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Journal articles on the topic 'British national film movement'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 17 February 2022

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1

MacDonald, Richard. "Evasive Enlightenment:World Without Endand the Internationalism of Postwar Documentary." Journal of British Cinema and Television 10, no. 3 (July 2013): 452–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2013.0150.

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This article explores the discursive theme of documentary's crisis and renewal through internationalism as it evolved at the Edinburgh International Film Festival, established in 1947. During its first decade Edinburgh was the most significant forum for discussion on the future of documentary as an international genre, a debate to which all the key figures of the prewar generation contributed, as critics, panelists, advisors, speakers and film-makers. Amid a sense of crisis for British documentary, marked by the perceived dominance of instructional film-making of limited social and aesthetic ambition, these figures urged film-makers to look to the developing world, where the old themes of documentary could inspire new work to match the canonical works of the past. Presented at Edinburgh in 1953 World Without End, an aesthetically ambitious film made in Siam and Mexico, sponsored by the international agency UNESCO and co-directed by two of the British documentary movement's most celebrated film-makers Basil Wright and Paul Rotha, was widely praised as renewing the prewar traditions of the sponsored documentary. The article argues that the well-intentioned critical discourse of renewal through thematic engagement with international development, evident in the reception of World Without End, evades the contemporary politics of the British state's relationship to its empire, the movements of national liberation that actively sought to end it and the new forms of despotism nurtured by the geopolitics of the Cold War.

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2

Roggen, Sam. "No Quarterly Can Be Too Personal: How Sequence Provided a Pragmatic Alternative to the Politique des Auteurs." Journal of British Cinema and Television 10, no. 2 (April 2013): 340–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2013.0138.

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This article offers a critical reassessment of Sequence, the short-lived British film journal (1946–52), which is mainly remembered because its contributors co-founded the Free Cinema movement. Sequence, however, played a crucial, but overlooked, role in the development of film theory. Its core ideas foreshadowed those of Cahiers du Cinéma, the magazine that invariably occurs in the canon as the first journal to emphasise the crucial role of the director and to re-evaluate a group of film-makers regarded as anonymous studio employees. This article, which is based on a close reading of pieces from Sequence's fourteen issues, compares its vision and policy with those of Cahiers (which it preceded), revealing deep-seated similarities between the two, from a dissatisfaction with their respective national film cultures to a preference for analyses focusing on visual style. But whilst the Sequence writers argued that the director played the cardinal role in the production process, they also opposed the Young Turks of Cahiers by never approaching films as the expression of the director's vision alone. Sequence focused on the collective nature of Hollywood production, and thus came closer to the ideas of André Bazin, who actually criticised his young disciples at Cahiers for neglecting the genius of the system. Furthermore, Sequence demonstrated the possibility of a nuanced analysis that did not sacrifice the fascination with the intense, poetic moments that escape traditional theory, thereby echoing Jean Epstein's concept of photogénie, as well as prefiguring more recent forms of cinephilia. This article argues that it is precisely Sequence's pragmatic approach that is the reason for its relative absence in traditional film theory, which is modelled as a dialectical series of radical ideas, such as those of the polemically minded Cahiers.

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Low, D. A. "VI. Counterpart Experiences: Indian and Indonesian Nationalisms 1920s–1950s." Itinerario 10, no. 1 (March 1986): 117–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009013.

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India's national day is 26 January; Indonesia's 17 August. They point to a difference. 26 January derives from the Indian National Congress' decision at its Lahore Congress in December 1929 to launch a Civil Disobedience movement against the British Government in India. Jawaharlal Nehru as Congress' President arranged that the first step would be for thousands of Congress rank and file to join together on 26 January 1930 to take the Independence Pledge. This declared that since ‘it is the inalienable right of the Indian people […] to have freedom, […] if any government deprives a people of those rights […] the people have a […] right to […] abolish it […]. We recognise, however, that the most effective way of gaining freedom is not through violence. We will, therefore, prepare ourselves by withdrawing, so far as we can, all voluntary association from the British Government and will prepare for Civil Disobedience.’ From that moment onwards 26 January has been India's Independence Day, though when it was first held India's independence still stood 17 years away. The celebrations have thus come to link post-independent India with the feats of the Indian national movement which for so many years pursued the strategy of civil disobedience, and which, despite a series of intervening fits and starts, is seen to have been crucial to its success. For India the heroics of its freedom struggle lie, that is, in its elon-gated pre-independence past, of long years of humiliating harassment and costly commitment. They are not much associated with the final run up to independence. With the emphasis rather upon the earlier, principally Gandhian years, of protests and processions, of proscriptions and prison, the final transfer of power is not seen, moreover, as comprising a traumatic break with the past, but as the logical climax to all that had gone before. The direct continuities between the pre- and post-independence periodes in India in these respects are accepted as a central part of its national heritage.

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4

Swinton, Tilda. "Subverting Images of the Female." New Theatre Quarterly 6, no. 23 (August 1990): 215–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00004516.

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This is the third in a series of interviews with women who are involved in various capacities in feminist theatre today, whose career paths intersect and connect with the feminist movement and the feminist theatre movement, tracing developments and shifts in the feminist theory and practice of the past fifteen years. The first interview, with Gillian Hanna of Monstrous Regiment, set out to provide an update of previously published information, and thereby to keep alive and accurate the current debate about British feminist theatre groups. The second interview, with playwright Charlotte Keatley, put forward a new vision of a ‘map’ to women and (play)writing. This interview carries on the discourse between feminist theatres and their intended audiences by putting forward the responses of one of Britain's strongest young performers, Tilda Swinton, to questions about the challenges and expectations involved in performing gender roles and reversals, or of ‘playing woman’, on film and on stage. Tilda Swinton was born in London in 1960. She studied Social and Political Sciences and English at Cambridge as an undergraduate from 1980 to 1983, under the supervision of Margot Heinemann. It was at Cambridge that Swinton first met and worked with director Stephen Unwin, her closest colleague throughout her career. In 1983, she went to Southampton and worked for six months at the Nuffield Theatre, where she earned her Equity card. In 1984–85, she worked with the RSC, but has chosen not to work on the main stages of the nationally subsidized theatres since. Swinton is primarily known for her work in political theatre, based at the Traverse Theatre, Edinburgh, the Almeida (most notably on The Tourist Guide in 1987 and Mozart and Salieri in 1989), and the Royal Court in London, where she starred in the celebrated Man to Man – a transfer from the Traverse – in 1987, and where she assistant-directed Conquest of the South Pole in 1988. Swinton has also worked at the National Theatre Studio, and has just played Nova at the Cottesloe in a production of Peter Handke's The Long Way Round. She has worked in Italian opera (1988), and has collaborated on and been featured in films by John Berger (Play Me Something, 1988) and Derek Jarman (most notably, Caravaggio, 1986; The Last of England, 1987; and War Requiem, 1988): she continues to collaborate with both. Current and future projects include work on a TV series written by John Byme, which began filming in late September 1989, and work with director Sally Potter on a film adaptation of Virginia Woolf's Orlando, in which Swinton plays Orlando.

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5

Martin, Tara. "The Beginning of Labor's End? Britain's “Winter of Discontent” and Working-Class Women's Activism." International Labor and Working-Class History 75, no. 1 (2009): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909000052.

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AbstractIn the midst of the freezing winter of 1978 and 1979, strikes erupted across Britain. In what became infamously known as the “Winter of Discontent,” workers struck against the Labour Government's attempts to curtail wage increases. The defeat of this “incomes policy” and Labour's subsequent electoral defeat ushered in an era of unprecedented political, economic, and social change for Britain. Conservative victory, under the leadership of Margaret Thatcher, not only seemed to signal the dissolution of “traditional” working-class ties to the Labour Party, it also suggested that British working-class politics might finally be on its last leg. Furthermore, a potent social myth developed around the Winter of Discontent, one where “bloody-minded” workers brought down a sympathetic government and “invited” the ravages of Thatcherism upon the British labor movement.Absent from these various narratives are the experiences of rank-and-file activists, in particular, the growing number of female trade unionists active in these strikes. This article examines the experiences of a group of women trade unionists from the National Union of Public Employees (NUPE) who participated in the strikes of the Winter of Discontent. Based on oral histories and corresponding archival material, it argues that the Winter of Discontent provided a crucial “rite of passage” for these women, one which exposed them to an unprecedented level of involvement in grassroots labor activism and leadership. Thereafter, these working-class women began to make significant inroads into NUPE and the Labour Party, which helped to make working women's issues more central to the British labor movement for decades to come. Therefore, rather than being the death knell of British working-class politics, this study of women involved in the Winter of Discontent strikes reveals that while one form of working-class politics was in decline, a reconfigured one was in the process of being born.

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6

Travers, Tim, and Paul Swann. "The British Documentary Film Movement, 1926-1946." American Historical Review 96, no. 2 (April 1991): 519. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163290.

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7

Thomas, Peter. "The British workshop movement and Amber film." Studies in European Cinema 8, no. 3 (May 18, 2012): 195–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/seci.8.3.195_1.

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8

Britain, Ian, and Stephen G. Jones. "The British Labour Movement and Film, 1918-1939." American Historical Review 95, no. 1 (February 1990): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163020.

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9

Macfie, A. "British Intelligence and the Turkish National Movement, 1919-22." Middle Eastern Studies 37, no. 1 (January 2001): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714004366.

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10

Higson, A. "Ian Aitken, Film and Reform: John Grierson and the Documentary Film Movement; Paul Swann, The British Documentary Film Movement, 1926-1946 (Cambridge Studies in Film)." Screen 32, no. 3 (September 1, 1991): 350–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/screen/32.3.350.

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11

Rice, Tom. "Distant Voices of Malaya, Still Colonial Lives." Journal of British Cinema and Television 10, no. 3 (July 2013): 430–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2013.0149.

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Through the example of the Crown film Voices of Malaya (1948), this article examines interrelated postwar shifts in colonial history and British documentary cinema. Produced over three tumultuous years (1945–8) – in Malaya and England, with local film-makers and British documentarians – Voices of Malaya is a hybrid text torn between traditions of British documentary cinema and an emerging instructional, colonial cinema; between an international cinema for overseas audiences and a local cinema used within government campaigns and between an earlier ideal of empire and a rapidly changing, late liberal imperialism. The article challenges the traditional decline and fall narrative of the British documentary movement, as I examine the often overlooked ‘movement overseas’ of film-makers, practices and ideologies into the colonies after the war. In charting the emergence of the Malayan Film Unit, I examine the role of the British documentary movement in the formation of local postcolonial cinemas.

