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1

Mundell, Ian. "France welcomes British physicists." Nature 357, no. 6377 (June 1992): 350. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/357350b0.

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2

CHERFAS, J. "More Pain for British Physicists." Science 251, no. 5000 (March 22, 1991): 1421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.251.5000.1421-a.

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3

Sweet, William. "British Particle Physicists Reject Proposed Cuts for CERN." Physics Today 38, no. 9 (September 1985): 67–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.2814692.

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4

Davies, Mansel. "Physics and Physicists in the British Science Scene." Physics Bulletin 36, no. 6 (June 1985): 249–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/0031-9112/36/6/019.

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5

Blow, D., and S. Wallwork. "Prehistory of the British Crystallographic Association." Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 58, no. 2 (May 22, 2004): 177–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2004.0054.

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Development of a unified organization for British crystallographers was hindered, especially during the 1960s and 1970s, because of the separation of crystallographic groups for physicists and chemists. This was due partly to loyalties to different parent societies and partly to associated financial problems. The British Crystallographic Association was eventually formed by the creation of groups that were affiliated jointly to the parent societies and to the new Association. Founder Members and industrial Founder Sponsors made the Association financially viable, and it is now one of the largest crystallographic societies in the world.
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6

Clarke, Imogen. "How to manage a revolution: Isaac Newton in the early twentieth century." Notes and Records: the Royal Society Journal of the History of Science 68, no. 4 (September 3, 2014): 323–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2014.0030.

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In the first half of the twentieth century, dramatic developments in physics came to be viewed as revolutionary, apparently requiring a complete overthrow of previous theories. British physicists were keen to promote quantum physics and relativity theory as exciting and new, but the rhetoric of revolution threatened science's claim to stability and its prestigious connections with Isaac Newton. This was particularly problematic in the first decades of the twentieth century, within the broader context of political turmoil, world war, and the emergence of modernist art and literature. This article examines how physicists responded to their cultural and political environment and worked to maintain disciplinary connections with Isaac Newton, emphasizing the importance of both the old and the new. In doing so they attempted to make the physics ‘revolution’ more palatable to a British public seeking a sense of permanence in a rapidly changing world.
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7

Vojak, Bruce A., Abbie Griffin, Raymond L. Price, and Konstantin Perlov. "Characteristics of technical visionaries as perceived by American and British industrial physicists." R and D Management 36, no. 1 (January 2006): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9310.2005.00412.x.

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8

Falconer, Isobel. "Vortices and atoms in the Maxwellian era." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society A: Mathematical, Physical and Engineering Sciences 377, no. 2158 (September 30, 2019): 20180451. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsta.2018.0451.

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The mathematical study of vortices began with Herman von Helmholtz's pioneering study in 1858. It was pursued vigorously over the next two decades, largely by British physicists and mathematicians, in two contexts: Maxwell's vortex analogy for the electromagnetic field and William Thomson's (Lord Kelvin) theory that atoms were vortex rings in an all-pervading ether. By the time of Maxwell's death in 1879, the basic laws of vortices in a perfect fluid in three-dimensional Euclidean space had been established, as had their importance to physics. Early vortex studies were embedded in a web of issues spanning the fields we now know as ‘mathematics’ and ‘physics’—fields which had not yet become institutionally distinct disciplines but overlapped. This paper investigates the conceptual issues with ideas of force, matter, and space, that underlay mechanics and led to vortex models being an attractive proposition for British physicists, and how these issues played out in the mathematics of vortices, paying particular attention to problems around continuity. It concludes that while they made valuable contributions to hydrodynamics and the nascent field of topology, the British ultimately failed in their more physical objectives. This article is part of the theme issue ‘Topological and geometrical aspects of mass and vortex dynamics’.
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9

Gomel, Elana. "“SPIRITS IN THE MATERIAL WORLD”: SPIRITUALISM AND IDENTITY IN THE FIN DE SIÈCLE." Victorian Literature and Culture 35, no. 1 (January 22, 2007): 189–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150307051480.

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BOOKS ARE SOMETIMES published posthumously. In the nineteenth century, books were occasionally written posthumously when spiritualist mediums claimed to receive communications from the spirits of famous writers anxious to keep in touch with their public from beyond the grave. Oscar Wilde wrote his last book twenty-six years after his death, Oscar Wilde from Purgatory: Psychic Messages (1926), edited by Hester Travers Smith, the medium who received the messages while in trance and inscribed them through the process known as “automatic writing.” The book was highly regarded in the spiritualist community, boasting a preface by Sir William Barrett, a famous physicist, a member of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, and – along with a number of other illustrious men of science such as physicists Sir William Crookes and Oliver Lodge as well as biologist Alfred Russell Wallace – a convert to spiritualism.
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10

Hamilton, Beryl. "British Geologists' Changing Perceptions of Precambrian Time in the Nineteenth Century." Earth Sciences History 8, no. 2 (January 1, 1989): 141–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.8.2.237l18216v3kn408.

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Time as a physical and metaphysical phenomenon underlies the development of ideas about the Precambrian in the nineteenth century. In Britain there was a strong philosophical tradition concerning the nature of time which was closely tied to science, especially the physical sciences. A clash developed between the physical and the earth scientists about the nature and duration of time, particularly where the age of the earth was concerned. As the rocks of the lowest part of the geological column were identified and mapped, the geologists' perceptions of the Precambrian, its duration and ultimate age, changed. This occurred while using what many physicists thought of as false and lax concepts of the physical nature of time.
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11

Ramnarine, Tina K. "Cyborg Mantras, Technologies, and the Temporalities of Tradition." Preservation, Digital Technology & Culture 47, no. 3-4 (December 19, 2018): 144–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pdtc-2018-0013.

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AbstractThis article takes it point of departure from conversations with Gumbula that centred on the transmission of tradition and British imperial histories. It focuses on examples from India and its diaspora, discussing the mantra, in particular. This is a traditional genre evoking cultural and spiritual heritages, but it is also connected with cyber technologies. The discussion concludes with observations on post-national thinking and predictions from physicists on the future of humanity as a multi-planet species.
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12

Keyes, Mira, William James Morris, Ingrid Spadinger, Cynthia Araujo, Arthur Cheung, Nick Chng, Juanita Crook, et al. "Radiation oncology and medical physicists quality assurance in British Columbia Cancer Agency Provincial Prostate Brachytherapy Program." Brachytherapy 12, no. 4 (July 2013): 343–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.brachy.2012.03.006.

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13

BALDWIN, MELINDA. "‘Keeping in the race’: physics, publication speed and national publishing strategies in Nature, 1895–1939." British Journal for the History of Science 47, no. 2 (July 11, 2013): 257–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087413000381.

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AbstractBy the onset of the Second World War, the British scientific periodical Nature – specifically, Nature's ‘Letters to the editor’ column – had become a major publication venue for scientists who wished to publish short communications about their latest experimental findings. This paper argues that the Nobel Prize-winning physicist Ernest Rutherford was instrumental in establishing this use of the ‘Letters to the editor’ column in the early twentieth century. Rutherford's contributions set Nature apart from its fellow scientific weeklies in Britain and helped construct a defining feature of Nature's influence in the twentieth century. Rutherford's participation in the journal influenced his students and colleagues in the field of radioactivity physics and drew physicists like the German Otto Hahn and the American Bertram Borden Boltwood to submit their work to Nature as well, and Nature came to play a major role in spreading news of the latest research in the science of radioactivity. Rutherford and his colleagues established a pattern of submissions to the ‘Letters to the editor’ that would eventually be adopted by scientists from diverse fields and from laboratories around the world.
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14

Alvarado, Carlos S. "Essay Review: On the Borderland of Physics and Psychic Phenomena." Journal of Scientific Exploration 35, no. 3 (September 26, 2021): 646–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31275/20211877.

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In an address presented on August 20, 1891 at the Sixty-First Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science the President of the Association’s Section of Mathematics and Physical Science discussed various scientific developments. The speaker started with brief mentions of Michael Faraday’s centenary, and the death of Wilhelm Weber, and then went on to detailed discussions of a binary system of stars, the discovery of ways to achieve color photography, and the importance of professional systematic physics research leaving behind amateur efforts. Then he changed directions and said he was going to discuss a “topic which is as yet beyond the pale of scientific orthodoxy” (p. 551). The topic, the study of psychic phenomena, was called by the speaker the “borderland of physics and psychology,” an area “bounded on the north by psychology, on the south by physics, on the east by physiology, and on the west by pathology and medicine” (p. 553). “I have spoken,” our speaker continued, “of the apparently direct action of mind on mind, and of a possible action of mind on matter. But the whole region is unexplored territory . . . I care not what the end may be. I do care that inquiry shall be conducted by us” (p. 555, my italics). The speaker was English physicist Oliver J. Lodge (1892; see Figure 1), who by that time was well known for his interest and work in psychical research.1 The “us” in the last quote above was a reference to the community of physicists. Such interest in the topic by some physicists, of which Lodge was a main player, is the subject of the book reviewed here.
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15

Henderson, Andrea. "Magic Mirrors: Formalist Realism in Victorian Physics and Photography." Representations 117, no. 1 (2012): 120–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2012.117.1.120.

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This essay argues that British photography of the 1850s and ’60s wedded realism—understood as a commitment to descriptive truthfulness—with formalism, or a belief in the defining power of structural relationships. Photographers at midcentury understood the realistic character of photography to be grounded in more than fidelity to detail; the technical properties of the medium accorded perfectly with the claims of contemporary physicists that reality itself was constituted by spatial arrangements and polar forces rather than essential categorical distinctions. The photographs of Clementina, Lady Hawarden exemplify this formalist realism, dramatizing the power of the formal logic of photography not only to represent the real but to reveal its fundamentally formal nature.
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16

Cervantes-Cota, Jorge, Salvador Galindo-Uribarri, and George Smoot. "The Legacy of Einstein’s Eclipse, Gravitational Lensing." Universe 6, no. 1 (December 31, 2019): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/universe6010009.

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A hundred years ago, two British expeditions measured the deflection of starlight by the Sun’s gravitational field, confirming the prediction made by Einstein’s General Theory of Relativity. One hundred years later many physicists around the world are involved in studying the consequences and use as a research tool, of the deflection of light by gravitational fields, a discipline that today receives the generic name of Gravitational Lensing. The present review aims to commemorate the centenary of Einstein’s Eclipse expeditions by presenting a historical perspective of the development and milestones on gravitational light bending, covering from early XIX century speculations, to its current use as an important research tool in astronomy and cosmology.
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17

Willis, Kirk. "The Origins of British Nuclear Culture, 1895–1939." Journal of British Studies 34, no. 1 (January 1995): 59–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386067.

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The images are familiar and ineradicable: cities scorched by blasts of tremendous heat, with thousands of civilians vaporized, thousands of others burned and disfigured, landscapes rendered desolate and uninhabitable by radiation; submarines, automobiles, luxury liners, and airplanes powered by clumps of uranium the size of a human fist; homes heated and cooled by limitless supplies of cheap energy drawn from secure reactors; land-based particle beam weapons capable of destroying airborne missiles and thus of providing a protective shield for civilian populations; eccentric physicists with thick central European accents, unkempt hair, ill-fitting clothes, and a crazed gleam of unearthly mischief in their eyes; politicians, civil servants, joint chiefs blinkered by hatred and ambition, ignorant of even the first principles of science and technology, careless of civilians, reckless in brinksmanship, and arrogant in assessments of military capability.Such images, indeed, are part of the consciousness of all citizens of the atomic age: we who have stared at the newsreels of Nagasaki and Chernobyl, sat riveted with John Hersey's unforgettable Hiroshima, laughed over the absurdities of Dr. Strangelove (1964), winced at the smiling publicity of atomic energy authorities or the local power company's plans for a new reactor, trembled at the apprarently inexorable proliferation of nuclear technologies into the Third and Fourth Worlds, or grown angry at the exaggerations—both budgetary and practical—of yet the latest “generation” of weapons systems. And yet the images of obliterated cities, atomic-powered ships, and particle beam weapons—images which have come to define so much of the anxiety as well as opportunity of the postwar world—all existed in the popular consciousness in Britain and America long before August 1945, before, indeed, December 1941 or even September 1939.
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18

reviewers, Various. "Book reviews." Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 56, no. 1 (January 22, 2002): 105–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2002.0171.

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Ten book reviews in the January 2002 issue of Notes and Records : