, 2020): 359–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417520000080.
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AbstractThis article explores the legal and temporal dimensions of the transition from British Mandate Palestine to the State of Israel on 15 May 1948. I examine the paradoxical character of Israeli jurisdictional claims during this period and argue that it reveals the Israeli state's uncertainty as to whether the Mandate had truly passed into the past. On one hand, Israel recognized the validity of the Mandate administration's jurisdiction until 15 May; I employ the Israeli trial of the British citizen Frederick William Sylvester to demonstrate how Israel even predicated its own jurisdictional claims on their being continuous with those of its predecessor. In this case, the Mandate administration was cast as having entered the realm of the past. Conversely, the Israeli state contested Mandate laws and legal decisions made prior to 15 May to assert its own jurisdictional claims. In the process, Israeli officials belied their efforts to bury their predecessors in the past and implicitly questioned whether the past was in fact behind them. By simultaneously relying upon and disavowing past British legal decisions, the Israeli state staked a claim on being a “completely different political creature” from its British predecessor while retaining its colonial legal structures as the “ultimate standards of reference.” Israel's complex attitude toward its Mandate past directs our attention to how it was created against the backdrop of the receding British Empire and underscores the importance of studying Israel alongside other post-imperial states that emerged from the First World War and the mid-century decolonizing world.
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van Leeuwen, Theo, and Adam Jaworski. "The discourses of war photography." Journal of Language and Politics 1, no. 2 (July 10, 2003): 255–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.1.2.06lee.
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Photography has a long history of (de-)legitimation of wars. In this paper we examine the visual rhetoric of two newspapers, the British Guardian and the Polish Gazeta Wyborcza in their representation of the Palestinian-Israeli war in October 2000. Although both newspapers have access to the same (agency) photographs, their images differ. Both papers show the Palestinians to be the main victims of the war. However, Gazeta Wyborcza depicts the Palestinians predominantly as “terrorists” and deflects any military responsibility from the Israelis by not including any photographs of the Israeli soldiers. The Guardian shows the Palestinians predominantly as romanticised, lone heroes against the Israeli military might, although the Israeli military force is vague and de-personalised. Furthermore, both newspapers differ in their representation of the war in political terms choosing different images of local and international politicians.
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Cottrell‐Boyce, Aidan. "British‐Israelists and the “State of Israeli” in the Twentieth Century." Journal of Religious History 44, no. 3 (August 13, 2020): 295–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9809.12685.
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Levy, Yuval. "Criminal Intent: A Comment on “Foreseeability”, “Probability,” “Purpose” and “Knowledge”." Israel Law Review 30, no. 1-2 (1996): 106–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700014977.
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The use of the word “intention” has given rise to considerable uncertainty regarding criminal offenses in the Israeli justice system. The term remained undefined in the Israel Criminal Code [New Version] — 1977, despite the fact that it was used in its offense-creating provisions, and was applied by judges on a daily basis. This paper will provide a survey of Israeli jurisprudence on the meaning of the word “intention”, a comparison of relevant provisions in British law, and observations on the reform bill for Israel's Criminal Code (the General Part) of 1992.Justice Agranat authoritatively defined “intention” in the 1952 case of Jacobovitz v. Attorney General as “foresight of a result accompanied by a desire to bring it about”. This definition has been applied throughout Israeli case law and was reaffirmed of late by Chief Justice Shamgar in Vannunu v. State of Israel.
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Krylov, A. V. "The problem of the status of the Holy Places in Jerusalem and its impact on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict." Journal of International Analytics, no. 2 (June 28, 2016): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2016-0-2-67-82.
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This article focuses on the legal status of Jerusalem - one of the most complex and debated issues of international law and international politics. Before the establishment of Israel in 1948, over the centuries in the Ottoman period and the years of the British Mandate there was no legally binding bilateral or international treaty that would clearly define the legal status of Jerusalem. However, both the Turkish authorities and the British administration in Palestine preceding from the fact that Jerusalem is the center of three world religions, fully ensured of the rights of believers of all confessions. In accordance with the well-known international instruments of law all Jerusalem should be a special territory of Corpus Separatum, which will be subjected to the international control (UN General Assembly Resolution 181 / II of 29 November 1947). However, in 1980 the Israeli Parliament declared Jerusalem the «eternal and undivided capital» of Israel, including the Arab territories of East Jerusalem occupied in 1967. This law, as well as the Israeli law on the protection of the Holy Places has radically changed the Status quo which existed for centuries. No country in the world recognizes Israel’s attempts to change the legal Status of the City. In the present article the following aspects are analyzed: • The Status of the Holy Places in Jerusalem, before the establishment of the British mandate over Palestine in 1922; • The Status of the Holy Places in Jerusalem in accordance with the international law instruments; • The Status of the Holy Places in Jerusalem after the partition of the City on the Israeli and Jordanian enclaves in 1948; • Change of the Status of the Holy Places of Jerusalem after the June 1967 War and the impact of this transformation both on the Arab-Israeli and the Palestinian-Israeli conflicts; • Actions taken by Israel to change the Status of the Temple Mount; • The problem of the Status of Jerusalem in the Palestinian-Israeli Peace Process.
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Karlinsky, Nahum. "Revisiting Israel’s Mixed Cities Trope." Journal of Urban History 47, no. 5 (August 9, 2021): 1103–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00961442211029835.
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This article offers a critical examination of the term mixed cities, concentrating mainly on its usage in Zionist and Israeli discourse. It posits that the term is uniquely reserved to denote Israel’s Jewish Arab urban spaces. Presented as bureaucratic and value-free, the term sharply contrasts with the anti-Arab reality of Israel’s mixed cities. The article traces the origin of the term to pre-State, Zionist discourse, which denounced Arab Jewish “mixing,” situating it between “pure” Zionist and “foreign” Palestinian Arab spaces. The article identifies four general forms of urban (anti-)mixing: pluralistic, racial, sovereign, and colonial. It locates Israel’s mixed cities within the latter two categories. Abandoning this ideologically charged trope and replacing it with Urban Studies concepts are proposed. The advantages of this perspective are demonstrated with a test-case analysis of Arab-Jewish cities in British Palestine (1918-1948) through the lens of Scott Bollens’s model for the study of ethno-national contested cities.
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Milani, Tommaso M., and Erez Levon. "Israel as homotopia: Language, space, and vicious belonging." Language in Society 48, no. 4 (August 21, 2019): 607–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404519000356.
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AbstractIsrael has recently succeeded in presenting itself as an attractive haven for LGBT constituencies. In this article, we investigate how this affective traction operates in practice, along with the ambiguous entanglement of normativity and antinormativity as expressed in the agency of some gay Palestinian Israelis vis-à-vis the Israeli homonationalist project. For this purpose, we analyze the documentaryOriented(2015), produced by the British director Jake Witzenfeld together with the Palestinian collective Qambuta Productions. More specifically, the aim of the article is twofold. From a theoretical perspective, we seek to demonstrate how Foucault's notion of heterotopia provides a useful framework for understanding the spatial component of Palestinian Israeli experience, and the push and pull of conflicted identity projects more generally. Empirically, we illustrate how Israel is a homotopia, an inherently ambivalent place that is simultaneously utopian and dystopian, and that generates what we call vicious belonging. (Code-switching, heterotopia, homonationalism, normativity, pinkwashing, sexuality, space)*
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Leep, Matthew, and Jeremy Pressman. "Foreign cues and public views on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 21, no. 1 (November 21, 2018): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148118809807.
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As foreign sources in the news might help the public assess their home country’s foreign policies, scholars have recently turned attention to the effects of foreign source cues on domestic public opinion. Using original survey experiments, we explore the effects of domestic (United States) and foreign (Israeli, British, and Palestinian) criticism of Israel’s military actions and settlements on US attitudes towards the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. We find that foreign cues by government officials and non-governmental organisations have modest effects, and are generally not more influential than domestic cues. We also show that individuals might discount foreign criticism of Israel in the context of US bipartisan support for Israel. While our experiments reveal some heterogeneous effects related to partisanship, we are sceptical of significant movement in opinion in response to foreign cues. These findings provide insights into foreign source cue effects beyond the context of the use of military force.
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Amit-Kohn, Uzi. "Israel's “British” Foreign Policy." Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs 12, no. 3 (September 2, 2018): 333–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23739770.2018.1580974.
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Wang, Cynthia. "Victimhood in the Face of Media Ideological Battle: A Critical Discourse Analysis on the British Media's Coverage of Stabbing Incidents in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 16, no. 1 (May 2017): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2017.0153.
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This article intends to reveal the power dimensions and ideological positions embedded in dominant media discourses. Informed by theories of media representation as well as those of colonialism and Orientalism, this article analyses eight articles from two British daily online news media sources, namely, The Guardian and The Telegraph. The methodological framework adopted draws on Fairclough's (1995) conception of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to examine textual features, and employs Bazzi's contextual analysis model with an emphasis on ideology. These methodologies are utilised in an effort to investigate the British media's representational and discursive strategies concerning a wave of stabbing incidents in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict during the six-month violence between October 2015 and March 2016. The results indicate that violent actions are framed in a binary fashion, between self and other, and that the discursive strategies employed position Palestinian subjects as unworthy victims or violent initiators, whereas Israelis were represented relatively positively, in order to inscribe the accepted values in British society and foreign policy. This article attempts to contribute to the discussion on the impact of media agencies embedded within a particular societal and political context, and comments upon their ability to foster and disseminate hegemonic ideologies, which in turn reinforce systemic power inequalities in times of conflict.
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Nossek, Hillel. "BBC World Service Hebrew Section (1949-1968): The 'Voice of London' for Israelis or the 'Voice of Israel' from London?" Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 3, no. 2 (2010): 242–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187398610x510038.
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AbstractThis article seeks to ask the question why, when and how the BBC World Service Hebrew Section broadcast became part of British media diplomacy towards Israel and integral to British foreign policy towards the Middle East and the Cold War. It also seeks to understand why it was closed down and how it became a professional training ground for Israel's public broadcasting system tasked with enhancing democracy as a part of BBC WS' policy. The article tries to answer these questions by analyzing background documents and transcripts of the broadcasts at several critical moments, and by interviewing a key professional who served on the Israeli staff of the BBCWS Hebrew section in its last three years. The points in time were: the establishment of the service, 1949; the Suez/Sinai Campaign of 1956; the Eichmann Trial in Jerusalem, 1961; Ten Years to the Suez/Sinai Campaign, 1966; the Six Day War, 1967; and the closure of the service in 1968.
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Zaban, Hila. "The real estate foothold in the Holy Land: Transnational gentrification in Jerusalem." Urban Studies 57, no. 15 (June 27, 2019): 3116–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098019845614.
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Gentrification theory blames the widening and transnationalisation of the phenomenon on the global commodification of housing and the emergence of a ‘planetary rent gap’. This article draws on fieldwork in the UK and Israel and argues that while transnational gentrification is economically driven, in the sense of an unequal global division of labour, we need to reinstate the cultural context into the core of gentrification theory and pay more attention to what motivates people to purchase homes in particular foreign locations. I argue that these motivations can be emotional, and adopt the concept of the ‘real estate as foothold’– a way of holding onto an emotionally laden space through the acquisition of property. Tying together gentrification and lifestyle migration literatures and using the case study of British Jews with second homes in Israel, I explore such motivations and connect them with Israel’s political and economic quest to attract diaspora Jews. Israel’s neoliberalisation made it a second-home destination for wealthy Jews, part of the second-homes trend, who favour Israel due to emotional, national and religious ties. I focus on the case of Jerusalem, the Israeli city most affected by the phenomenon, to explore the intersecting outcomes of top-down policies and bottom-up lifestyle demands on the upscaling of the inner city and the displacement of Israeli residents. Residents’ displacement results in their replacement in cheaper areas, often beyond the ‘Green Line’ in the Occupied Territories, a problematic outcome to any peace negotiations, but one that follows the agenda of municipal and state-level policymakers.
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Perez, Shelby. "Palestine…It Is Something Colonial." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 35, no. 4 (October 29, 2018): 64–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v35i4.475.
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The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has not existed since the beginning of time. Hatem Bazian explores the roots of the conflict, locating the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project under the tutelage of British colonial efforts. Bazian’s text is a look at and beyond first-hand accounts, an investigation of and critical analysis of settler practice in relation to similar texts such as Sari Nusseibeh’s Once Upon a Country: A Palestinian Life, Alan Dowty’s Israel/Palestine, and Ari Shavit’s My Promised Land. Hatem Bazian’s Palestine…it is something colonial is not an introduction to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Readers should possess a basic understanding of the conflict and history of the region over the last century. Nor does this text provide the reader with an unbiased look at the timeline of events since the inception of the Zionist movement. Palestine…it is something colonial instead is a rich critique of the Zionist movement and British colonialism. It investigates the way British colonialism influenced Zionism and how Zionism adopted colonial ideas and practices. Bazian locates Zionism as a settler colonialist movement still at work today, which historically planned and systematically executed the removal of Palestinians from their land, with the aid of the United Kingdom and (later) the United States. Bazian examines Ottoman collapse, the colonization of Palestine by the British, Israel’s biblical theology of dispossession, as well as British colonial incubation of Zionism, Zionism as a Eurocentric episteme, the building of Israel through ethnic cleansing, and the Nakba, all of these culminating in legalized dispossession. Throughout the text, Bazian is able to tie each chapter to the present state of affairs and remind the audience of the trauma of a people forcibly removed. Bazian opens with the straightforward assertion that “Palestine is the last settler-colonial project to be commissioned in the late 19th early 20th centuries and still unfolding in the 21st century with no end in sight” (17). In chapter one, “Dissecting the Ottomans and Colonizing Palestine,” Bazian navigates the biased historiography of the fall of the Ottoman empire, linking the collapse of the empire to the colonizing forces of Europe which sought to ensure access to the newly discovered oil in the region as well as to Asia and Africa. Bazian masterfully steers the reader through the history of European intervention, and in particular on behalf of Christians as ethnic minorities in the Middle East. Europe is historically anti-Jewish; at the turn of the century, Zionism was determined to solve Europe’s “Jewish Problem” and maintain a stronghold in the Middle East, he writes. In chapter two, “Israel’s Biblical Theology of Dispossession,” Bazian explores the biblical roots of Zionist ideology. The chapter opens with a discussion of a contemporary Bedouin tribe being expelled in the Negev. Bazian writes that “the biblical text gets transformed into policy by the Zionist state, by which it then normalizes or makes legal the wholesale theft of Palestinian lands and expulsion of the population”(57) using legal documents such as the Levy Report. These policies create “facts on the ground” which lead to “legalized expulsions.” The Bible was central to the historical development of the European Christian supremacist idea of the Holy Land. The loss of the territory conquered during the Crusades ruptured this notion, a break “fixed” through Zionism. In chapter three, “British Colonialism and Incubation of Zionism,”Bazian begins to address British colonialism and Zionism as complementary. Bazian uses primary texts from British political actors of the time, such as Lord Robert Cecil and Lord Balfour, to establish the anti-Semiticinspiration for British actions of the time. Bazian also successfully uses the Hussein-McMahon Correspondence and the Sykes-Picot agreement to establish the double dealings of the British in the Middle East in the early twentieth century. Bazian uses many primary texts in this chapter effectively, though their organization could leave readers confused. Chapter four, “Zionism: Eurocentric Colonial Epistemic,” continues the themes of the prior chapter as the colonial influence is cemented. In this chapter, Bazian explores the subterfuge and the genius propaganda selling Palestine as “a land without a people for a people without a land” along with “making the desert bloom”—as if the indigenous Arab people were not there. Bazian frames this chapter within the Zionist ideology of the peoples living in the land being only a barrier to a Jewish state in Palestine. Bazian uses primary sources (e.g., Herzl) to defend the assertion that the removal of the Palestinian people was always a piece of the Zionist plan. Bazian also includes Jewish critical voices (e.g., excerpts from the reporter Ella Shohat) to establish the European Jewish bias against the indigenous Arab peoples, including Sephardic Jews. Bazian that these biases and the effort to remove Palestinians from their land defined the early Zionist movement and the creation of the state of Israel in chapter five, “Building a State and Ethnic Cleansing.” This chapter draws extensively on primary sources: correspondence, reports, declarations, agreements, commissions, and maps. Bazian struggles to organize these rich resources in a clear fashion; however, his analysis matches the richness of the sources. These sources establish the “legalized” systematic removal of the Palestinians from the land by the Israelis in 1948. In chapter six, “The Nakba,” Bazian uses further legal documents and first-hand accounts to trace the forced removal of Palestinians. He pays homage to the trauma while critically dissecting the process of legalizing ethnic cleansing and peddling the innocence of the Israelis to the rest of the world. Bazian profoundly concludes his chapter with the story of a Palestinian boy who witnessed the mass executions of men and women of his village and marched away from his home. The boy, now a man, closed his story with poignant words that capture the horror of the Nakba: “The road to Ramallah had become an open cemetery” (241). After the land was emptied the new state of Israel needed to legally take possession of the Palestinian-owned property. Chapter seven, “Colonial Machination,” elaborates this process: “the State of Israel is structured to give maximum attention to fulfillment of the settler-colonial project and the state apparatus is directed toward achieving this criminal enterprise” (243). The name “Palestine” is erased as a name for the land and the peoples; former colonial and Ottoman laws were twisted to support a systematic theft of the land. Bazian concludes his book with a look to the future: “What is the way forward and Palestine’s de-colonial horizon?” (276). He lays out the options available for true and lasting peace, discounting out of hand the twostate solution as impossible due to the extent of the settlements in the West Bank. He also dismisses both the options of the removal of Palestinians and the removal of the Jewish people. He instead posits a way forward through a one-state solution, leaving how this is to be done to the reader and the people of Israel/Palestine to determine. Bazian has contributed a full-bodied analysis of primary sources to defend his assertion that Zionism has always been a settler colonial movement with its goal being a land devoid of the indigenous people. The organization of the text, the lack of sectioning in the chapters, and the technical insertion and citation of primary sources could be improved for clearer reading. Bazian thoroughly defends his thesis with tangible evidence that Zionism is something colonial, and has been something colonial from the start. This is a text that complicates the narrative of what colonialism is, what the State of Israel is, and who and what Palestine is, together establishing the book as required reading for understanding nuances of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Shelby Perez Master’s Divinity Candidate Chicago Theological Seminary
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Seale, Patrick. "The Syria-Israel Negotiations: Who Is Telling the Truth?" Journal of Palestine Studies 29, no. 2 (January 1, 2000): 65–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2676537.