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12

Anthony, S., and J. G. Mansell. "Introduction: The Documentary Film Movement and the Spaces of British Identity." Twentieth Century British History 23, no. 1 (January 23, 2012): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwr054.

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13

Haggith, Toby. "Women Documentary Film-makers and the British Housing Movement, 1930–45." Journal of British Cinema and Television 18, no. 4 (October 2021): 478–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2021.0591.

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This article examines the role women played, as film-makers and participants, in the development of the documentary genre from 1930 into the wartime period. In the 1930s and 1940s, the topics of slum clearance and town planning were a preoccupation of British documentary and non-fiction cinema. This article therefore first focuses on the little-known propaganda films generated by housing charities in the 1930s. After an examination of the use of films in the campaigns for better housing between the wars, it concentrates on three films which are linked by the inclusion of filmed interviews with the poorly housed. The study starts with a re-evaluation of Housing Problems (1935) and Kensal House (1937), widely regarded as the first of the genre, placing them in the context of the housing movement. It then gives an overview of the housing issue and female documentary-making during the Second World War, as background to a case study of film-maker Kay Mander, concentrating on her end-of-war manifesto Homes for the People (1945), which saw a further development of the interview technique and presented the women's perspective in a feminist manner. This article shows that women were not only instrumental in the development of the housing documentary but that the films they made promoted a female-orientated and progressive view of housing provision and town planning for working-class people. It was a passion for social change and a growing belief in the democratisation of the image of the poorly housed that determined changes in treatment in the films of the documentary film movement.

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14

Stockwell, Richard, and Carson T. Schütze. "Objectless locative prepositions in British English." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 4, no. 1 (March 15, 2019): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v4i1.4551.

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In British English, sentences like This film has monsters in are possible without the pronoun it. Descriptively, we refine landscape of the phenomenon, identifying restrictions on the distribution and interpretation of OLPs, including dialectal variation within British English, and observing an A-bar movement restriction on monsters. Analytically, we argue against an A-movement analysis (Griffiths & Sailor), and ponder alternatives from a cross-linguistic perspective.

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15

PENTLAND, GORDON. "SCOTLAND AND THE CREATION OF A NATIONAL REFORM MOVEMENT, 1830–1832." Historical Journal 48, no. 4 (December 2005): 999–1023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05004899.

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The popular movement for parliamentary reform after 1830 managed to sustain its campaign for over eighteen months. The popular movement itself has largely been studied at a local level, and undoubtedly local contexts were influential in conditioning responses to reform. Reformers, however, predominantly represented themselves as patriots involved in a pan-British struggle, and this was a key factor in sustaining the mobilization. This article explores the reform movement on its own terms in one ‘national’ context, that of Scotland. If the immediate political context of reform was a spur to unity, the languages and strategies of reformers provided the real glue. Scottish reformers represented themselves as patriots involved in a ‘national movement’ and this article will analyse how the reform movement could act as a solvent for apparently conflicting aspects of Scottish and British national identities. It will argue that reformers deployed a language of ‘unionist-nationalism’ – which coupled demands for greater access to the British constitution with appeals to popular understandings of Scottish history – to call for reform, mobilize support, and maintain the unity of the movement.

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Macfie, A. L. "British Views of the Turkish National Movement in Anatolia, 1919-22." Middle Eastern Studies 38, no. 3 (July 2002): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714866707.

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17

Easen, Sarah. "Building Reputations: The Careers of Mary Field, Margaret Thomson and Kay Mander." Journal of British Cinema and Television 18, no. 4 (October 2021): 498–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2021.0592.

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Film historians have generally concentrated their research of British non-fiction film-making on the male directors and producers of the British documentary movement. This has resulted in the marginalisation of those operating in other non-fiction genres, in particular the many women documentarists who worked on educational, instructional, travel, commercial, government and industrial films from the 1930s to the 1970s. This article examines the histories of three women documentary film-makers to assess why women are frequently missing from the established accounts of the genre and argue for their inclusion. It provides an overview of women in British documentary histories, followed by case studies of three women who worked in the sector: Mary Field, Margaret Thomson and Kay Mander. It investigates their collegial networks and considers the impact of gender discrimination on their careers in order to understand why they have received so little recognition in histories of the British documentary film movement.

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18

Martin, Ron. "Is British economic geography in decline?" Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 50, no. 7 (May 27, 2018): 1503–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x18774050.

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In this brief note on the movement (or should it be defection?) of UK economic geographers from geography departments into business schools, I argue that this movement is in fact part of a wider de-prioritization and emasculation of economic geography within many geography departments across the country. Yet this rundown of British economic geography has occurred precisely at a time when the importance and relevance of the subdiscipline have become increasingly recognized within national and local policy circles. Reversing the institutional decline of economic geography across the British university system is therefore imperative.

