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1
Levine, Mark. "DEBORAH S. BERNSTEIN, Constructing Boundaries: Jewish and Arab Workers in Mandatory Palestine, Israel Studies Series (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2000). Pp. 293. $71.50 cloth, $23.95 paper." International Journal of Middle East Studies 34, no. 1 (2002): 143–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743802281064.
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Constructing Boundaries is the latest entry in a growing body of revisionist scholarship on the history and political economy of Palestine under the British, contesting the once cherished notion that the Jewish and Palestinian communities of Palestine/Israel were best investigated and understood as isolated and autonomously developing entities. By focusing on one urban setting—Haifa, which during the Mandate period become Palestine's most important port and industrial center—this work provides new insight into how the industrial economy of Palestine shaped, and in turn was shaped by, the conflictual interaction of the two communities.
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Khalili, Laleh. "THE LOCATION OF PALESTINE IN GLOBAL COUNTERINSURGENCIES." International Journal of Middle East Studies 42, no. 3 (2010): 433a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743810000759.
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Since at least the 1930s, Palestine has had a continuous role as a laboratory of counterinsurgency. During the British Mandate, Palestine saw a consolidation of the techniques of imperial policing and the development of a complex military-legal apparatus of control, from “security fences” and watchtowers to mass incarceration and collective punishment to emergency laws and administrative detention. Palestine has continued to be the setting for counterinsurgency military exercises, with Israel incorporating the British Mandate laws in its legal corpus and British military practice in its doctrines. Based on extensive primary research, this essay traces the development of counterinsurgency doctrine and practice and the legal apparatuses that uphold it and argues that both in the incorporation of British transmission of doctrine, law, and practice from Palestine, and in the Israeli military's deployment of new and transportable techniques of control, Palestine has been gradually transformed into a central node of military knowledge/power within a global matrix of counterinsurgency.
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Bawalsa, Nadim. "Legislating Exclusion: Palestinian Migrants and Interwar Citizenship." Journal of Palestine Studies 46, no. 2 (2017): 44–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.2.44.
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This article explores the British Mandate's legal framework for regulating citizenship and nationality in Palestine following the post–World War I fragmentation of the Ottoman Empire. It argues that the 1925 Palestinian Citizenship Order-in-Council prioritized the settlement and naturalization of Jews in Palestine, while simultaneously disenfranchising Palestinians who had migrated abroad. Ultimately, the citizenship legislation reflected British imperial interests as it fulfilled the promises made in the Balfour Declaration to establish in Palestine a homeland for the Jewish people, while it attempted to ensure the economic viability of a modern Palestine as a British mandated territory. Excluded from Palestinian citizenship by the arbitrary application of the Order-in-Council, the majority of Palestinian migrants during the 1920s and 30s never secured a legal means to return to Palestine, thus marking the beginning of the Palestinian diaspora.
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QAFISHEH, Mutaz M. "The Ability of the Palestinian Legal System to Secure Adequate Standards of Living: Reform or the Failure of State Duty." Asian Journal of International Law 3, no. 2 (2013): 393–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2044251313000039.
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In parallel with its efforts to become a full member of the United Nations (UN) and its specialized agencies, Palestine needs to take the implications of joining such organizations in earnest. Admission to the UN, in addition to encompassing rights for states, simultaneously entails duties on the part of the state. One duty is to respect, protect, and fulfil human rights for those living under Palestine's jurisdiction. This paper assesses the ability of the applicable legislation in Palestine to secure adequate standards of living by focusing on three rights: food, housing, and health. Many of the laws relating to these rights date back to the Turkish, British, Jordanian, and Egyptian eras. With a few exceptions, Palestine has so far enacted executive orders to activate these rights based on older laws. Nothing prevents Palestine from modernizing its nutrition, habitation, and medical care systems and joining the community of welfare states.
5
Regan, Bernard. "Resisting British Colonialism in Palestine." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 20, no. 1 (2021): 100–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2021.0260.
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Elboim‐Dror, Rachel. "British educational policies in Palestine." Middle Eastern Studies 36, no. 2 (2000): 28–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263200008701307.
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Constantinou, Alexis. "The Peacebuilding Endeavours of Daniel Oliver and the Palestine Watching Committee in Mandate Palestine, 1930-48." Quaker Studies 26, no. 1 (2021): 119–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/quaker.2021.26.1.4.
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This paper analyses the peacebuilding efforts of the official British Religious Society of Friends representative in Mandate Palestine, Daniel Oliver, and the Palestine Watching Committee (PWC). Previously unexamined documentation stored in the Friends House library and Haverford College archives details the extensive negotiations by Oliver and the PWC, which he co-founded, to influence British, Arab and Jewish senior political and royal officials. Combining individual and collective Quaker values concerning the Peace Testimony with a deep focus on British government colonial policies proved problematic. Internal fractions developed over the conduct of British forces in Palestine and the issue of Jewish immigration. Oliver defended the British government and continued to press for peace, demonstrating how patriotism significantly influenced his own spiritually guided message, while the PWC reduced its activities and became despondent over their lack of success and the decline of the Mandate.
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Roberts, Nicholas E. "Dividing Jerusalem." Journal of Palestine Studies 42, no. 4 (2013): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2013.42.4.7.
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British administrators employed urban planning broadly in British colonies around the world, and British Mandate Palestine was no exception. This article shows how with a unique purpose and based on the promise of a Jewish homeland in Palestine, British urban planning in Jerusalem was executed with a particular colonial logic that left a lasting impact on the city. Both the discourse and physical implementation of the planning was meant to privilege the colonial power's Zionist partner over the indigenous Arab community.
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Gal, Amir. "Constitutional regulation of civil marriage in Israel." Constitutional and legal academic studies, no. 1 (November 10, 2022): 6–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2663-5399.2022.1.01.
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The purpose of this paper is to review the history of the constitutional regulation of marriage and divorce in British mandate Palestine and the state of Israel from 1918 on. Israel was subject to British rule (mostly under a mandate of the League of Nations) from 1918 to 1948, and was called Palestine at the time. In 1948 some of this territory claimed its sovereignty as an independent state called Israel. The paper will highlight the different constitutional norms and procedures that govern the field of family law in British mandate Palestine and the state of Israel from the beginning of the British mandate to this day.
 The paper is based upon historic scrutiny of the legislation of British Palestine and the state of Israel in the field of family law, analyzing the law in accordance with the historic developments in the region. The results of this scrutiny are that from 1948 to the third decade of the 21st century, the Israeli legislator has repeatedly acted to prevent the constitutional regulation of civil marriage, preserving the archaic millet system, an Ottoman system of marriage within religious communities, that was the basis of the British mandate’s regulation of marriage and divorce in Palestine. But as much as the original millet arrangement was enacted by the British as a voluntary system, it was given new and compulsory features by the Israeli legislator, all the while avoiding a comprehensive constitutional regulation of Israeli family law.
 The paper concludes that a constitutional regulation of civil marriage is probably not possible in Israel, due to the political inability to reach an agreement between religious and secular Jews in Israel. But this did not prevent the Israeli legislature from fundamentally changing the British mandate constitutional arrangement, leaving behind a patchwork of improvised legislation that violates the basic civil rights of Israeli citizens.