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On 8 December 1999, President Clinton announced that Syrian-Israeli negotiations were to resume "where they left off" and "on the basis of all previous negotiations between the United States and Syria-I mean between Syria and Israel, and with the United States" (see Doc. C). The president's statement did not, however, give any detail as to what the two sides had actually agreed to when the talks ended in March 1996, including Syria's contention that Prime Ministers Rabin and Peres had committed Israel to full withdrawal from the Golan to the 4 June 1967 frontier. It is for this reason that the following account of the negotiations, by Asad's biographer Patrick Seale, is so important. Based on American and Syrian sources, Seale's article is the most extensive and comprehensive account of the Israeli "commitment" ever published. First delivered as a lecture at the Royal Institute of International Affairs (Chatham House), London, on 23 November 1999, it was published in three installments in the pan-Arab daily al-Hayat on 21, 22, and 23 November and was immediately picked up in the Israeli press; Yedi'ot Aharonot published large extracts in its four-page spread on the report. It is noteworthy that neither Prime Minister Barak norformer prime minister Peres denied the veracity of Seale's account. Barak simply stated, "The Americans, the Syrians, and the Israelis are aware of what took place," while Peres limited himself to commenting, "I endorsed everything that Rabin committed himself to." Patrick Seale, a British writer and Middle East expert, is credited with having a role in restarting the process following Prime Minister Barak's. election, carrying a series of "messages" between Barak and Asad in June 1999. The text was slightly amended and shortened with the approval of the author.
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Baumgartner, Henry. "The Sub that Vanished." Mechanical Engineering 121, no. 08 (August 1, 1999): 56–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/1.1999-aug-3.
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This article discusses how sonar and an undersea rover helped Israel discover the vanished INS Dakar, an Israeli submarine that was purchased from the British Royal Navy. In February 1999, the Israelis invited bids on a contract, which was won by Nauticos, and the operation got started again shortly thereafter. The idea was to continue to search the “box,” the area of ocean where the committee had concluded the sub was most likely to be found. This would require a search of the area with deep-towed sonar, with likely spots more closely investigated by a camera-carrying robot craft. Navigation support came from the US Navy’s Deep Submergence Unit. The Oceanographer of the Navy, the Naval Meteorology and Oceanography Command, and the Naval Oceanographic Office also provided help under a cooperative research agreement. The sonar sweep turned up some 200 contacts to be investigated; several of these met enough of the search criteria that they were investigated with the Remora. Word was sent to Israel and a positive identification was done on Friday, May 28, 1999, and the relatives of the Dakar’s crew were notified privately.
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Ricks, Thomas. "Jerusalem: City of Dreams, City of Sorrows." Frontiers: The Interdisciplinary Journal of Study Abroad 20, no. 1 (March 15, 2011): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.36366/frontiers.v20i1.291.
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Note: The text of Thomas Ricks’ article that was published in the print version was not the text approved by the author. Frontiers apologizes for this error. The article linked here contains the unedited text as approved by its author.
The paper focuses on the cultural and social foundations of the Holy City of Jerusalem both past and present, and strategies for helping U.S. study abroad students understand these foundations. The City underwent a number of social and cultural transformations from the Islamic and Arab 7thcentury to the present. In evolving from a pilgrimage site to a major walled administrative, religious, and commercial center, Jerusalem began to dominate Palestine’s western coasts, highlands, and the eastern Jordan River valley during the 16thto 19thOttoman centuries. From World War One to the 1948 War, tensions began to build within Palestine and Jerusalem resulting from the British occupation and a dramatic rise in Zionist European Jewish immigrants. The Jewish arrivals were building an independent state within the British colony of Palestine and began to dominate the daily lives of the Palestinians of both the New and Old Jerusalem. With the 1948 establishment of the Jewish State of Israel, the most visible cleavages between Palestinians and Israelis in Jerusalem’s life became apparent with the city literally divided in half with most of the New City occupied by Israeli forces, and the parts of the New and all the Old City by Jordanian soldiers. Various learning strategies are offered to help students grasp some of the intellectual context and cultural riches of today’s “three Jerusalems.”
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Hughes, Geraint. "Britain, the Transatlantic Alliance, and the Arab-Israeli War of 1973." Journal of Cold War Studies 10, no. 2 (April 2008): 3–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2008.10.2.3.
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This article analyzes the impact on transatlantic relations of the October 1973 Arab-Israeli war, focusing on the discrepancy between U.S. and British views of Middle Eastern security before and during the conflict. Despite the institutional factors shaping the U.S.-British “special relationship” and the much greater power of the United States compared to Britain, British policy during the 1973 war was sharply at odds with U.S. policy. This article shows that British policy toward the Middle East was shaped not only by economic concerns (namely the importance of Arab oil to the UK economy) but also by the strategic requirement to undermine Soviet influence in the region and strengthen ties between the Western powers and the Arab states.
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Czapnik, Sławomir. "Konflikt izraelsko-palestyński. Analiza nekropolityczna." Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 22 (October 17, 2017): 188–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.22.12.
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Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Necropolitics’ analysisThe aim of this paper is to analyze Israeli-Palestinian conflict from the perspective of the ‘necropolitics’ category term coined by Achille Mbembe. Firstly, author describes mass media coverage of the conflict, especially pro-Israeli bias in the American and British media. Nevertheless, some media representations in the mostly Muslin countries ieTurkey are anti-Semitic. Second part is devoted to the realities on the ground in occupied Palestinian territories and the discoursive practices of perceiving violence of both sides: ‘civilized’ Israeli and ‘uncivilised’ Palestinian. In conclusion, there are some considerations about future developments in the conflict.
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Daoud, Suheir Abu Oksa. "Israel and the Islamist Challenge: Old Dilemmas, New Approaches." Politics and Religion 12, no. 1 (July 30, 2018): 55–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048318000263.
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AbstractThis paper explains Israel's decision to outlaw the Islamic Movement Northern Faction in Israel (IMNF) and examines the methods and strategies adopted by the IMNF and its leaders that prompted the state's actions. Based on the British Defense Regulations from the British Mandate for Palestine, the State of Israel outlawed the IMNF on November 17, 2015, accusing the group of incitement, racism, and terrorism. Sheykh Kamal Khatib, former deputy leader of IMNF, declared that the IMNF had been a tool to serve the Islamic project and regardless of having been outlawed, the movement “would find a “thousand ways” to serve that project.’” I argue that the IMNF's shift in focus from the Palestinians to the larger Muslim community disrupted politics within Israel. Even so, Israel's policy change was based on political and personal calculations, rather than on national and regional security pressures.
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Nestel, Sheryl. "Israel and Palestine out of the Ashes." American Journal of Islam and Society 21, no. 2 (April 1, 2004): 98–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v21i2.1793.
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During the more than 37-year brutal Israeli occupation of the West Bankand Gaza, the numbers of North American Jews voicing their oppositionin public have been dispiritingly small. Since the outbreak of the secondIntifada in September 2000, however, Jewish anti-occupation activistshave become a visible political presence in Jewish politics in the UnitedStates and Canada. Such groups as Brit Zedek V’Shalom, the TikkunCommunity, and Junity (Jewish Unity for a Just Peace) have spawneddozens of regional chapters across North America. Local groups such asNot In My Name (Chicago), Jewish Voices against the Occupation(Seattle), and Jews for Global Justice (Portland, Oregon) have sprung upspontaneously in almost every major North American city. Numerous adhoc responses have emerged as well. For example, an “Open Letter fromAmerican Jews,” proclaiming opposition to Israeli government policies inthe Occupied Territories and bearing 4,000 signatures, has appeared as afull-page advertisement in The New York Times as well as in a dozen moreAmerican and British newspapers.While very few of these groups would identify themselves as religiouslyobservant, almost all have invoked a Jewish ethical tradition ofsocial justice, derived from Jewish texts and rabbinical tradition, to maketheir political point. In his most recent book, Israel and Palestine out of theAshes, Jewish theologian Marc Ellis posits a more deeply consequentialconnection between Jewish history, Jewish ethics, and the occupation.According to Ellis, Director of the Center for American and Jewish Studiesat Baylor University (Waco, Texas), Israel’s displacement and dispossessionof the Palestinian people constitutes such a fundamental transgressionof Jewish ethics and morality that it threatens to render Judaism, a religious ...
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Navoth, Michal. "Torture versus Terror: The Israeli and British Cases." Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs 1, no. 3 (January 2007): 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23739770.2007.11446277.
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Feraro, Shai. "The Return of Baal to the Holy Land." Nova Religio 20, no. 2 (November 1, 2016): 59–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2016.20.2.59.
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This article focuses on the recent emergence of Canaanite Reconstructionism in Israel—a miniature movement within the country’s small, but growing, Pagan community. The discourse of Israeli adherents of Canaanite Reconstructionism regarding its links to ancient Canaanite culture and the land—indeed the very soil—of modern-day Israel is highlighted. The development of Israeli Canaanite Reconstructionism is examined in relation to the unique nature of Israeli society and identity politics, as well as to Canaanism, a cultural and ideological movement that climaxed during the 1940s in British Mandate Palestine but declined after the founding of the State of Israel in 1948.
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Argo, Daniel, Vladislav Fainstein, Edgar Jones, and Moshe Z. Abramowitz. "Patients behind the front lines: the exchange of mentally-ill patients in the 1948 Arab–Israeli War." History of Psychiatry 31, no. 3 (March 14, 2020): 341–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957154x20912133.
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The British Mandate in Palestine ended abruptly in 1948. The British departure engendered a complex situation which affected all areas of life, and the country’s health system was no exception. Gradual transition of the infrastructure was almost impossible owing to the ineffectiveness of the committee appointed by the United Nations. The situation was further complicated by the outbreak of the Arab–Israeli War. We relate for the first time the story of 75 Jewish patients who were left in a former British mental hospital in Bethlehem – deep behind the front lines. Despite the hostilities, there were complex negotiations about relocating those patients. This episode sheds light on the Jewish and Arab relationship as it pertained to mental institutions during and immediately after the British Mandate.
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Thompson, Thomas L. "Biblical Archaeology and the Politics of Nation-Building." Holy Land Studies 8, no. 2 (November 2009): 133–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1474947509000511.
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Since the time of the British mandate, Zionist and, later, Israeli politics of nation-building has strongly influenced ‘biblical archaeology’ and has significantly undermined the integrity of Israeli scholarship. Critiques from Yael Zerubavel and Keith Whitelam to Nadia Abu El-Haj and Raz Kletter have repeatedly pointed out the consistent nationalistic distortions that have infected the field. The efforts of critical scholars to write a history of Palestine independent of biblical perspectives have corrected such distortions since the 1980s and have raised considerable doubt concerning the legitimacy of the Judeo-ethnocentrism which dominates nationalist Israeli claims on the heritage of ancient Palestine and the Bible.
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Reger, Jeffrey D. "Olive Cultivation in the Galilee, 1948–1955: Hegemony and Resistance." Journal of Palestine Studies 46, no. 4 (2017): 28–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.4.28.
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Drawing on Arabic, English, and Hebrew language sources from the British and Israeli archives, this article seeks to bridge the catastrophic rupture of 1948 to the early 1950s and to trace the changing relationship between ordinary Palestinian olive cultivators in the Galilee and the newly established Israeli state. In contrast with studies that center on the continued expulsion of Palestinians and extension of control over land by the state and state-supported actors in the aftermath of the Nakba, this study examines those Palestinians who stayed on their land and how they responded to Israeli agricultural and food control policies that they saw as discriminatory to the point of being existential threats. Beyond analysis of Israeli state policy toward olive growers and olive oil producers, this article brings in rare Palestinian voices from the time, highlighting examples of Palestinian resistance to the Israeli state's practices of confiscation and discrimination.