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Rajput, A. H., D. Calne, and A. E. Lang. "National Conference on Parkinson's Disease." Canadian Journal of Neurological Sciences / Journal Canadien des Sciences Neurologiques 18, no. 1 (February 1991): 87–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0317167100031371.

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A National Conference on Parkinson's disease was held on September 7th-8th, 1990 in Victoria, British Columbia. The scientific program included 11 formal presentations, 10 small group workshops and video presentations of interesting examples of movement disorders. The subjects discussed ranged from epidemiology and etiology to current and possible future modes of management of Parkinson's disease.

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Anthony, Scott. "The Future's in the Air: Imperial Airways and the British Documentary Film Movement." Journal of British Cinema and Television 8, no. 3 (October 2011): 301–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2011.0041.

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21

Sabnis, Maitree Vaidya. "Historiography of National Movement: A Case of ‘Indian India’." History Research Journal 5, no. 5 (September 27, 2019): 166–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/hrj.v5i5.8057.

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Modern Indian historians has focused most of its attention on writing history of British India and discourses on the princely states or ‘Indian India’ was left to the margins. The Princely states which consisted of at least half of population and region in the pre-independent times did not experience the strength of national movement. There were two contradictory responses from the states. On the one hand the rulers were believed to be in cahoots with the colonial government and on the other people of some of the princely states went against their own rulers and supported the Indian national movement. This paper highlights various writings on the idea of nationalism in the princely states and its binary responses.

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Archer, Neil. "‘The shit just got real’: Parody and National Film Culture inThe StrikeandHot Fuzz." Journal of British Cinema and Television 13, no. 1 (January 2016): 42–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2016.0295.

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This article argues for the productive function of parody within British film-making, both as an aesthetic strategy for wider distribution, but also as an important approach to the depiction and construction of a national film culture. Going against the conception that parody in the British context negatively signifies what British film is not (in this case, Hollywood), and implicitly asserts a more authentic model for a national cinema (typically, realism), the article argues for parody's value as a mode of representation, particularly within the broader contexts of globalisation. Using the Channel 4 film The Strike (1988) and Working Title's Hot Fuzz (2007) as case studies, it shows parody as responding in specific ways to distinct and changing circumstances of film production, film viewing and British film culture's relationship to Hollywood. The article argues that The Strike's negative uses of parody, while seemingly aligned with an anti-Hollywood discourse pertinent to its contexts, disavows both its own resistance to realism and its own playful use of popular generic modes. Meanwhile, Hot Fuzz, though superficially employing the same approach, can be seen to offer a more nuanced reflection on the limitations and possibilities of ‘national film’ in the early twenty-first century, both as discourse and product. As the article concludes, uses of parody in both texts bring into focus ways of reconciling industrial and cultural frameworks for national cinemas, especially within an increasingly globalised economy.

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Lone, Suhail-ul-Rehman. "The princely states and the national movement: The case of Kashmir (1931–39)." Studies in People's History 4, no. 2 (October 23, 2017): 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2348448917725855.

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The British created an invisible wall between ‘British India’ and the ‘Princely India’ by governing the latter indirectly through hereditary princes, who were supposedly fully autonomous, but for British ‘paramountcy’. The Indian National Congress had from the beginning adopted a policy of non-interference in the states’ affairs, which Mahatma Gandhi too upheld. However, nationalism began to cast its influence in the states despite this policy of non-interference. In Kashmir the opposition to the Maharaja took, first, the form of a Muslim agitation against the ruler’s oppressive measures. But in time as the movement against the Dogra Raj obtained increasing support from the nationalist leaders, notably Jawaharlal Nehru, the Muslim Conference (later named National Conference) leadership headed by Sheikh Abdullah gravitated towards the All-India States Peoples Conference and its spiritual parent, the Congress. The Congress too abandoned its policy of non-interference fully by 1939. This shift ultimately caused a rift in the valley, with Ch. Ghulam Abbas forming the Muslim Conference in opposition to Sheikh Abdullah’s National Conference in 1941.

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Black, Jeremy. "James Chapman, Past and Present: National Identity and the British Historical Film." Journal of British Cinema and Television 3, no. 1 (May 2006): 180–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2006.3.1.180.

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Duckett, Victoria. "Interview with Bryony Dixon, British Film Institute National Archive, January 13, 2015." Feminist Media Histories 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2016): 93–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fmh.2016.2.1.93.

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Moody, Nickianne. "Interview with Jez Stewart, Curator (Non-Fiction), British Film Institute National Archive." Popular Narrative Media 2, no. 2 (January 1, 2009): 213–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/pnm.2009.7.

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27

Ziniel, Curtis, and Tony Bradley. "Greening British Businesses." International Journal of Social Quality 8, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ijsq.2018.080202.

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This article examines relationships between a new wave of radical green activism and an increase in greening businesses in Britain. We examine the spread of the movement through the formation of businesses implementing more environmentally sustainable practices. Our empirical data, combined with Office for National Statistics data, are drawn from both the supply and the demand side of the economy. Our analysis tests key individual-level determinants (education, energy conscientiousness, localism) and area-level determinants (party politics, population density). Our findings indicate the main factors in determining the growth of the ethical marketplace. We draw conclusions about relationships between environmental social movements and SME business sectors. Our results have implications for research on ethical business development and consumerism and for literature on social movements and political geography.

