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Relevant bibliographies by topics / British liberals

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Academic literature on the topic 'British liberals'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "British liberals"

1

Thompson, Graeme. "Reframing Canada’s Great War: Liberalism, sovereignty, and the British Empire c. 1860s–1919." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 73, no. 1 (March 2018): 85–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702018765936.

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This article examines how Canadian Liberals understood Canada’s international relations in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, situating their political thought within the British imperial world and their views of the Great War in a broader historical context. It argues that while Liberals regarded Canadian participation in the war as an affirmation of nationhood, they nonetheless conceived of Canada as a “British nation” and an integral part of a British imperial community in international politics. The article further illuminates the growth of an autonomous Canadian foreign policy within the British Empire, and shows that even the staunchest Liberal proponents of independence upheld the Dominion’s British connection. In so doing, it connects the history of Canadian Liberalism to a wider British Liberal tradition that advocated the transformation of the relationship between the United Kingdom and its settler Dominions from one of imperial dependence to that of equal, sovereign, and freely associated nations.

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Sherington, Geoffrey. "British academics, liberalism, and the First World War." History of Education Review 45, no. 2 (October 3, 2016): 198–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/her-09-2015-0019.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of the War on two prominent academic liberal historians. Design/methodology/approach The research is based on a narrative of their lives and careers before and during the War. Findings The findings include an analysis of how the War engaged these academic liberals in the pursuit of the War effort. Originality/value By the end of the War, both sought to reaffirm much of their earlier academic liberalism despite the political and social changes in the post-war world.

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Nagel, Jack H., and Christopher Wlezien. "Centre-Party Strength and Major-Party Divergence in Britain, 1945–2005." British Journal of Political Science 40, no. 2 (March 24, 2010): 279–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123409990111.

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British elections exhibit two patterns contrary to expectations deriving from Duverger and Downs: centrist third parties (Liberals and their successors) win a large vote share; and the two major parties often espouse highly divergent policies. This article explores relations between the Liberal vote and left–right scores of the Labour and Conservative manifestos in the light of two hypotheses: the vacated centre posits that Liberals receive more votes when major parties diverge; the occupied centre proposes a lagged effect in which major parties diverge farther after Liberals do well in the preceding election. Data from elections since 1945 confirm the vacated-centre hypothesis, with Liberals benefiting about equally when the major parties diverge to the left and right, respectively. The results also support the occupied-centre hypothesis for Conservative party positions, but not for Labour’s. After considering explanations for this asymmetry, we identify historical events associated with turning points that our data reveal in post-war British politics.

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Vranic, Bojan. "Toward ideational collective action: The notions of common good and of the state in late 19th century social liberalism." Filozofija i drustvo 30, no. 3 (2019): 369–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1903369v.

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The aim of this paper is to analyze notions of common good and of the state in late 19th century British social liberalism and their relation to collective action of the citizens. The author shows that British social liberals argued for a type of state that uses top down strategy to encourage collective action in order to transform individuals into a socially responsible groups, i.e. good citizens. The paper focuses on philosophical works of F. H. Bradley, ethics of T. H. Green and political philosophy of B. Bosanquet, analyzing their efforts to reconceptualize ideas of classical liberalism and utilitarian doctrine of the individual, society and the state in light of emerging influence of leftist social movements. The author argues that the works of British social liberals are a foundation of the state and society which will dominate liberalism in the second half of 20th century, i.e. the idea of the welfare state.

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WEINSTEIN, BENJAMIN. "LIBERALISM, LOCAL GOVERNMENT REFORM, AND POLITICAL EDUCATION IN GREAT BRITAIN AND BRITISH INDIA, 1880–1886." Historical Journal 61, no. 1 (April 9, 2017): 181–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1600056x.

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AbstractThis article attempts to shed new light on the character of late Victorian Liberalism by investigating its political priorities in British India. It takes as its particular focus the debates which raged between 1881 and 1883 over the Government of India Resolution on Local Self-Government. Along with the Ilbert Bill, the Resolution comprised the centrepiece of the marquis of Ripon's self-consciously Liberal programme for dismantling Lytton's Raj. When analysed in conjunction with contemporaneous Liberal discourse on English local government reform, the debates surrounding the Resolution help to clarify many of the central principles of late Victorian Liberalism. In particular, these debates emphasize the profound importance of local government reform to what one might call the Liberal project. Beyond its utility in effecting retrenchment, efficiency, and ‘sound finance’, local government reform was valued by Liberals as the best and safest means of effecting ‘political education’ among populations, in both Britain and India, with increasingly strong claims to inclusion within the body politic.