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Buranok, Sergei O. "Palestine and the British Empire in US Political Cartoons, 1917-1919." Galactica Media: Journal of Media Studies 4, no. 4 (2022): 244–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/gmd.v4i4.297.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the process of formation of the image of Palestine and the British Empire at the end of the First World War. On the basis of the materials of American cartoons and periodicals, the main points in the evolution of the attitude of American society to Palestine are considered, the complexities and contradictions in understanding the features of the British Empire are shown. The study of cartoons will help determine the nature of the interaction of textual and visual images in the US media during the discussion of the results of the First World War, the Treaty of Versailles, the League of Nations and the mandate system. Based on the study of cartoons, two stages in the perception of Palestine in the United States are distinguished: 1) “romantic” and 2) “critical”. New images of Palestine, the British colonial empire, and the Middle East first appeared in newspaper articles, and only later in cartoons. The debate between apologetic and critical strands of US public opinion regarding Palestine and the British model of internal security in the colonies became in 1919 one element of a more global debate between Democrats and Republicans about the role of the US in the League of Nations.
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Schab, Alon. "Purcell performances in Palestine under the British Mandate." Early Music 47, no. 4 (2019): 533–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/em/caz076.
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Abstract Palestine, from the end of World War I to the foundation of the state of Israel, had a vibrant concert scene led partly by local musicians (and from 1933 onwards, by an elite of leading performers and composers who fled from Europe), and partly by the cultural institutions of the British Mandate, including the Palestine Broadcasting Service. While the collaborations between these two forces often yielded inspired musical results, each had its own agendas and priorities. The music of Henry Purcell was perceived as a cultural asset of the British and, as such, its performance became the platform for tacit negotiation of local musical identity, as well as a means to communicate with the British administration. The present study examines how Purcell’s music was treated in Palestine, which works by Purcell were performed, which scores and editions were available to local musicians, how the 250th anniversary of his death (1945) was commemorated, what motivated musicians to perform Purcell in concert, and what happened to the performance of Purcell’s music in Israel after Britain withdrew its forces from Palestine in 1948.
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Schorr, David. "Water law in British-ruled Palestine." Water History 6, no. 3 (2014): 247–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12685-014-0103-9.
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Gökatalay, Semih. "British Colonialism and Prison Labour in Inter-War Palestine." Labour History 125, no. 1 (2023): 139–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/labourhistory.2023.23.
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Great Britain ruled modern-day Israel and Palestine from 1917 to 1948. The exploitation of prison labour became a source to fund its colonial government. This study explicates the economic and legal rationale for prison labour, the living and working conditions and discipline of convicts, and public debates and controversies surrounding political prisoners in Mandatory Palestine. With specific references to forced labour in the colonised world, it evaluates the experience of Mandatory Palestine from a transnational perspective and makes a connection between global colonialism and prison labour. Using a rich trove of official documents and newspaper articles as its primary sources, this article links the proliferation of the prison labour system with the introduction and consolidation of British colonialism in Palestine and argues that colonial ideology and practices coloured and justified the use of prison labour.
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Halpern, Gilad. "The Origins of the Anglo-American Journalistic Tradition in Mandatory Palestine." Iyunim Multidisciplinary Studies in Israeli and Modern Jewish Society 12 (September 10, 2023): 137–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.51854/bguys-12a107.
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Throughout the 19th century, a distinctive journalistic tradition emerged simultaneously in Britain and the United States, emphasizing norms and practices such as fact-based reporting, a clear separation between news and opinion, and objectivity. The Anglo-American tradition gradually spread to other locations including Continental Europe and Israel, becoming paradigmatic in the 1970s. However, the earliest manifestations of this were already noticeable in British-ruled Palestine in the 1920s and 1930s, mainly in the two Jerusalem-based media outlets reviewed in this article: the Palestine Telegraphic Agency (PTA), a local subsidiary of the international Jewish Telegraphic Agency (JTA), headquartered in New York; and the Palestine Post newspaper. These two English-language news organizations catered to Palestine’s English readers (predominantly members of the Mandatory administration) and adhered perforce to the Anglo-American journalistic tradition to which their readers had been accustomed. Jacob Landau and Gershon Agronsky, the American founders of the two companies championed Anglo-American journalism on a variety of financial, political, and professional grounds.
15
Alasttal, Abdelrahman, Abdul Maasba Magassing, Maskun Maskun, and Iin Karita Sakharina. "Palestine between Reasonableness of Zionist Claims and the Legitimacy of the British Mandate." International Journal of Law and Politics Studies 5, no. 6 (2023): 01–09. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijlps.2023.5.6.1.
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This study aims to study the legal nature of the British mandate over Palestine after World War I, in addition to studying the claims of the Zionist movement regarding its connection to the land of Palestine, thus determining the correct legal concept of the Question of Palestine in accordance with international law. The methodology of the study is the legal analytical and critical method and the Statute approach. In it, the author used Zionist, Jewish, Arab and foreign references. The results showed that the Zionist movement was established to unite the efforts of the Jews in Europe with the aim of establishing a national home for them in Palestine with the help of the colonial European countries under historical and religious arguments that completely contradict the facts and discoveries in Palestine. On the other hand, Britain's goal from the Balfour Declaration was to support the Zionist project in Palestine, thus helping to dismantle the Ottoman Empire and colonize the Arabian Peninsula with the participation of France. In addition, the British Mandate Deed for Palestine was only ratified by the Principal Allied Powers in World War I. Therefore, it did not reflect a real international will and thus was a violation of the provisions of international law.
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Ayers, Amber. "Idealism “Must Not Blind Us”: British Legislators and the Palestine Mandate, 1929-1934." Illumine: Journal of the Centre for Studies in Religion and Society Graduate Students Association 12, no. 1 (2014): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/illumine121201313322.
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In Mandate Palestine during the 1920s and 1930s, the British sought to establish a legal system for the new political entity. This task was fraught with difficulty, as the British soon discovered. Events in Palestine often occurred in such an extreme manner that the British officials could not establish control. As a result of the failure of the legal system to address the new realities on the ground, these officials were often in a position where all they could do was respond to emergencies, as was the case following the Arab Revolt in August of 1929. Despite the fact that much of what occurred on the ground in Mandate Palestine, particularly with regard to land transactions and dispossessions, often occurred outside of British control, officials were acutely aware of the realities facing the Arab agricultural cultivators being threatened with dispossession. The difficulty the British had in suppressing the violence drew attention to their lack of authority over the land question that was creating tensions between the Arab and the Jewish populations. In examining minute sheets of the Colonial Office and correspondence between British officials, it becomes clear that these officials were aware of the impossibility of resolving the contradiction inherent in their position. This paper seeks to examine British responses immediately following the 1929 Revolt to show that the British accurately perceived the problems as they existed on the ground in Palestine but were unable to take actions against them. This will demonstrate the extent to which the failures of the Mandate, with regard to preventing dispossessions, was a failure of the legal system as a whole rather than the result of any individual shortcomings of the officials in control of the territory.
17
Samarskaia, Liudmila. "British Project in Palestine: Colonial “National Home”." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 6 (2021): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640017183-9.
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Mandatory Palestine proved to be a unique example of an attempt to create a “national home” within the framework of the colonial system. The present article aims to analyse the combination of the national and the colonial in the implementation of the “home for the Jewish people” in Palestine, as well as the role of cultural-religious narratives in the mindset of both the British administrators and the Zionist settlers. The research is based on British official documents and archive materials, as well as on the memoirs of Jewish settlers in Eretz Yisrael, some of which are introduced into the Russian academic circulation for the first time. Many British politicians viewed the return of the Jews to their historical homeland as a specific noble mission, which fit both into the framework of “Christian Zionism” and the notion of the civilizing nature of imperial colonialism. Palestine, along with its religious and cultural significance, was at the same time playing a thoroughly practical strategic role, and in that sense served as a highly convenient “foothold”. The British politicians and administrators perceived the Zionists as loyal agents of European colonial influence in the Middle East region. Based on the conducted research, the author reached the following conclusions. Even before ethnic confrontation in mandate Palestine intensified, some representatives of the British Empire anticipated that the Jews would not be a loyal minority, always ready to act in the Empire’s interests to the full extent. The main finding of the research is that despite the superficial similarity between the outlooks of the European Zionists and the official representatives of the British Empire, their perceptions of Palestine and their aims and purposes there were fundamentally different. On the one hand, the notions of the leaders of the Zionist movement about Eretz Yisrael were indeed in many respects close to the positions of British politicians and administrators. Jewish nationalism emerged under the influence of European ideas and concepts, and even orientalism influenced it to a certain degree. On the other hand, the Zionists perceived the Europeans as situational allies, therefore their interests coincided only in the short-term perspective. The idea of the national revival of the people of Israel in its historical homeland played a key role for them. This laid the foundation of the new Jewish identity, which also included multiple elements of religious traditions and legal bases of Judaism.
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Kattan, Victor. "Palestine and the Secret Treaties." AJIL Unbound 110 (2016): 109–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398772300002907.
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The Sykes-Picot agreement is the foremost example of Western double-dealing in the Middle East since the discovery of oil. The agreement, formalized in an exchange of notes between the British Foreign Secretary and the French Ambassador to the United Kingdom in London, is named after its principal negotiators Sir Mark Sykes (1879-1919) and Georges-Picot (1870-1951). As one of several overlapping arrangements affecting the postwar settlement in West Asia secretly negotiated during the First World War, the agreement provided for the division of the region into spheres of influence comprised of nominally independent Arab states under the “tutelage” of British and French advisers.
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Köse, İsmail. "The Lloyd George Government of the UK: Balfour Declaration the Promise for a National Home to Jews (1916-1920)." Belleten 82, no. 294 (2018): 727–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2018.727.
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Palestine, throughout modern known history has been geographically called "the least of all lands". Meanwhile because hosted holy shrines of three monotheistic religions, it was/is one of the most praised/precious small piece of land on the globe. Palestine came under Ottoman rule after Sultan Selim's Egyptian Campaign in 1517 and until the year of 1917 was an Ottoman land during 400 years. Before Ottomans, following old Roman experience, small colonies or administrations had been planted in Palestine with the express intention of preventing the political regeneration of the Jews. Under Ottoman rule, Jews and other two religions have been peacefully living in Palestine. In 1897 at Basel Congress, World Zionist Organization decided to establish a Jewish State in Palestine. They asked Ottoman Sultan Abdulhamid II for a national home in Palestine but could not achieve what they desired. Abdulhamid II also restricted Jewish pilgrimage to Palestine to prevent any possible de facto unpermitted foreign settlement of Jews. But, due to corruption and bribery of local rulers that rule could not be implemented properly. Nowadays addressing their future plans Zionists were asking to send high number of Jews to Palestine and the progress taken by bribery was not enough such kind of stream. The opportunity Zionists looking for emerged during WWI while British search of support for unsustainable war economy. In the year of 1916, a Zionist sympathizer Lloyd George became British Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of his Cabinet Arthur Balfour proclaimed his famous publication promising a national home hence Israeli State for Jews. To realize that aim Palestine had to be occupied and become a British colony. This paper will search archive documents and related second hand publications to shed light on Zionist activities and establishment process of Israel, special focus will be put on the role of Lloyd George Government. Arab reactions, especially the attitude of Sheriff Hussein and his son Faisal to the developments also will be discussed.
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Shatz, Julia. "The Makings and Meanings of Childhood: Parents and the Juvenile Justice System in Interwar Palestine." Journal of the History of Childhood and Youth 17, no. 1 (2024): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hcy.2024.a916841.
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Abstract: Over the thirty years of the British Mandatory government in Palestine, thousands of young people were arrested and tried as juvenile delinquents. This article explores how the parents and families of those "young offenders" confronted the logics of the colonial criminal justice system and argued for their own understandings of the law and their children's places in Palestine's social and political landscape. Studying parental petitions to the government reveals that different groups made fragmented and multidirectional claims on the category of childhood. This article argues that in interwar Palestine, childhood was the political capital through which colonial power was both constructed and contested. In doing so, this article also illuminates the roles that ordinary families and communities played in daily governance in a twentieth-century developmentalist colonial state.
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Hughes, Matthew. "A British ‘Foreign Legion’? The British Police in Mandate Palestine." Middle Eastern Studies 49, no. 5 (2013): 696–711. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2013.811656.
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Gooding, Francis. "Side by Side in Peace." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 7, no. 2 (2014): 207–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-00702007.
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By examining official films of Palestine made during the British Mandate period, this paper seeks to show that a recognizable visual trope—the ‘street scene in Jerusalem’—can be identified, and that it can be linked historically to the proclamation of British martial law in Jerusalem by General Allenby. The paper argues that this trope, and in particular its recurrence in a news report on the King David Hotel bombing of 1946, can be understood as typical of the way that British imperial power was projected throughout the Empire. In conclusion, the paper argues that the tolerance and egalitarianism that Jerusalem signifies in British colonial films of Palestine are values whose invocation is historically linked to the advent of militarized colonial control.
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Hughes, Matthew. "From Law and Order to Pacification: Britain's Suppression of the Arab Revolt in Palestine, 1936––39." Journal of Palestine Studies 39, no. 2 (2010): 6–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2010.xxxix.2.17.
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This article examines British human rights abuses against noncombatants during the 1936––39 Arab Revolt in Palestine, contextualizing brutality in Palestine within British military practice and law for dealing with colonial rebellions in force at the time. It shows that the norms for such operations, and the laws that codified military actions, allowed for some level of systemic, systematic brutality in the form of "collective punishments" and "reprisals" by the British army. The article also details the effects of military actions on Palestinian civilians and rebels and describes torture carried out by the British on Palestinians. Finally, it highlights a methodological problem in examining these sorts of abuses: the paucity of official records and the mismatch between official and unofficial accounts of abuse during counterinsurgency.
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Krik, Hagit. "The Female Imperial Agent and the Intricacies of Power." Journal of Middle East Women's Studies 18, no. 1 (2022): 12–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15525864-9494122.
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Abstract British women have hitherto been almost absent from the history of British colonialism in the Middle East, and particularly in Mandate Palestine (1918–48). By using an individual tale of a British nurse as a vantage point, the article explores the personal and professional experiences of British nurses in Mandate Palestine and scrutinizes their contested status. As women, as British, as medical practitioners, and specifically as nurses, British nurses present a singular type of local-level imperial agent who confronted multiple challenges to their identities. Empowered as imperial agents of health, biomedicine, and hygiene, they had exercised professional, cultural, and racial authority over indigenous people. At the same time, their gender, vocation, and marital status have limited their scope of influence within a male-dominated medical hierarchy, as well as locate them at the lower strata of British colonial society. Nurses’ tales thus offer a unique perspective for investigating colonial power relations and the intersections of medicine, gender, race, and class.
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Assi, Seraj. "THE ORIGINAL ARABS: THE INVENTION OF THE “BEDOUIN RACE” IN OTTOMAN PALESTINE." International Journal of Middle East Studies 50, no. 2 (2018): 213–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074381800003x.
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AbstractThis article examines the symbiotic relationship between race and empire in British ethnographic discourse on the Arabs of Palestine. Drawing on the works of British explorers in late Ottoman Palestine, I show how native Palestinian Bedouin came to be viewed as a separate race within a hierarchy of Arab races, and how within this racial reconfiguration the Bedouin embodied not only an ideal model of racial purity, but also a racial archetype on which Arabness itself was measured, codified, and reproduced.
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Penkov, Vladimir Fedorovich, and Feras Alfedeilat. "Palestinian political regime in the era of British colonization of 1917-1948: political-legal aspect." Международные отношения, no. 1 (January 2020): 51–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2020.1.32419.
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The core of the Palestinian political regime takes its roots in the course of the struggle for independence against British occupation government that attempted to establish Jewish State in the territory of Western Palestine. This research examines the history of Palestine under the British Mandate after the World War I. The object of this article is Palestine in the time of creation of post-colonial system of international relations; while the subject is the political-legal aspects of Palestinian political regime during British colonization period of 1917-1948. The article is based on the political-retrospective analysis of regional situation. The authors were able to determine the factors that contributed to the emergence of Arab-Israeli conflict; reveal the state of Palestinian internal political forces and actors, their impact upon the political regime of Palestinian State; as we;; as well as identify the potential conflict risk zones within the Arab leadership. Analysis of the regional situation allows formulating approaches towards forecasting the course of events.
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McElroy, Ruth. "Post-imperial Drama: History, Memory and Narrative in Peter Kosminsky'sThe Promise." Journal of British Cinema and Television 10, no. 2 (2013): 276–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2013.0135.
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Historical television drama enjoys a privileged place in the mediation of collective, national memory as it imaginatively transports viewers from their living rooms to the time/place of earlier events. It may contest existing narratives of the nation and challenge viewers to re-think the stories told of how we arrived at the current moment. This article addresses these questions of memory and national histories through analysis of Peter Kosminsky's four-part series, The Promise (Channel 4, 2011). It tells the ‘untold’ story of the British in postwar Palestine. It comprises two parallel stories of Len Matthews, a paratrooper deployed in 1945 to Palestine, and his granddaughter, Erin, who, in the present, visits Israel whilst reading Len's diary. Through these characters, the complex, conflictual histories of the British in Palestine and the aftermath of imperial powers in the region are dramatically played out. This article approaches The Promise as post-imperial drama, that is, as a fiction based on the contested, half-forgotten, sometimes denied facts of British imperialism, and one which seeks to intervene in such post-imperial amnesia. In doing so, the article contributes to debates around British national identities and the imaginative representation of history on British television.
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Zanini, Paolo. "The Establishment of the Apostolic Delegation to Palestine, Cyprus, and Transjordan (1929): Cause or Effect of Changes in Vatican Middle East Policy?" Church History 87, no. 3 (2018): 797–822. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640718001609.
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This essay brings to light how the establishment of the Apostolic Delegation to Palestine, Cyprus, and Transjordan (1929) marked a turning point in the Catholic presence in Palestine during the period of the British Mandate. Based on several unexplored archival sources, this paper analyzes the factors driving the creation of the new Apostolic Delegation and the consequences it produced in the Holy See's Middle and Near Eastern policies. The difficult relationship among various Catholic institutions in Palestine and the necessity to adapt the Catholic presence in that region to the new political situation caused the Vatican to send an apostolic visitor (1925) and then to establish direct representation of the Holy See in Jerusalem (1929). This last decision contributed to sounder relations with the British administration and functioned to limit the involvement of European Catholic powers (primarily France and Italy) in church affairs. At the same time, it highlighted the Vatican's will to reinforce the role of the Christian Arab clergy in Palestine while limiting that of European missionaries. This analysis creates a clearer picture of how the establishment of the Apostolic Delegation to Palestine, Cyprus, and Transjordan was at the same time the cause and effect of an important shift in the Catholic perception of Palestine.
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Hasharoni, Galia, and Assaf Selzer. "The Contribution of Soundscape Study: British Policy in Palestine, 1939." Iyunim Multidisciplinary Studies in Israeli and Modern Jewish Society 39 (December 31, 2023): 251–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.51854/bguy-39a160.
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This article delves into the Jewish community's response to British policy in Palestine during 1939. At the time, the British government explored different methods to resolve the national conflict in Palestine, including a failed plan to divide the land. In May of that year, the British government introduced a new policy known as The White Paper policy, which was met with strong opposition from the Jewish community, who began preparing for a protest. By analyzing historical newspapers and archive documents, this article aims to depict the Yishuv's arrangements for the demonstrations. In particular, the article focuses on the soundscape of the protests – which includes voices, noises, and silence – to illustrate their significance and impact.
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Yitzhak, Ronen. "Politics and Ideology: Lord Moyne, Palestine and Zionism 1939–1944." Britain and the World 10, no. 2 (2017): 155–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2017.0273.
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This article deals with Lord Moyne's policy towards the Zionists. It refutes the claim that Lord Moyne was anti-Zionist in his political orientation and in his activities and shows that his positions did not differ from those of other British senior officials at the time. His attitude toward Jewish immigration to Palestine and toward the establishment of a Jewish Brigade during the Second World War was indeed negative. This was not due to anti-Zionist policy, however, but to British strategy that supported the White Paper of 1939 and moved closer to the Arabs during the War. While serving in the British Cabinet, Lord Moyne displayed apolitically pragmatic approach and remained loyal to Prime Minister Churchill. He therefore supported the establishment of a Jewish Brigade and the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine in the secret committee that Churchill set up in 1944. Unaware of his new positions, the Zionists assassinated him in November 1944. The murder of Lord Moyne affected Churchill, leading him to reject the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine.
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Lockman, Zachary. "Railway Workers and Relational History: Arabs and Jews in British-Ruled Palestine." Comparative Studies in Society and History 35, no. 3 (1993): 601–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500018600.
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During the period of Ottoman rule over the Arab East, from 1516 until the end of the First World War, the term Palestine (Filastin) denoted a geographic region, part of what the Arabs called al-Sham (historic Syria), rather than a specific Ottoman province or administrative district. By contrast, from 1920 to 1948, Palestine existed as a distinct and unified political (and to a considerable extent economic) entity with well-defined boundaries. Ruled by Britain under a so-called mandate granted by the League of Nations, Palestine in that period encompassed an Arab majority and a Jewish minority.
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Wibowo, Hanafi. "Mandat Liga Bangsa-Bangsa : Kegagalan Palestina Menjadi Negara Merdeka (1920-1948)." Buletin Al-Turas 20, no. 2 (2020): 297–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/bat.v20i2.3762.
Full textAbstract:
Abstrak Artikel ini mengkaji Palestina pada masa Mandat Inggris melalui Metode Historis dengan Pendekatan Politik. Pasca Perang Dunia Pertama (1914-1918), Inggris mendapat mandat dari Liga Bangsa Bangsa untuk mengelola administrasi bekas wilayah wilayah Arab yang sebelumnya adalah bekas wilayah Turki Usmani. Di dalam proses pengelolaan ini, terjadi permasalahan dimana muncul dua kekuatan yang saling bertentangan yaitu Zionis Yahudi sebagai pendatang baru dan rakyat Palestina sebagai penduduk asli. Keinginan Liga Bangsa Bangsa yang menugaskan Inggris untuk memberikan masing masing kedua bangsa itu sebuah negara yang merdeka mendapat penolakan baik dari pihak Palestina maupun dari pihak Yahudi itu sendiri. Studi ini juga mempelajari dampak dari keberhasilan orang Yahudi mendirikan Israel diatas penderitaan rakyat Palestina. Artikel ini ingin menjelaskan mengapa Palestina mengalami kegagalan dalam mendirikan sebuah negara merdeka yang penulis dapatkan dari pelbagai sumber dan data-data tertulis. Menurut penelahaan penulis, era Mandat Inggris adalah akar dan awal kegagalan Palestina mendirikan negara merdeka, selain itu terdapat dua faktor penting penyebab kegagalan tersebut. Pertama, adalah faktor internal dari rakyat yang saat itu berupa adanya kesalahan strategi dari elit dan rakyat Palestina sendiri. Kedua yaitu faktor eksternal adalah campur tangan negara-negara Arab tetangga yang memecah Palestina demi kepentingannya.---Abstract This article examines the period of the British Mandate of Palestine through the Historical Method and Political Approach. Post First World War (1914-1918), the British received the mandate from the League of Nations to manage the administration of the former Arab territories which previously was a former territories of the Ottoman Empire. In this management process, there is a problem which emerged two opposing forces, namely the Zionist Jews as newcomers and the Palestinians as natives. League of Nations assigned Britain to give each of the two nations was an independent country gets a rejection by the Palestinians and the Jews themselves. This study also studied the impact of the success of the Jews set up Israel over the plight of the Palestinians. This article wants to explain why the Palestinians have failed in establishing an independent state that the author got from various sources and data. According to the review of the author, the British Mandate era is the root and the beginning of the failure of the Palestinians to establish an independent state. There are two important factors causing this failure. First, the internal factors of the people who was in the form of an error in the strategy of Palestinians themselves. A second ,external factor which the interference of neighboring Arab states (Jordan and Egypt) who partitioning the territories of Palestine.
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Dumitrescu, Gabriela Andreana. "Pre-State Israel. The evolution of Jewish political and institutional system in Yishuv. From Community to State: 1897-1949." Euro-Atlantic Studies, no. 2 (2019): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31178/eas.2019.2.2.
Full textAbstract:
The emergence of World Zionist Organization at the end of 19th century and the increasing sympathy of world Jewry for political Zionism have strengthened the sense of the need to obtain a Jewish national home in Palestine. In a positive way, the end of the First World War and the decision of the League of Nations to place Palestine under British mandate favored regional development, especially of the Jewish community living there. Under the foreign administration, the Jewish people borrowed the proper aspects of the British model of parliamentary democracy and adapted them to the needs of the Yishuv, at a time when Jewish ideal enjoyed support and admiration, due in particular to Zionist diplomacy in Western Europe and the United States. Trying to maintain a good relationship with the British administration in order to fulfill its interests, the Jewish community in Palestine has thrived in various areas such as: political-institutional organization, economy, defence and demography, rapidly reaching a high level of development. These factors contributed tremendously to the birth of a modern democratic Jewish state. The reality of the simultaneous operation in Palestine of the three sets of institutions, those of the Yishuv, those of the Zionist Organization and those of the British administration represented a unique and remarkable fact. After Israel gained independence, the attempt to provide continuity to pre-state institutions represented a reality that was reflected in the flawless formula of the permanent institutions, in order to meet the needs of the new state in a situation of internal and international crisis.
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SINANOGLOU, PENNY. "BRITISH PLANS FOR THE PARTITION OF PALESTINE, 1929–1938." Historical Journal 52, no. 1 (2009): 131–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x08007346.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTThe 1937 Peel Commission proposal for the partition of British mandatory Palestine has generally been framed as the precursor to the United Nations partition plan of 1947. This article demonstrates the importance of tracing the roots of the 1937 Peel Commission plan back to conversations taking place in the Colonial Office and government of Palestine as early as 1929. A close analysis of dialogues over territorial division and of preliminary partition plans, particularly those drawn up by L. G. Archer Cust and D. G. Harris, leads to the conclusion that Britain's focus on the ideal of representative government played a primary role in the development of partition proposals. This article argues that inter-ethnic violence played a much smaller role in the development of partition proposals than has previously been thought. Instead, partition was proposed as a solution to the political implications of non-representative government in Palestine, a topic constantly in the spotlight thanks to the League of Nations.
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GANNON, SEÁN WILLIAM. "THE FORMATION, COMPOSITION, AND CONDUCT OF THE BRITISH SECTION OF THE PALESTINE GENDARMERIE, 1922–1926." Historical Journal 56, no. 4 (2013): 977–1006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x13000253.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTThe British Section of the Palestine Gendarmerie was raised in early 1922 by the colonial secretary, Winston Churchill, as a striking force and riot squad for Palestine. Through the agency of the Irish police chief, General Hugh Tudor, this British Gendarmerie was recruited almost entirely from amongst the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) and its Auxiliary Division, then in the process of disbanding as part of the recent Anglo-Irish settlement. The international notoriety of the Black and Tans led to official efforts to obscure the fact that the force was to be drawn from RIC ranks but these were entirely unsuccessful. Indeed, the British Gendarmerie itself quickly acquired a reputation for Black and Tan-type behaviour but an examination of its four-year career indicates that this derived more from preconceptions about the force's composition than from its actual conduct. In fact, in terms of force discipline and levels of police brutality, the British Gendarmerie's record compared very favourably with those of its ‘parent’ forces in Ireland, lending support to recent claims that historians have tended to over-value character-based explanations at the expense of circumstance-based assessments when analysing police behaviour both during the Irish revolution and the Palestine Mandate.
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Migdal, Joel S., and Baruch Kimmerling. "The Shaping of a Nation: Palestinians in the Last Century of Ottoman Rule." New Perspectives on Turkey 10 (1994): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600000856.
Full textAbstract:
No period was more decisive in the modern history of Palestine than the British Mandate, which lasted from the end of World War I until 1948. Not only did British rule establish the political boundaries of Palestine, the new realities forced both Jews and Arabs in the country to redefine their social boundaries and self-identity. But the cataclysmic events that continued through 1948, with the creation of Israel and what Arabs called al-Nakba (the catastrophe of dispersal and exile), took shape in the wake of key changes stretching over the last century of Ottoman rule. What was to be Palestine after World War I became increasingly more integrated territorially during the nineteenth century. And Arab society in the last century of Ottoman rule underwent critical changes that paved the way for the emergence of a Palestinian people in the twentieth century.
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Yousef, Tarik M. "The Divided Economy of Mandatory Palestine. By Jacob Metzer. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Pp. xxii, 275." Journal of Economic History 61, no. 4 (2001): 1128–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050701005691.
Full textAbstract:
Like the rest of the Middle East, the economic history of Palestine in the early twentieth century has traditionally been the domain of social and political historians. The complexity and controversy surrounding the era of the British Mandate (1919–1948) ought to deter any serious economic historian from contemplating a comprehensive, quantitative analysis of economic life. After all, this was the period when the Zionist goal to create a Jewish national home in Palestine came into direct conflict with the native Arab community, and stretched the flexibility of a British administration that had committed itself to promoting the Zionist project while protecting the native population. Fortunately, Jacob Metzer has assumed the difficult task of producing an economically sophisticated study of the origins and the evolution of this divided economy while circumventing the political pitfalls associated with Mandatory Palestine.
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Perez, Shelby. "Palestine…It Is Something Colonial." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 35, no. 4 (2018): 64–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v35i4.475.