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Earle, Wendy, and David Sharp. "The BFI National Library and film education in a digital age." Art Libraries Journal 34, no. 3 (2009): 26–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307472200015984.

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The British Film Institute has always tried to balance its role as a repository of moving image collections and their associated materials with encouraging their study and understanding. This article looks at the increasing opportunities for providing access to material in educational and library contexts, as well as giving an overview of the library.

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Macinnes, Allan I. "Jacobitism in Scotland: Episodic Cause or National Movement?" Scottish Historical Review 86, no. 2 (October 2007): 225–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2007.86.2.225.

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The primary purpose of this article is to examine the strength in depth of Jacobitism within Scotland and to reappraise its national impact. Notwith-standing disparaging Whig polemicists and their apologists in Anglo-British historiography, there was undoubted political substance to the appeal of Jacobitism in Scotland that stretched over seven decades. But the search for this substance raises a series of questions. Was Jacobitism anything more than an occasional interruption in the body politic? Can it be viewed as a patriotic agenda that engaged Scots politically and culturally as well as militarily and subversively? Above all, was Jacobitism a sustained political movement or merely an episodic cause in Scotland? Accordingly, the distinctiveness of Scottish Jacobitism is explored through fresh archival research and extensive polemical material prior to determining whether this distinctiveness found expression more as a movement than as a cause. The focus of debate is shifted away from the Stuart courts in exile, from dynastic identification, and from espionage and diplomacy towards Jacobite communities at home and abroad, towards patriotic identification with Scotland and towards issuesof po litical economy. In the process, a political culture of Scottish Jacobitism can be sustained in terms of its confessional and intellectual development, its organizational structure and its commercial and social networking. Nevertheless, the argument favouring a movement over a cause remains finely balanced but is shaded by the distinctive capacity of Scottish as against English or Irish Jacobitism to form alternative governments, nationally and locally in the course of major risings. More than an episodic cause, Jacobitism's persistence provoked a counter movement in Scotland, that of antiJacobitism, a wholly worthwhile area of study that has yet to be examined systematically and with intellectual rigour. It is hoped that this article will provoke such an examination.

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Morrison, Hugh. "Protestant Children, Missions and Education in the British World." Brill Research Perspectives in Religion and Education 2, no. 2 (August 25, 2021): 1–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25895303-12340004.

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Abstract The British Protestant children’s missionary movement of the nineteenth and early- to mid-twentieth century was an educational movement, wherein philanthropy and pedagogy went hand in hand. Bringing an educational lens to bear on this group provides a more cohesive interpretive framework by which to make sense of the various elements than hitherto has been considered. As such, the Protestant children’s missionary movement emerges historically as a much more complex entity than simply a means of raising money or cramming heads full of knowledge. Across a range of geographic settings it acted as: a key site of juvenile religious and identity formation; a defining vehicle for the creation and maintenance of various types or scales of community (local, denominational, emotional, regional, national or global); a movement within which civic and religious messages were emphatically conflated (especially with respect to nation and empire); and in which children both participated in imperial or quasi-global networks of information exchange (especially as consumers of missionary periodicals) and became informed, active and responsive agents of missionary support in their own right.

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Huzzey, Richard. "A Microhistory of British Antislavery Petitioning." Social Science History 43, no. 3 (2019): 599–623. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2019.19.

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This article refines our understanding of abolitionism as “the first modern social movement” through a microhistory of abolitionism in an eighteenth- and nineteenth-century British town. Examining requisitions, which collected signatures calling on a mayor to convene public meetings to launch parliamentary petitions or other associational activities, the article shows how antislavery mobilization in Plymouth grew amongst a multiplying variety of religious, political, cultural, and economic institutions. Through a prosopography of those initiating antislavery petitions, an analysis of the other requisitions they supported, and qualitative evidence from leading abolitionists’ personal papers, the article details the ways local leaders raised petitions for a national campaign. Civic and religious dynamism at this local level facilitated new forms of contentious mobilization on national and imperial issues. The article therefore directs causal attention to those socioeconomic changes that underpinned the associational cultures of abolitionism.

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Stringer, Julian. "New Chinese Cinema Eds. Klaus Eder and Deac Rossell, National Film Theatre/British Film Institute, 1993. Paperback, 9.99." Asian Cinema 7, no. 2 (November 1, 1995): 142–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ac.7.2.142_5.

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Cortvriend, Jack. "Stylistic convergences between British film and American television: Andrew Haigh’s Looking." Critical Studies in Television: The International Journal of Television Studies 13, no. 1 (February 25, 2018): 96–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1749602017746115.

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This article compares Andrew Haigh’s HBO series, Looking, with his feature films Weekend and 45 Years. It addresses the role of the showrunner, particularly in relation to transmediality and transnationality suggesting there is a convergence between British film and American quality television. In doing this, it also addresses the particularities of Haigh’s style, representations of homonormativity and LGBT+ characters in popular television and the representation of national and ethnic difference in Looking.

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Newland, Paul. "‘I didn't think I'd be working on this type of film’: Berberian Sound Studio and British Art Film as Alternative Film History." Journal of British Cinema and Television 13, no. 2 (April 2016): 262–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2016.0312.