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Smith, James Patterson. "Empire and Social Reform: British Liberals and the “Civilizing Mission” in the Sugar Colonies, 1868–1874." Albion 27, no. 2 (1995): 253–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051528.

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In contrast to the spirit of laissez-faire, the Colonial Office under Gladstone's first government served as a large-scale social engineering agency concerned with the cautious restructuring of volatile societies in the sugar-producing colonies of the West Indies and the Indian Ocean. From the perspective of the Colonial Office civilizing the barbarian made him more governable. There is a revealing paradox in the fact that so much of what Victorian Liberals did in the name of civilizing benighted natives involved active government initiatives in imperial settings. Under the banner of “peace, retrenchment, and reform” nineteenth-century British Liberals advocated cost-cutting and laissez-faire at home and non-expansion abroad. Liberal leaders' public statements in this vein helped set the historiographical stereotype of supposed Gladstonian Liberal “little Englandism” versus a dramatic imperial policy shift toward “forward movement” in the Disraelian Conservative era. Scholarship over the last thirty years has refuted this older view and has stressed the continuity of British imperialism throughout the nineteenth century. However, a careful examination of the details of policy reveals that from 1868–74 the Liberals not only valued the Empire, but were willing to sacrifice their own theories of limited government in order to strengthen the British hold—even on their bankrupt sugar colonies in the Caribbean and Indian oceans. Initiatives in colonial religion, education, health, justice, and labor regulation demonstrate a surprising Liberal bent toward government activism in the non-white Empire. Moreover, the self-conscious and energetic manipulation of such a wide range of policy tools reveals a serious Liberal commitment to empire, which further belies the old notion that from 1868–74, “little Englandism” reached its high point.

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Whiteley, Giles. "HENRY LONGUEVILLE MANSEL'S PHONTISTERION (1852)." Victorian Literature and Culture 46, no. 2 (May 16, 2018): 485–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150318000104.

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Established in 1859, as a merger of the Whigs, Radicals and Peelites, the British Liberal Party and their ideological forerunners won 15 out of a total of 20 parliamentary elections between 1832–1910. Responsible for passing socially progressive legislation domestically, Victorian liberalism can lay claim to being the most significant political ideology of the period. By bringing together aspects of classical social liberalism and liberal free-market conservatism, this specifically Victorian brand of liberalism enabled Britain to take a place at the center of world affairs. Indeed, by the mid-1850s, the emergence of Victorian liberalism had begun to be seen as something of a political necessity, as demonstrated by Thomas Babington Macaulay's The History of England from the Accession of James II (1848–61), a foundational text of Whig historicism, in which Lord Charles Grey's 1832 Reform Bill was characterized as the teleological culmination of British history. But while the liberals styled themselves as progressives and their opponents as reactionaries, Whig history has tended to oversimplify the dynamics of this narrative. In this context, Henry Longueville Mansel's closet drama Phontisterion offers a fascinating glimpse into a contemporary Tory response to the seemingly irresistible rise of Victorian liberalism.

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GARASIMCHUK, Anna Nikolaevna. "THE REACTION OF THE LIBERAL CIRCLES OF ENGLAND AT THE FORMATION OF AUSTRIA-HUNGARY IN THE COVERAGE OF THE NEWSPAPER “THE MORNING POST” (1867)." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 175 (2018): 177–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2018-23-175-177-182.

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The reaction of the liberal circles of England to the formation of the dual monarchy of Austria-Hungary in 1867 is considered. The material, on which the study is based, was the Bri- tish newspaper “The Morning Post”, which expressed the interests of the middle class of the bourgeoisie and was the so-called “megaphone” of the Liberal party of Great Britain. Analysis of the newspaper material showed that in the British newspaper the most often raised and considered Austria-Hungary issues are the following: 1) the personality of Emperor Franz Joseph I; 2) the reorganization of the political system of Austria-Hungary on the basis of liberal laws; 3) the adoption of the Constitution of 1867 and the subsequent domestic changes. The study of the journalistic material led to the conclusion that the British liberals met very positively the formation of Austria-Hungary, because in its original form the reforms carried out by the Austrian government were a vivid example of the liberal ideology defended by the liberal community of Great Britain. Nevertheless, the emotionally expressive tone of newspaper articles shows that British liberals, having accepted the changes taking place in Austria-Hungary positively, were not always able to give an objective assessment of what was happening, so the newspaper often does not talk about the real problems of Austrian society.

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Novicic, Zaklina. "Globoscepticism of classical liberals." Medjunarodni problemi 67, no. 1 (2015): 45–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1501045n.

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In the past few years, after 50 years on academic margins the debate on a world government (or world state) is renewed. Traditionally it is followed by aversion toward world state, nowdays called globoscepticism. The paper focuses on classical liberal thinkers of eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and their views on a world state, that have been rooted in early federal peace proposals and analyses of modern political thinkers (Rousseau, Bentham, Cobden, Mill, Smith, Mill). The author points out on Kant?s ?federalism of free states?, to show it did not imply support for world state but improved international law. Also, it is confirmed that globoskepticism of the classical British liberals, or their distrust of a world organization, arises from general liberal distrust of a big state political organization. The classical liberal attitude has been abandoned by new liberal internationalists at the beginning of the twentieth century, but classical liberal doctrine continues to have both an academic influence and practical outcomes.

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BEHRENT, MICHAEL C. "LIBERAL DISPOSITIONS: RECENT SCHOLARSHIP ON FRENCH LIBERALISM." Modern Intellectual History 13, no. 2 (February 20, 2015): 447–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000845.

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The story of French liberalism is, we are often told, one of exceptions, eccentricities, and enigmas. Compared to their British counterparts, French liberals seem more reluctant to embrace individualism. Whereas liberals in the English-speaking world typically espouse what Isaiah Berlin called “negative liberty”—a sphere of private autonomy from which the state is legally excluded—French liberals have often proved highly accommodating towards “positive liberty”—that is, liberty insofar as it is tethered to collectively defined ends. Most crucially, rather than seeking to shield individuals and civil society from an intrusive state, French liberals—consistent with a broader trend in French political culture—are inclined to see the state as an essential and even emancipatory political tool. In this vein, Jean-Fabien Spitz writes in a recent collection entitledFrench Liberalism from Montesquieu to the Present Day,Contemporary historians, political scientists, and philosophers all seem to share a simple idea: French political culture, marked as it is by legalism and statism, constitutes an exception to the main trend in modern political thought, which has been to discover and assert the principles of modern liberty.In addition to departing from some of Anglo-American liberalism's main tenets, French liberalism exhibits other oddities: as Larry Siedentop argued in an important essay, its idiom has tended to be historical (rather than theoretical), institutional (as opposed to ethical) and sociological (not legal or political).2This somewhat idiosyncratic variation on “normal” liberalism has led some scholars to characterize liberalism's French iteration as a “chaotic mixture.”3Others have questioned the extent to which liberalism is really a significant French political tradition at all. France's Revolutionary culture has been described as ultimately “illiberal,” leading some historians to speak of a FrenchSonderweg,4in which France's “special path” consists in the fact that it entered the modern age without having developed genuinely liberal institutions.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "British liberals"

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Palmer, Michael R. "The British nexus and the Russian liberals, 1905-1917." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2000. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=88128.

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Laity, Paul. "The British peace movement 1896-1916 : ideas and dilemmas." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.339819.

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Dubinski, R. David. "British liberals and radicals and the treatment of Germany, 1914-1920." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1992. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272734.

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Proudman, Mark F. "Inventing economic imperialism : British liberals change their minds about capitalism and war." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.413528.

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So, Robyn Ann. "Incentives for activism in a moribund political party : the case of the BC Liberals." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28284.

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This thesis explains why individuals are active in the British Columbia Liberal Party, considering it was finished as a viable force in BC politics following the 1975 election. What are their motivations and incentives, and the factors that govern them, given the party's inability to reward its workers in terms of winning elections? The analysis is conducted using a two-pronged theoretical approach. This approach posits first, that incentives are dependent on, and independent of, the Liberal Party's ends, including its political principles and its goal of being elected. Second, it posits their incentives arise from both personal gain and psychological needs. Using survey data collected from the BC Liberal Party 1987 leadership convention, I demonstrate that activists are inspired by a variety of motivations that are both dependent on, and independent of, the party's ends. Due to their distinct ideological orientation and purposive concerns, the activists would not fit in any other provincial party. Analysis also reveals that there are two groups of Liberal activists—optimists and realists regarding the future success of the party. Paradoxically, the least optimistic are the most involved in party activity, and the most hopeful are the least involved. I demonstrated that closeness to the federal Liberal party influences the realists' activism in the provincial party. The existing literature on incentives for political party activism tends to focus on patronage, ideology and party-related concerns, such as policy, issues, leaders and candidates. As such, it diminishes the importance of psychological motivations. This thesis found the latter played an equally powerful role in governing motivations for political party activism. In this regard, this thesis has contributed to a more comprehensive understanding of party activism.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate

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Häusler, Clemens Albert Josef. "The transatlantic exchange between American liberals, British Labourites, and German social democrats from the mid-1950s to the mid-1970s." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609089.