Full textAbstract:
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has not existed since the beginning of time. Hatem Bazian explores the roots of the conflict, locating the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project under the tutelage of British colonial efforts. Bazian’s text is a look at and beyond first-hand accounts, an investigation of and critical analysis of settler practice in relation to similar texts such as Sari Nusseibeh’s Once Upon a Country: A Palestinian Life, Alan Dowty’s Israel/Palestine, and Ari Shavit’s My Promised Land. Hatem Bazian’s Palestine…it is something colonial is not an introduction to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Readers should possess a basic understanding of the conflict and history of the region over the last century. Nor does this text provide the reader with an unbiased look at the timeline of events since the inception of the Zionist movement. Palestine…it is something colonial instead is a rich critique of the Zionist movement and British colonialism. It investigates the way British colonialism influenced Zionism and how Zionism adopted colonial ideas and practices. Bazian locates Zionism as a settler colonialist movement still at work today, which historically planned and systematically executed the removal of Palestinians from their land, with the aid of the United Kingdom and (later) the United States. Bazian examines Ottoman collapse, the colonization of Palestine by the British, Israel’s biblical theology of dispossession, as well as British colonial incubation of Zionism, Zionism as a Eurocentric episteme, the building of Israel through ethnic cleansing, and the Nakba, all of these culminating in legalized dispossession. Throughout the text, Bazian is able to tie each chapter to the present state of affairs and remind the audience of the trauma of a people forcibly removed. Bazian opens with the straightforward assertion that “Palestine is the last settler-colonial project to be commissioned in the late 19th early 20th centuries and still unfolding in the 21st century with no end in sight” (17). In chapter one, “Dissecting the Ottomans and Colonizing Palestine,” Bazian navigates the biased historiography of the fall of the Ottoman empire, linking the collapse of the empire to the colonizing forces of Europe which sought to ensure access to the newly discovered oil in the region as well as to Asia and Africa. Bazian masterfully steers the reader through the history of European intervention, and in particular on behalf of Christians as ethnic minorities in the Middle East. Europe is historically anti-Jewish; at the turn of the century, Zionism was determined to solve Europe’s “Jewish Problem” and maintain a stronghold in the Middle East, he writes. In chapter two, “Israel’s Biblical Theology of Dispossession,” Bazian explores the biblical roots of Zionist ideology. The chapter opens with a discussion of a contemporary Bedouin tribe being expelled in the Negev. Bazian writes that “the biblical text gets transformed into policy by the Zionist state, by which it then normalizes or makes legal the wholesale theft of Palestinian lands and expulsion of the population”(57) using legal documents such as the Levy Report. These policies create “facts on the ground” which lead to “legalized expulsions.” The Bible was central to the historical development of the European Christian supremacist idea of the Holy Land. The loss of the territory conquered during the Crusades ruptured this notion, a break “fixed” through Zionism. In chapter three, “British Colonialism and Incubation of Zionism,”Bazian begins to address British colonialism and Zionism as complementary. Bazian uses primary texts from British political actors of the time, such as Lord Robert Cecil and Lord Balfour, to establish the anti-Semiticinspiration for British actions of the time. Bazian also successfully uses the Hussein-McMahon Correspondence and the Sykes-Picot agreement to establish the double dealings of the British in the Middle East in the early twentieth century. Bazian uses many primary texts in this chapter effectively, though their organization could leave readers confused. Chapter four, “Zionism: Eurocentric Colonial Epistemic,” continues the themes of the prior chapter as the colonial influence is cemented. In this chapter, Bazian explores the subterfuge and the genius propaganda selling Palestine as “a land without a people for a people without a land” along with “making the desert bloom”—as if the indigenous Arab people were not there. Bazian frames this chapter within the Zionist ideology of the peoples living in the land being only a barrier to a Jewish state in Palestine. Bazian uses primary sources (e.g., Herzl) to defend the assertion that the removal of the Palestinian people was always a piece of the Zionist plan. Bazian also includes Jewish critical voices (e.g., excerpts from the reporter Ella Shohat) to establish the European Jewish bias against the indigenous Arab peoples, including Sephardic Jews. Bazian that these biases and the effort to remove Palestinians from their land defined the early Zionist movement and the creation of the state of Israel in chapter five, “Building a State and Ethnic Cleansing.” This chapter draws extensively on primary sources: correspondence, reports, declarations, agreements, commissions, and maps. Bazian struggles to organize these rich resources in a clear fashion; however, his analysis matches the richness of the sources. These sources establish the “legalized” systematic removal of the Palestinians from the land by the Israelis in 1948. In chapter six, “The Nakba,” Bazian uses further legal documents and first-hand accounts to trace the forced removal of Palestinians. He pays homage to the trauma while critically dissecting the process of legalizing ethnic cleansing and peddling the innocence of the Israelis to the rest of the world. Bazian profoundly concludes his chapter with the story of a Palestinian boy who witnessed the mass executions of men and women of his village and marched away from his home. The boy, now a man, closed his story with poignant words that capture the horror of the Nakba: “The road to Ramallah had become an open cemetery” (241). After the land was emptied the new state of Israel needed to legally take possession of the Palestinian-owned property. Chapter seven, “Colonial Machination,” elaborates this process: “the State of Israel is structured to give maximum attention to fulfillment of the settler-colonial project and the state apparatus is directed toward achieving this criminal enterprise” (243). The name “Palestine” is erased as a name for the land and the peoples; former colonial and Ottoman laws were twisted to support a systematic theft of the land. Bazian concludes his book with a look to the future: “What is the way forward and Palestine’s de-colonial horizon?” (276). He lays out the options available for true and lasting peace, discounting out of hand the twostate solution as impossible due to the extent of the settlements in the West Bank. He also dismisses both the options of the removal of Palestinians and the removal of the Jewish people. He instead posits a way forward through a one-state solution, leaving how this is to be done to the reader and the people of Israel/Palestine to determine. Bazian has contributed a full-bodied analysis of primary sources to defend his assertion that Zionism has always been a settler colonial movement with its goal being a land devoid of the indigenous people. The organization of the text, the lack of sectioning in the chapters, and the technical insertion and citation of primary sources could be improved for clearer reading. Bazian thoroughly defends his thesis with tangible evidence that Zionism is something colonial, and has been something colonial from the start. This is a text that complicates the narrative of what colonialism is, what the State of Israel is, and who and what Palestine is, together establishing the book as required reading for understanding nuances of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. 
 Shelby Perez Master’s Divinity Candidate Chicago Theological Seminary
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Perez, Shelby. "Palestine…It Is Something Colonial." American Journal of Islam and Society 35, no. 4 (2018): 64–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v35i4.475.