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Siegel-Itzkovich, Judy. "British American Tobacco is drawn into Israeli damages claim." BMJ 331, no. 7525 (November 10, 2005): 1104.6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.331.7525.1104-e.
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Williams, D. G., and Gabrielle H. Morris. "Crying, weeping or tearfulness in British and Israeli adults." British Journal of Psychology 87, no. 3 (August 1996): 479–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2044-8295.1996.tb02603.x.
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Rynhold, Jonathan, and Jonathan Spyer. "British Policy in the Arab–Israeli Arena 1973–2004." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 34, no. 2 (July 31, 2007): 137–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530190701427891.
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MADDY-WEITZMAN, BRUCE. "URI MILSTEIN, History of Israel's War of Independence: Volume III, The First Invasion. Trans. and ed. Alan Sachs (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1998). Pp. 414. $65.00 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 3 (August 2001): 458–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801263065.
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For more than a decade, scholars and writers of various stripes have been revisiting the events surrounding the first Arab–Israeli war of 1948, whose outcome heavily shaped subsequent Middle East politics. Basing their work primarily on newly available Israeli, British, and American archival materials, they have shed considerable light and generated much heat regarding the origins, consequences, and degrees of responsibility for the events surrounding the birth of the State of Israel, the uprooting of two-thirds of the Palestinian Arab community, and the defeat of neighboring Arab armies.
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Khalili, Laleh. "THE LOCATION OF PALESTINE IN GLOBAL COUNTERINSURGENCIES." International Journal of Middle East Studies 42, no. 3 (July 15, 2010): 433a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743810000759.
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Since at least the 1930s, Palestine has had a continuous role as a laboratory of counterinsurgency. During the British Mandate, Palestine saw a consolidation of the techniques of imperial policing and the development of a complex military-legal apparatus of control, from “security fences” and watchtowers to mass incarceration and collective punishment to emergency laws and administrative detention. Palestine has continued to be the setting for counterinsurgency military exercises, with Israel incorporating the British Mandate laws in its legal corpus and British military practice in its doctrines. Based on extensive primary research, this essay traces the development of counterinsurgency doctrine and practice and the legal apparatuses that uphold it and argues that both in the incorporation of British transmission of doctrine, law, and practice from Palestine, and in the Israeli military's deployment of new and transportable techniques of control, Palestine has been gradually transformed into a central node of military knowledge/power within a global matrix of counterinsurgency.
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Oliver, Dawn. "The Implementation of Constitutional Reform in the United Kingdom: Principles and Problems." Israel Law Review 29, no. 4 (1995): 551–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700014795.
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First, I want to express my gratitude and sense of honour in being invited to deliver the Lionel Cohen lecture for 1995. The relationship between the Israeli and the British legal systems is a close and mutually beneficial one, and we in Britain in particular owe large debts to the legal community in Israel. This is especially the case in my field, public law, where distinguished academics have enriched our academic literature, notably Justice Zamir, whose work on the declaratory judgment has been so influential. Israeli courts, too, have made major contributions to the development of the common law generally and judicial review very notably.In this lecture I want to discuss the process of constitutional reform in the United Kingdom, and to explore some of the difficulties that lie in the way of reform. Some quite radical reforms to our system of government — the introduction of executive agencies in the British civil service, for instance—have been introduced without resort to legislation. There has been a spate of reform to local government and the National Health Service.
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JAD, ISLAH. "Rereading the British Mandate in Palestine: Gender and the Urban–Rural Divide in Education." International Journal of Middle East Studies 39, no. 3 (August 2007): 338–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380707047x.
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Under Ottoman rule, the relations between native Arabs and Jews in Palestine were based on understanding and respect, as was the case between Muslims and Christians. Shared enrolment of Jewish, Muslim, and Christian students in the same schools—either the Jewish Alliance Israelite schools (established in 1882) or in the nizamiyya, the Ottoman public schools first established by the Turkish law of 1869—promoted mutual understanding for a small elite. In contrast, the British Mandate policy in education played a major role in reshaping national, regional, and class and gender identities. It was through education that two separate national entities were developed, the urban/rural division was deepened, class boundaries were rendered unbridgable, and gender identities were molded to suit the British model.
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Schulhofer, Stephen J. "Checks and Balances in Wartime: American, British and Israeli Experiences." Michigan Law Review 102, no. 8 (August 2004): 1906. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4141970.
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Esber, Rosemarie M. "Rewriting The History of 1948: The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Question Revisited." Holy Land Studies 4, no. 1 (May 2005): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2005.4.1.55.
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The existence of Palestinian refugees remains an unresolved grievance at the heart of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and a major obstacle to peace. This paper places the Palestinian exodus in historiographical context, elucidates the arguments that have characterised the debate over the Palestinian refugees since their creation, and presents new research. The incorporation of the Palestinian viewpoint and British contemporary perspectives from oral histories and the documentary record demonstrate that the creation of the Palestinian refugees during the civil war period lay in the convergence of chaotic civil conflict, the British inaction to suppress the escalating violence, and Zionist offensive operations aimed at forcing out the Arab population.
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Litor, Lilach, Gila Menahem, and Hadara Bar-Mor. "The Rise of the Regulatory Constitutional Welfare State, Publicization, and Constitutional Social Rights: The Case of Israel and Britain." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 691, no. 1 (September 2020): 189–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716220964385.
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This study investigates the mechanisms that courts apply to expose private social service suppliers to constitutional duties. In doing so, we suggest two variants of welfare regimes: the regulatory constitutional welfare state and the regulatory constitutional neoliberal welfare state. We outline how constitutional rights, including social rights, are applied to private entities, and the tests that courts use in doing so. We then analyze the transformation of traditional jurisprudence in Israel since the 1990s, and we discuss developments in British jurisprudence, which embraces a neoliberal approach. We end with an analysis of the differences between British and Israeli jurisprudence to highlight our theoretical framework’s contribution to comparative research.
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Sammy, Rashid. "The Emergence and Evolution of Palestinian Nationalism." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 2, no. 2 (April 1, 2015): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v2i2.1.
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Palestinian nationalism refers to the idea that supports the formation of an Arab Palestinian state with respect to British Mandate of Palestine. In order to test the applicability of the Palestinian nationalism growth, examination of print sources is carried out with respect to Zionism. Its emergence dates after 1967 in the Ottoman loyalty. 1967 onwards marked distinctive Palestinian nationalism, which was at loggerheads with the Israeli state right from the start. Yet, there were differences in how Palestinian nationalism functioned and evolved with respect to the Israeli Arabs and the Palestinian refugees. As a conclusion, a separate Palestinian nationalism took place chiefly to cater to the Zionism issue.
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Amir, Gal, and Na'ama Ben Ze'ev. "Lawyers in transition – Palestinian Arab lawyers in the first decade of the Jewish state." Continuity and Change 35, no. 3 (December 2020): 371–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416020000223.
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AbstractThis article traces the careers of 12 Palestinian Arab lawyers who practised law during the last years of the British Mandate in Palestine (1920–1948), and who became Israeli citizens after 1948. The State of Israel made efforts to limit the professional practice of Palestinian lawyers and to supervise them. Yet, despite the pressures, most of them continued their legal practice and became active in the Israeli public sphere. We show that the Palestinian lawyers’ struggle to maintain their practice in Israel was used to assert autonomy for the legal profession, and concurrently, it was perceived as a touchstone for minority civil rights in the state.
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Edmunds, June. "The British Labour Party in the 1980s: The Battle over the Palestinian/Israeli Conflict." Politics 18, no. 2 (May 1998): 111–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00068.
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Labour Party policy developments in the 1980s have been well-documented. However, the focus has tended to be on intra-party organisation and aspects of domestic and defence policy, with Labour's policy on international issues receiving comparatively little attention. Yet, some of the most interesting debates occurred in this area. One such concern was that over the party's policy towards the Israeli/Palestinian conflict, a set of nationalist rivalries that has long been a source of dilemma for the left. This paper examines how the party's previous pro-Israeli consensus broke down during the 1980s and the processes behind the eventual policy outcome, shedding light on the wider issue of policy change.
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Zamir, Itzhak. "Human Rights and National Security." Israel Law Review 23, no. 2-3 (1989): 375–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700016782.
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The State of Israel came into being forty years ago. Its Declaration of Independence proclaimed that the State “shall guarantee complete equal social and political rights to all its citizens without regard to religion, race or sex”. At the time there was a war being waged for Israel's independence, a war which is not yet over. The threat to Israel's security, both from within and without, is still very real. The struggle for security has been going on, unabated, for forty years, and it exacts a price. Among other things, it exacts a price in human rights. Freedom of expression, for example, is subject to military censorship. As a British judge once remarked, war is not waged in accord with the principles of the Magna Carta.
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Bin Zakariah, Muhamad Hasrul. "Britain and the Arab-Israel Conflict: Questioning the Motives Behind Continued Aid to 1967 Palestinian Refugees." Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN: 2289-8077) 5, no. 1 (July 16, 2008): 189–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v5i1.31.
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British involvement in Middle East politics can be traced to long before the First World War when its economic and strategic interests appeared to be the main reason for the involvement. The emergence of the newly created Israeli state, following the Balfour Declaration, marked the beginning of the Palestinian refugee crisis. Between 1948 and 1956, historical liability and obligation forced the British to be involved in providing humanitarian aid to the Palestinian refugees. British involvement in the Suez Crisis later in 1956, was a tragedy for British influence in the Middle East. Many scholars concluded that the 1956 campaign marked “the end of British empire in the Middle East” and the beginning of the cold war, American-Soviet rivalry that left Britain marginalised. Even prominent Middle East scholars such as Michael Ben Oren, in his book Six Days of War: June 1967 and the Making of Modern Middle East, did not give attention to the British role and involvement in the 1967 crisis. However, the British efforts to regain Arab trust whilst preserving its economic and strategic interests in the Middle East persuaded Britain to remain involved with the Palestinian refugee crisis. None of these scholars have tried to analyse the motives behind continued British involvement in humanitarian aid for Palestinian refugees – the crisis which lingers long after the end of the British Empire in the Middle East. This paper discusses this topic with a focus on refugees from the 1967 war and attempts to explain the reasons for continuation of British aid from an historical perspective. This research was based on historical document analysis and the extraction of archival sources from The National Archive (TNA) in London.
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Zor, Rama, Naomi Fineberg, Haggai Hermesh, Gbenga Asigo, Sanjay Nelson, Hena Agha, and David Eilam. "Are There Between-Country Differences in Motor Behavior of Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder Patients?" CNS Spectrums 15, no. 7 (July 2010): 445–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1092852900000377.
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ABSTRACTBackground: Cross-cultural factors attributed to obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) that are widely investigated around the world are mostly epidemiological, with no respect to the impact of culture on the structure of OCD behavior itself.Methods: Nine Israeli and nine British OCD patients with respective non-OCD individuals were compared. To determine whether OCD symptoms are consistent across cultures, similarities in behavior were analyzed, as well as differences due to a country effect. In each country, nine OCD patients and nine non-OCD individuals were videotaped while performing the task that the patients attributed to their behavior.Results: Except for a significantly higher rate of repetition and higher performance of idiosyncratic acts, patients from both Israel and the United Kingdom showed high levels of similarities in 22 out of 24 parameters. Compared with Israeli subjects, British OCD patients had significantly longer chains of idiosyncratic acts, and a twice-higher prevalence of brief (1–2 second) idiosyncratic acts. Between-country differences were mild, possibly overridden by the conspicuous impact of OCD pathology, resulting in a similar OCD phenotype.Conclusion: These results qualitatively and quantitatively emphasize the universal appearance of the compulsions in OCD symptoms.
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Eysenck, Sybil B. G., and Orenia Yanai. "A Cross-Cultural Study of Personality: Israel and England." Psychological Reports 57, no. 1 (August 1985): 111–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1985.57.1.111.
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688 men and 362 women were given the 101-item version of the Adult Eysenck Personality Questionnaire which had been translated into Hebrew. Factor comparisons indicated that identical factors of Psychoticism, Extraversion, Neuroticism, and Social Desirability were observed in Israeli data. Reliabilities were satisfactorily high for all factors except Psychoticism which was rather weak. Means showed the usual sex differences, with men scoring higher than women on Psychoticism and Extraversion but lower on Neuroticism and Lie scales. Cross-cultural comparisons of means, computed on reduced scoring keys containing only items in common, indicated that Israeli subjects (both sexes) scored higher than the British ones on Extraversion and Lie scales but lower on Psychoticism and Neuroticism scales.
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Amara, Ahmad. "The Negev Land Question." Journal of Palestine Studies 42, no. 4 (2013): 27–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2013.42.4.27.
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This article explores the legal issues and policies surrounding Bedouin land ownership and dispossession in the Negev. By tracing the colonial legal trajectory—from Ottoman to British and finally, to the current Israeli adoption and development of legal doctrines—the author exposes an intricate manipulation of historical legal policies being used to further displace tens of thousands of Bedouin Arabs living in the Negev today. This displacement is further contextualized as not only legally steeped in colonial heritage, but also as part and parcel of an active, larger colonial Judaization scheme by the Israeli state towards its Palestinian citizens. This article discusses the most recent of these schemes in the Negev: the Prawer Plan.
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Salman Al - Shammari, Mustafa Ibrahim, and Dhari Sarhan Hammadi Al-Hamdani. "British foreign policy towards the Palestinian cause since 2003." Tikrit Journal For Political Science 3, no. 11 (March 1, 2019): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v3i11.103.
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The topic area of that’s paper dealing with role of Britain in established of Israel, so the paper argued the historical developments of Palestinian question and Role of Britain Government toward peace process since 1992, and then its insight toward plan of Palestinian State.
That’s paper also argued the British Policy toward Israeli violations toward Palestinians people, and increased with settlement policy by many procedures like demolition of houses, or lands confiscation, the researcher argued the Britain position toward that’s violations beside the political developments which happens in Britain after Theresa May took over the power in Ten Downing Street
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Penkov, Vladimir Fedorovich, and Feras Alfedeilat. "Palestinian political regime in the era of British colonization of 1917-1948: political-legal aspect." Международные отношения, no. 1 (January 2020): 51–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2020.1.32419.
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The core of the Palestinian political regime takes its roots in the course of the struggle for independence against British occupation government that attempted to establish Jewish State in the territory of Western Palestine. This research examines the history of Palestine under the British Mandate after the World War I. The object of this article is Palestine in the time of creation of post-colonial system of international relations; while the subject is the political-legal aspects of Palestinian political regime during British colonization period of 1917-1948. The article is based on the political-retrospective analysis of regional situation. The authors were able to determine the factors that contributed to the emergence of Arab-Israeli conflict; reveal the state of Palestinian internal political forces and actors, their impact upon the political regime of Palestinian State; as we;; as well as identify the potential conflict risk zones within the Arab leadership. Analysis of the regional situation allows formulating approaches towards forecasting the course of events.
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Parsons, Laila. "Soldiering for Arab Nationalism: Fawzi al-Qawuqji in Palestine." Journal of Palestine Studies 36, no. 4 (January 1, 2007): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2007.36.4.33.
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Fawzi al-Qawuqji was a soldier and Arab nationalist who fought European colonialism all over the Middle East between World War I and 1948. He served as an officer in the 4th Brigade of the Ottoman Army, fighting the British advance north through Palestine; led the al-Hama sector of the Syrian Revolt against the French in 1925––1927; was one of the rebel leaders in the Arab revolt against the British in Palestine in 1936; participated in the Rashid ‘‘Ali al-Kaylani coup against the British-controlled government in Iraq in 1941; and served as field commander of the Arab Liberation Army in the 1948 Arab-Israeli war. This essay, part of a larger study of Qawuqji’’s life and career, is based on his published memoirs as well as his private papers, stored in boxes at the back of a closet in the Beirut apartment where he lived after his retirement until his death in 1976.
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Krylov, А. "The Jewish Paramilitary Organizations in Palestine before the Creation of the State of Israel in 1948." Journal of International Analytics, no. 3 (September 28, 2016): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2016-0-3-45-57.
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The article takes a look at the history and origin of the main Jewish paramilitary organizations in the British Mandate of Palestine (1921–1948). One of the myths often used in Western and Israeli propagandistic literature describes Israel as a very weak state that after obtaining its sovereignty became extremely vulnerable to the heavily armed Arab hordes that invaded it immediately after the declaration of the Israeli State. However, the analysis above shows that the first Arab-Israeli conflict in 1948–1949 was not a battle between young David against the giant Goliath. By the time of the creation of Israel all the Jewish paramilitary organizations operating in Yishuv – “Haganah”, “Irgun” and LEHI – united creating the IDF. The national army of the newborn State met all the requirements of its time, was much better equipped, trained, mobilized and armed than the soldiers of all the neighboring Arab countries, which objectively predetermined their crushing defeat.
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GAL, JOHN. "How well does a partnership in pensions really work? The Israeli public/private pension mix." Ageing and Society 22, no. 2 (March 2002): 161–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x02008619.
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This paper takes the old-age pension system in Israel as a test case to examine the implications of proposals for pension reform now being debated or implemented in many welfare states. For over a decade, high on the agenda of decision-makers on both national and international levels, there has been the notion of moving towards a changing ‘partnership in pensions’ or, to put it more bluntly, towards greater privatisation of social security. Virtually since its emergence in the 1950s, the Israeli old-age pension has been based primarily upon a mix of low universal state pensions and income-related private occupational pensions. This paper compares the British and Israeli social security systems for older people in the wake of the reforms recently introduced in Britain and analyses the implications of the Israeli structure on the distribution of social security spending and on the wellbeing of different categories of older individuals.