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Sell, Geoffrey. "Liberal revival : Jo Grimond and the politics of British Liberalism 1956-1967." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.368855.

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Sayers, Anthony Michael. "Liberal party activists in British Columbia." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28278.

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The purpose of this thesis is to describe and analyze the nature and role of Liberal Party activists in the political life of British Columbia. As activists are at the central core of political parties, describing these activists is essential for understanding parties and the political process in general. The description and analysis are based on the results of a survey of the 1987 Liberal leadership Convention conducted by several members of the Political Science Department at the University of British Columbia, including the author. The resulting information was collated and analyzed then compared with the accepted wisdom concerning Liberal supporters in British Columbia. This thesis reveals the Liberal Party activists in British Columbia to be quite typical of activists found in other parties in Canada. As a result of the party's centre position in the polarized politics of this province, it does tend to attract activists disenchanted with this style of politics. This results in a heterogeneous collection of beliefs amongst activists. The success of the federal Liberal Party and the importance of many federal issues for Liberal Party sympathizers encourages provincial activists to adopt a federal oriented perspective on politics. This is at odds with the two major parties in British Columbia.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate

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Faulkes, Stewart Charles. "The strange death of British Liberalism : the Liberal Summer School movement and the making of the Yellow Book in the 1920s." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.250711.

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Baines, Malcolm Ian. "The survival of the British Liberal Party, 1932-1959." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.290930.

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Books on the topic "British liberals"

1

Indian national movement: The role of British liberals. New Delhi: Criterion Publications, 1986.

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The last British liberals in Africa: Michael Blundell and Garfield Todd. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1999.

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Jalland, Patricia. The liberals and Ireland: The Ulster question in British politics to 1914. Aldershot: Gregg Revivals, 1993.

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Association, British Columbia Liberal. Constitution, Liberal Association, and resolutions adopted by convention of British Columbia Liberals held at Vancouver, B.C., October 1, 2, 3, 1907. Victoria [B.C.]: T.R. Cusack, 1995.

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Mehta, Uday Singh. Liberalism and empire: A study in nineteenth-century British liberal thought. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999.

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Cregier, Don M. Freedom and order: The growth of British liberalism before 1868. North York, Ont: Captus Press, 1988.

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The climax of liberal politics: British liberalism in theory and practice, 1868-1918. London: E. Arnold, 1987.

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The rise and fall of British liberalism, 1776-1988. New York: Longman, 1997.

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Jones, Tudor. The Revival of British Liberalism. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230294929.

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Gerlach, Murney. British Liberalism and the United States. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230510197.

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Book chapters on the topic "British liberals"

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Lowe, Norman. "The Liberals in Power 1905–14." In Mastering Modern British History, 385–417. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11106-0_20.

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Lowe, Norman. "The Liberals in power, 1905–14." In Mastering Modern British history, 396–427. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-01398-9_21.

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Lowe, Norman. "The Liberals in power 1905–14." In Mastering Modern British History, 298–326. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-60388-3_19.

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Lowe, Norman. "The Liberals in power 1905–14." In Mastering Modern British History, 330–53. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14668-0_21.

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Jones, Tudor. "Liberals, Owen and the Social Market Economy: 1983–1988." In The Revival of British Liberalism, 118–42. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230294929_7.

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Goodlad, Graham. "British Liberals and the Irish Home Rule crisis: the dynamics of division." In Gladstone and Ireland, 86–109. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230292451_5.

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Leach, Robert. "Liberalism." In British Political Ideologies, 66–99. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14909-4_4.

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Fisher, Justin. "The Liberal Democrats." In British Political Parties, 94–115. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-15024-3_5.

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McDonald, Robert. "‘Variants of Liberalism’ and the Liberal Order Framework in British Columbia." In Liberalism and Hegemony, 322–46. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442688483-013.

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Walters, Alan. "Economists and the British Economy." In Explorations in Economic Liberalism, 103–25. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24967-1_6.

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Conference papers on the topic "British liberals"

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Wu, Hongyu. "Comparative Study on Sino-British Liberal Educational Ideology and Directional Model of Its Intrinsic Pattern." In IPEC 2021: 2021 2nd Asia-Pacific Conference on Image Processing, Electronics and Computers. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3452446.3452449.

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