Full textAbstract:
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has not existed since the beginning of time. Hatem Bazian explores the roots of the conflict, locating the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project under the tutelage of British colonial efforts. Bazian’s text is a look at and beyond first-hand accounts, an investigation of and critical analysis of settler practice in relation to similar texts such as Sari Nusseibeh’s Once Upon a Country: A Palestinian Life, Alan Dowty’s Israel/Palestine, and Ari Shavit’s My Promised Land. Hatem Bazian’s Palestine…it is something colonial is not an introduction to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Readers should possess a basic understanding of the conflict and history of the region over the last century. Nor does this text provide the reader with an unbiased look at the timeline of events since the inception of the Zionist movement. Palestine…it is something colonial instead is a rich critique of the Zionist movement and British colonialism. It investigates the way British colonialism influenced Zionism and how Zionism adopted colonial ideas and practices. Bazian locates Zionism as a settler colonialist movement still at work today, which historically planned and systematically executed the removal of Palestinians from their land, with the aid of the United Kingdom and (later) the United States. Bazian examines Ottoman collapse, the colonization of Palestine by the British, Israel’s biblical theology of dispossession, as well as British colonial incubation of Zionism, Zionism as a Eurocentric episteme, the building of Israel through ethnic cleansing, and the Nakba, all of these culminating in legalized dispossession. Throughout the text, Bazian is able to tie each chapter to the present state of affairs and remind the audience of the trauma of a people forcibly removed. Bazian opens with the straightforward assertion that “Palestine is the last settler-colonial project to be commissioned in the late 19th early 20th centuries and still unfolding in the 21st century with no end in sight” (17). In chapter one, “Dissecting the Ottomans and Colonizing Palestine,” Bazian navigates the biased historiography of the fall of the Ottoman empire, linking the collapse of the empire to the colonizing forces of Europe which sought to ensure access to the newly discovered oil in the region as well as to Asia and Africa. Bazian masterfully steers the reader through the history of European intervention, and in particular on behalf of Christians as ethnic minorities in the Middle East. Europe is historically anti-Jewish; at the turn of the century, Zionism was determined to solve Europe’s “Jewish Problem” and maintain a stronghold in the Middle East, he writes. In chapter two, “Israel’s Biblical Theology of Dispossession,” Bazian explores the biblical roots of Zionist ideology. The chapter opens with a discussion of a contemporary Bedouin tribe being expelled in the Negev. Bazian writes that “the biblical text gets transformed into policy by the Zionist state, by which it then normalizes or makes legal the wholesale theft of Palestinian lands and expulsion of the population”(57) using legal documents such as the Levy Report. These policies create “facts on the ground” which lead to “legalized expulsions.” The Bible was central to the historical development of the European Christian supremacist idea of the Holy Land. The loss of the territory conquered during the Crusades ruptured this notion, a break “fixed” through Zionism. In chapter three, “British Colonialism and Incubation of Zionism,”Bazian begins to address British colonialism and Zionism as complementary. Bazian uses primary texts from British political actors of the time, such as Lord Robert Cecil and Lord Balfour, to establish the anti-Semiticinspiration for British actions of the time. Bazian also successfully uses the Hussein-McMahon Correspondence and the Sykes-Picot agreement to establish the double dealings of the British in the Middle East in the early twentieth century. Bazian uses many primary texts in this chapter effectively, though their organization could leave readers confused. Chapter four, “Zionism: Eurocentric Colonial Epistemic,” continues the themes of the prior chapter as the colonial influence is cemented. In this chapter, Bazian explores the subterfuge and the genius propaganda selling Palestine as “a land without a people for a people without a land” along with “making the desert bloom”—as if the indigenous Arab people were not there. Bazian frames this chapter within the Zionist ideology of the peoples living in the land being only a barrier to a Jewish state in Palestine. Bazian uses primary sources (e.g., Herzl) to defend the assertion that the removal of the Palestinian people was always a piece of the Zionist plan. Bazian also includes Jewish critical voices (e.g., excerpts from the reporter Ella Shohat) to establish the European Jewish bias against the indigenous Arab peoples, including Sephardic Jews. Bazian that these biases and the effort to remove Palestinians from their land defined the early Zionist movement and the creation of the state of Israel in chapter five, “Building a State and Ethnic Cleansing.” This chapter draws extensively on primary sources: correspondence, reports, declarations, agreements, commissions, and maps. Bazian struggles to organize these rich resources in a clear fashion; however, his analysis matches the richness of the sources. These sources establish the “legalized” systematic removal of the Palestinians from the land by the Israelis in 1948. In chapter six, “The Nakba,” Bazian uses further legal documents and first-hand accounts to trace the forced removal of Palestinians. He pays homage to the trauma while critically dissecting the process of legalizing ethnic cleansing and peddling the innocence of the Israelis to the rest of the world. Bazian profoundly concludes his chapter with the story of a Palestinian boy who witnessed the mass executions of men and women of his village and marched away from his home. The boy, now a man, closed his story with poignant words that capture the horror of the Nakba: “The road to Ramallah had become an open cemetery” (241). After the land was emptied the new state of Israel needed to legally take possession of the Palestinian-owned property. Chapter seven, “Colonial Machination,” elaborates this process: “the State of Israel is structured to give maximum attention to fulfillment of the settler-colonial project and the state apparatus is directed toward achieving this criminal enterprise” (243). The name “Palestine” is erased as a name for the land and the peoples; former colonial and Ottoman laws were twisted to support a systematic theft of the land. Bazian concludes his book with a look to the future: “What is the way forward and Palestine’s de-colonial horizon?” (276). He lays out the options available for true and lasting peace, discounting out of hand the twostate solution as impossible due to the extent of the settlements in the West Bank. He also dismisses both the options of the removal of Palestinians and the removal of the Jewish people. He instead posits a way forward through a one-state solution, leaving how this is to be done to the reader and the people of Israel/Palestine to determine. Bazian has contributed a full-bodied analysis of primary sources to defend his assertion that Zionism has always been a settler colonial movement with its goal being a land devoid of the indigenous people. The organization of the text, the lack of sectioning in the chapters, and the technical insertion and citation of primary sources could be improved for clearer reading. Bazian thoroughly defends his thesis with tangible evidence that Zionism is something colonial, and has been something colonial from the start. This is a text that complicates the narrative of what colonialism is, what the State of Israel is, and who and what Palestine is, together establishing the book as required reading for understanding nuances of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. 
 Shelby Perez Master’s Divinity Candidate Chicago Theological Seminary
40
Samarskaia, Liudmila Maksimovna. "British Policy in Palestine: Interests versus Reality (1917-1922)." RUDN Journal of World History 12, no. 2 (2020): 112–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2020-12-2-112-135.
Full textAbstract:
The period between the publication of the Balfour Declaration in 1917 and League of Nations mandates official assignment to Great Britain in 1922 was not lengthy, but highly eventful. All this time England was maneuvring between the Jewish and the Arab national movements, which also gradually formed their own demands and objectives. The problem was, pursuing British interests was possible through maneuvring only, as support of just one local force was not quite strategically advantageous. Britains official commitment to the Balfour Declaration remained at the core of its policy, however it could not completely ignore the demands of the Arab polutaion of Palestine. Although there were quite a number of British administrators and imperial politicians, who were sympathetic towards the Zionist cause and thus were ready to meet their requests to a certain extent, adherence to the British Middle East interests remained crucial to them. The idea of a Jewish national home (not a state, though) in Palestine did not come into contradiction with the general policy of Great Britain in the Middle East: it was rather its integral part. At the same time implementing the Zionist project had to be in line with it: any relatively radical (from the British administrators point of view) proposals were rejected or postponed indefinitely. Towards the Arabs of Palestine Great Britain was conducting mainly declarative policy without any serious consideration of their problems and grievances, although trying to appease their demands to a certain extent. Even the Arab riots of 1920 and 1921 did not cause a serious change in the British political course in Palestine, although they did contribute to the emergence of Churchills White Paper in 1922, declaring certain concessions to the Arab national movement, which never accepted the document. At the same time British policy in general was neither pro-Zionist, nor pro-Arab: England was pursuing its long-term strategic goals in the Middle East, skillfully utilizing Zionist and Arab national movements to achieve them.