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It could be said that the films of the director Peter Strickland are in many ways exemplars of a rich strain of twenty-first-century British art cinema. Like work by Andrea Arnold, Steve McQueen, Jonathan Glazer, Lynne Ramsay, Ben Wheatley and Sam Taylor-Wood, among others, Strickland's three feature-length films to date are thought-provoking, well-crafted, prestigious, quality productions. But in this article I show that while Strickland's second feature-length film, Berberian Sound Studio, conforms to some of the commonly held understandings of the key traits of British art cinema – especially through its specific history of production and exhibition, its characterisation, its narrative structure, and its evidencing of the vision of an auteur – ultimately it does not sit comfortably within most extant histories of British national cinema or film genre, including art cinema. More than this, though, I argue that in its challenge to such extant critical traditions, Berberian Sound Studio effectively operates as ‘art film as alternative film history’. I demonstrate that it does this through the foregrounding of Strickland's cine-literacy, which notices and in turn foregrounds the historically transnational nature of cinema, and, at the same time, playfully and knowingly disrupts well-established cultural categories and coherent, homogenous histories of cinema.

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Gates, M. C. "Evaluating the reproductive performance of British beef and dairy herds using national cattle movement records." Veterinary Record 173, no. 20 (August 7, 2013): 499. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/vr.101488.

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Bolton, Lucy, Laura Adams, Helen De Witt, David Edgar, Clare Freestone, and Terence Pepper. "Curating Marilyn Monroe: Interviews with the British Film Institute and the National Portrait Gallery." Film, Fashion & Consumption 4, no. 2 (December 1, 2015): 197–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ffc.4.2-3.197_7.

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Jaikumar, P. "An Act of transition: empire and the making of a national British film industry." Screen 43, no. 2 (June 1, 2002): 119–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/screen/43.2.119.

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Robson, Laura. "Communalism and Nationalism in the Mandate: The Greek Orthodox Controversy and the National Movement." Journal of Palestine Studies 41, no. 1 (2011): 6–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2011.xli.1.6.

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The Greek Orthodox Church in Palestine, the largest of the Christian denominations, had long been troubled by a conflict ("controversy") between its all-Greek hierarchy and its Arab laity hinging on Arab demands for a larger role in church affairs. At the beginning of the Mandate, community leaders, reacting to British official and Greek ecclesiastical cooperation with Zionism, formally established an Arab Orthodox movement based on the structures and rhetoric of the Palestinian nationalist movement, effectively fusing the two causes. The movement received widespread (though not total) community support, but by the mid-1940s was largely overtaken by events and did not survive the 1948 war. The controversy, however, continues to negatively impact the community to this day.

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Fox, Jo. "From Documentary Film to Television Documentaries: John Grierson andThis Wonderful World." Journal of British Cinema and Television 10, no. 3 (July 2013): 498–523. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2013.0152.

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In October 1957, John Grierson, the founder of the British documentary film movement, made the transition to a new medium: television. His series for STV, This Wonderful World, which ran in its original form until August 1965, introduced audiences to international documentary in an ‘inter-generic’ magazine format and was among the most popular broadcasts of the fledgling station, which was formed in August 1957 following the introduction of Independent Television (ITV) in 1954. This article analyses how cinematic documentarists made the transition to television and what their experiences reveal of the documentary's place in British society in the 1950s and 1960s. It argues that Grierson's series stood at the centre of debates over ‘prestige’ programming and ‘cultural uplift’, as well as over fears of the allegedly negative influence of ITV on the mass audience, and shows how British television negotiated an increasingly global media and the emergence of the modern television personality. It concludes with an examination of the legacy of early British documentary on television and demonstrates how its pioneers exploited the memory of the 1930s in order to carve out their place in the genre's history.

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Ackers, Peter. "Colliery Deputies in the British Coal Industry Before Nationalization." International Review of Social History 39, no. 3 (December 1994): 383–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085900011274x.

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SummaryThis article challenges the militant and industrial unionist version of British coal mining trade union history, surrounding the Miners' Federation of Great Britain and the National Union of Mineworkers, by considering, for the first time, the case of the colliery deputies' trade union. Their national Federation was formed in 1910, and aimed to represent the three branches of coal mining supervisory management: the deputy (or fireman, or examiner), overman and shotfirer. First, the article discusses the treatment of moderate and craft traditions in British coal mining historiography. Second, it shows how the position of deputy was defined by changes in the underground labour process and the legal regulation of the industry. Third, it traces the history of deputies' union organization up until nationalization in 1947, and the formation of the National Association of Colliery Overmen, Deputies and Shotfirers (NACODS). The article concludes that the deputies represent a mainstream tradition of craft/professional identity and industrial moderation, in both the coal industry and the wider labour movement.

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Ward, Margaret. "Conflicting Interests: The British and Irish Suffrage Movements." Feminist Review 50, no. 1 (July 1995): 127–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1995.27.

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This article uses a case-study of the relationship between the British suffrage organization, the Women's Social and Political Union, and its equivalent on the Irish side, the Irish Women's Franchise League, in order to illuminate some consequences of the colonial relationship between Britain and Ireland. As political power was located within the British state, and the British feminist movement enjoyed superior resources, the Irish movement was at a disadvantage. This was compounded by serious internal divisions within the Irish movement — a product of the dispute over Ireland's constitutional future — which prevented the Franchise League, sympathetic to the nationalist demand for independence — from establishing a strong presence in the North. The consequences of the British movement organizing in Ireland, in particular their initiation of a militant campaign in the North, are explored in some detail, using evidence provided by letters from the participants. British intervention was clearly motivated from British-inspired concerns rather than from any solidarity with the situation of women in Ireland, proving to be disastrous for the Irish, accentuating their deep-rooted divisions. The overall argument is that feminism cannot be viewed in isolation from other political considerations. This case-study isolates the repercussions of Britain's imperial role for both British and Irish movements: ostensibly with a common objective but in reality divided by their differing response to the constitutional arrangement between the two countries. For this reason, historians of Irish feminist movements must give consideration to the importance of the ‘national question’ and display a more critical attitude towards the role played by Britain in Irish affairs.

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Wingfield, Nancy Meriwether. "When Film Became National:“Talkies” and the Anti-German Demonstrations of 1930 in Prague." Austrian History Yearbook 29, no. 1 (January 1998): 113–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006723780001482x.

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Film was a relatively new commercial-entertainment medium in the summer of 1930, and newerstill were the “talkies.” Unforeseen cultural difficulties accompanied the advent of sound films, to which spoken language gave an intrinsic national character. Language accentuated national differences in feeling and thought, and since audiences could no longer “naturalize” films, they could not adopt the imaginative content of sound films as their own “cultural territory.” American audiences mocked the nasal English accents in British films, while the British hissed American accents and Parisians greeted the first American ”talkie” with cries of “Speak French!” In Czechoslovakia, historical circumstances complicated popular reaction to sound films. With the founding of the state in 1918, Czechs had rejected their Austrian legacy and attempted to enforce a Czech character in all aspects of public life.

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LAUCHT, CHRISTOPH. "Atoms for the people: the Atomic Scientists' Association, the British state and nuclear education in the Atom Train exhibition, 1947–1948." British Journal for the History of Science 45, no. 4 (December 2012): 591–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087412001070.

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AbstractThis article concerns the Atom Train travelling exhibition that the chief body of the British nuclear scientists' movement, the Atomic Scientists' Association (ASA), organized in collaboration with government offices and private industry in 1947–1948. It argues that the exhibition marked an important moment within post-war British nuclear culture where nuclear scientists shared aspects of their nuclear knowledge with the British public, while simultaneously clashing with the interests of the emerging British national security state in the early Cold War.

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Reetz, Dietrich. "In Search of the Collective Self: How Ethnic Group Concepts were Cast through Conflict in Colonial India." Modern Asian Studies 31, no. 2 (May 1997): 285–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00014311.

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When the concept of Western nationalism travelled to India in the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century it was carried by British officialdom and an increasingly mobile and articulate Indian élite that was educated in English and in the tradition of British society. Not only did it inspire the all-India nationalist movement, but it encouraged regional politics as well, mainly in ethnic and religious terms. Most of today's ethnic and religious movements in South Asia could be traced back to their antecedents before independence. Looking closer at the three major regional movements of pre-independence India, the Pathans, the Sikhs and the Tamils, one finds a striking similarity in patterns of mobilization, conflict and concept irrespective of their association with the national movement (Red Shirt movement of the Pathans, Sikh movement of the Akalis) or independent existence in opposition to Congress (non-Brahmin/Tamil movement)

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Chase, Malcolm. "What Did Chartism Petition For? Mass Petitions in the British Movement for Democracy." Social Science History 43, no. 3 (2019): 531–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2019.20.

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Chartism was in effect Britain’s civil rights movement and petitioning was at its heart: it defined who the Chartists were as well as the “other” against which they were implacably opposed. Its history has been effectively narrated around its three national petitions (1839, 1842, and 1848), and its decline almost habitually and directly linked to circumstances surrounding the last of these. More than 3.3 million people signed the 1842 National Petition. Chartism’s history after 1842 is partly one of how the State learned to manage the movement in general and petitioning in particular. The question posed by the title is deliberately ambiguous: What did the Chartists petition for and, equally, why did they bother? The first issue will be answered by a close reading of the three texts (surprisingly not undertaken by previous historians of the movement). The second will answered through an analysis of the wider uses of petitioning. The third issue addressed by this article is how petitioning constructed Chartism. In every contributing locality, canvassing was a major intervention in political life. The subscriptional community created by its petitions were “the people,” a term that clearly included not only men but also women and children. This was a different and wider meaning of the term “the people” from that used by Chartism’s opponents and it was a profound departure. Petitioning shaped, articulated, and mobilized the politics of a nascent working class, “banded together in one solemn and holy league” but excluded from economic and political power.

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Kuo, Huei-Ying. "Rescuing Businesses through Transnationalism: Embedded Chinese Enterprise and Nationalist Activities in Singapore in the 1930s Great Depression." Enterprise & Society 7, no. 1 (March 2006): 98–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s146722270000375x.

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This article argues that the embeddedness of Chinese enterprises in Singapore society explains the limited success of the nationalist movement in Singapore. To respond to the economic crisis in the 1930s, Chinese business elites employed nationalist rhetoric to appeal to their compatriots in the British colony to support Chinese “national products.” With dual allegiance to both British rule and Chinese national identity, Chinese business nationalists took a transnational approach. Because Chinese business communities in Singapore were organized along subethnic lines, Chinese transnationalism failed to surmount these social divisions.

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Spicer, Andrew. "The Impresario in British Cinema: Bernard Delfont at EMI." Journal of British Cinema and Television 18, no. 1 (January 2021): 7–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2021.0553.

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The article argues that Bernard Delfont played a significant role in the development of the British film industry in the 1970s as head of EMI's entertainment division that included film. In contradistinction to existing accounts, it is contended that Delfont provided dynamic leadership to the corporation's policies through the skills and knowledge he had developed as a highly successful theatrical impresario, even if he lacked a detailed understanding of the film industry. Delfont made a series of bold choices. The first was to appoint Bryan Forbes as Head of Film Production in an imaginative attempt to revitalise the British film industry using indigenous resources and talent. The commercial failure of this initiative occasioned Forbes's departure and a more cautious regime under the direction of Nat Cohen. Faced with a rapidly shrinking domestic market, Delfont decided that a thoroughgoing internationalism was the only way to sustain EMI's film business. He sidelined Cohen by appointing two young ‘buccaneers’, Michael Deeley and Barry Spikings in May 1976 to pursue a policy of investing in Hollywood films and producing ‘American’ films financed by British money. This radical strategy was controversial and reconfigured EMI as a ‘supranational’ rather than national film producer. This was intensified by Delfont's boldest move: establishing Associated Film Distributors (AFD) in July 1979, in partnership with his brother Lew Grade's Associated Communication Company, to distribute their companies' films and become a major Hollywood player. Its failure, after only 20 months, coupled with spectacular production losses effectively ended both companies as important film production units. Delfont's career demonstrates the wider significance of the risk-taking impresario in understanding British film as a business enterprise, the importance of the policies and tastes of studio heads and the need to reposition the film industry as part of wider entertainment and leisure provision.

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Hedling, Erik. "The Struggle for History: Lindsay Anderson Teaches Free Cinema." Journal of British Cinema and Television 11, no. 2-3 (July 2014): 312–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2014.0218.

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In spring 1986, Lindsay Anderson appeared in a television programme on British cinema. This was part of a series of three under the heading British Cinema: Personal View, produced by Thames Television. Anderson's contribution, Free Cinema 1956–? An Essay on Film by Lindsay Anderson, was written and directed by him. He was also the star of the programme, providing a lecture on the history of British cinema with himself at the very core, although, at the time of the production, Anderson's career was in decline and he was not involved in any film projects. Drawing on press materials, the programme itself and Anderson's personal papers in the University of Stirling library, this article analyses Anderson's personal conception of Free Cinema – according to his understanding, a short-lived documentary movement in the 1950s which eventually transformed itself into a series of feature films in the ensuing decades, particularly his own trilogy If…. (1968), O Lucky Man! (1973) and Britannia Hospital (1982). The polemic in the programme was particularly aimed at the general idea of the British Film Year of 1985 and at the successful film producer David Puttnam, at the time well known for his contribution to what was sometimes called the ‘New British Cinema’ of the 1980s. Anderson, however, dismissed Puttnam as a film-maker concerned only with Oscars and economic success, and instead lauded the qualities of ‘Free Cinema’, a realist, non-conformist and radical aesthetic, as the most artistically rewarding tradition in British cinema. The programme was highly entertaining and was generally well received by the British press, but did not really strengthen Anderson's position within the British film industry, which might, or might not, have been Anderson's intention.

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Brookshire, Jerry H. "The National Council of Labour, 1921–1946." Albion 18, no. 1 (1986): 43–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4048702.

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The National Council of Labour attempted to coordinate the policies and actions of the Trades Union Congress and Labour party. It had a checkered history and eventually failed. Its existence, however, demonstrated that the leadership of the Trades Union Congress and Labour party were grappling with questions which have constantly confronted modern British labor, especially the ever-present controversy over the TUC and party relationship, as well as whether a unified labor movement is possible or even desirable, or whether the TUC and labour party appropriately represent components within such a movement. If the last is true, do both institutions share fundamental concepts, and can they develop common tactics or approaches in furthering them? Are those “two wings” mutually dependent? Can the party aid the TUC in achieving its political goals? If the concerns of the TUC and party differ, can they or should they be reconciled? Should the TUC-party relationship remain the same whether the party is in government or in opposition?The National Council of Labour consisted of representatives from the TUC's General Council, the Labour party's National Executive Committee (NEC), and the parliamentary Labour party's Executive Committee (PLP executive). Originally created in 1921 as the National Joint Council, it was reconstituted in 1930 and again in 1931-32, renamed the National Council of Labour in 1934, and began declining in 1940 to impotence by 1946. It was an extra-parliamentary, extra-party body designed to enhance cooperation and coherence within the labor movement.

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Caterer, James. "Reinventing the British film industry: the Group Production Plan and the National Lottery Franchise Scheme." International Journal of Cultural Policy 17, no. 1 (January 2011): 94–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10286631003646128.

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