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Harif, Hanan. "Infanticide, Orientalism, and British Law in Mandate Palestine." Jewish Quarterly Review 114, no. 2 (2024): 263–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jqr.2024.a929055.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract: In the summer of 1939, the Jewish community in mandatory Palestine was rocked by a terrible case of infanticide: a father was charged in the British Mandatory court with murder, having buried his five-day-old infant son alive. Unlike other crimes of homicide that were discussed in court, in this case the intervention of a scholar after the final verdict had been handed down changed the court’s decision altogether. This paper shows how a forgotten story can serve as a case study for the wider cultural, social, and legal contexts in which it took place. Using an interdisciplinary examination of a specific case, the paper explores the power relations and cultural negotiations between Jewish inhabitants and British officials in Palestine, as well as among Jews of different origins and backgrounds and also within British legal system itself. This examination uncovers the role of European-Jewish orientalists in mediating between British authorities and Mizrahi Jews by making efficient use of the changing attitudes of imperial legal high officials toward the colonial subjects. It underlines a unique trait of Jewish academic orientalism: integrating into a Jewish-national society involved previously unfamiliar duties that had to do with the overall Zionist social initiative.
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Cohen, Michael J. "The British Mandate in Palestine: The Strange Case of the 1930 White Paper." European Journal of Jewish Studies 10, no. 1 (2016): 79–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1872471x-12341287.
Full textAbstract:
After the “Wailing Wall” riots and pogroms that swept Palestine in August 1929, a British Commission of Inquiry reported that the Zionist project in Palestine could not proceed without encroaching upon the rights of the Palestinians, creating a class of landless Arabs. The minority Labour government endorsed these conclusions, in its White Paper of October 1930. But in a period of severe economic crisis, with Britain fearful of the Zionist lobby in the United States, and dependent upon Zionist finance to maintain its rule over Palestine, the government retreated from its own policy, in unique constitutional circumstances.
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Lahav, Pnina. "Foundations of Rights Jurisprudence in Israel: Chief Justice Agranat's Legacy." Israel Law Review 24, no. 2 (1990): 211–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700009869.
Full textAbstract:
“Liberty of the individual is a thing of the past, or the future, in Palestine”, wrote Bernard Joseph, a distinguished member of Israel's “government in the making” in 1948, shortly before Israel was inaugurated as a sovereign state. Joseph's “present” was the dusk of British rule in Palestine. Draconian Defence (Emergency) Regulations suspended conventional liberties ordinary westerners were accustomed to expect and turned Palestine into a police state.Precisely what “liberty of the individual” the esteemed jurist, who held degrees from both McGill University and the University of London, had in mind when he invoked the past of Palestine is not entirely clear. He could not have possibly meant liberty under the Ottoman regime which prevailed until 1918. Ottoman rule in Palestine was authoritarian, feudal and corrupt.
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Banko, Lauren. "Claiming Identities in Palestine: Migration and Nationality under the Mandate." Journal of Palestine Studies 46, no. 2 (2017): 26–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.2.26.
Full textAbstract:
In the decades just prior to the end of World War I, residents of the Ottoman Empire's provinces alternated with ease between a variety of personal identities and affiliations. Overlapping imperial, supranational, and localized identities could all be claimed with flexibility by Arab travelers and migrants in the region and in the wider diaspora. Arab, and later Jewish, inhabitants of Palestine conceived of nationality as a choice based on personal understandings of identity that were not necessarily tied to domicile in a particular territory. This article traces the demise of such a notion of nationality, and its practical repercussions after 1918, showing how Palestine's emigrants and immigrants did not immediately understand or reimagine themselves as part of the more rigid nationality system imposed by the British Mandate. Analyzing regional migration into and out of Palestine during the interwar period, the study seeks to explain the ways in which a system of flexible national affiliation transformed into a rigid system of nationality based on domicile.
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Hofri-Winogradow, Adam S. "Zionist Settlers and the English Private Trust in Mandate Palestine." Law and History Review 30, no. 3 (2012): 813–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248012000260.
Full textAbstract:
The basic colonial encounter involved a colonizing power and colonized locals. Some colonial situations were more complex, involving a third element: settlers of nonlocal stock originating in an ethnos, or nation, different than that with which the colonizer was identified. Two prominent examples from the annals of the British Empire are the French inhabitants of Nouvelle France after France ceded it to the British in 1763, and the Dutch inhabitants of the Cape Colony after the British conquest of 1806. The British typically permitted such settler populations to retain at least parts of the laws to which they were accustomed, which laws were often based on the laws of the settlers' jurisdiction of origin. As regards settler use of English law, the English sometimes provided for the application of parts of it to non-British settlers, while blocking such settlers' attempts to use other parts. The part of English law most commonly applied to non-British colonial subjects, both settlers and natives, was commercial law, in order to facilitate commerce between different parts of the Empire. The parts least commonly applied to such inhabitants were family law, land law, and the law of inheritance.
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Mathew, William M. "War-Time Contingency and the Balfour Declaration of 1917: An Improbable Regression." Journal of Palestine Studies 40, no. 2 (2011): 26–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2011.xl.2.26.
Full textAbstract:
Rejecting deterministic views of the 1917 Balfour Declaration as an expression of the inevitable work of history returning Jews to their ancient homeland, this article argues that Britain's fateful endorsement of the idea of a national home for Jews in Palestine was, in fact, the result of a combination of fortuity and contingency related primarily to World War I and the concerns and personalities of the British politicians involved. The article highlights the historic improbability of the Declaration and its implementation in the League of Nations Mandate for Palestine, noting the regression it represented at a time when British imperial policy aspired to more flexible accommodations with colonial populations.
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Gökatalay, Semih. "The Formation of Industrial Brewing and the Transfer of Knowledge and Demand in Mandatory Palestine." Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 65, no. 1 (2024): 37–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2024-0005.
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Abstract This article traces the development of brewing and the transfer of knowledge in Mandatory Palestine. Brewing in Palestine proceeded under the watchful eye of the mandate government. Although the reluctance of the British to endorse local enterprises inhibited the progress of beer production in the first decade of the mandate, a thriving brewing industry began to prosper and expand in the latter half of the 1930s. The Palestine Brewery Ltd. exemplified this change. Soon after it started operations, the company gained public confidence and diversified its product range; its products circulated throughout the nation. The challenges by British firms notwithstanding, it gradually took the place of foreign beer in the Palestine market. The company pioneered new methods of communal advertising campaigns and attuned its operations more sensitively to the requirements of the day, elevating it to a symbol of business success and the national economy. Not only popular periodicals but also activities in public relations took on increased significance when it came to promoting products in the market. The demand by military forces allowed further expansion of the company, and the company transitioned into an unprecedented phase of prosperity during World War II. The differing fates of this company and its predecessors proved the primacy of political and social factors for the successful transfer of knowledge between Palestine and Europe.
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Kozma, Liat, and Yoni Furas. "PALESTINIAN DOCTORS UNDER THE BRITISH MANDATE: THE FORMATION OF A PROFESSION." International Journal of Middle East Studies 52, no. 1 (2020): 87–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743819000886.
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AbstractDuring the final years of Ottoman rule and the three decades of British rule, Palestine witnessed the emergence of a community of professionally trained Palestinian Arab doctors. This study traces the evolution of the medical profession in Palestine against the background of the shifting cultural and symbolic capital of an expanding urban middle class and the educational possibilities that enabled this development. Palestinian Arab doctors are examined through a number of interconnected prisms: their activity in social, political, and professional regional networks, their modus operandi under British colonial rule, their response to Zionism and its accompanying influx of immigrant Jewish doctors, and their ability to mobilize collectively under a shared national vision.
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Adelson, Roger, and Naomi Shepherd. "Ploughing Sand: British Rule in Palestine 1917-1948." American Historical Review 106, no. 4 (2001): 1504. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2693158.
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Perkins, Kenneth J., and Naomi Shepherd. "Ploughing Sand: British Rule in Palestine, 1917-1948." Journal of Military History 64, no. 4 (2000): 1186. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2677306.
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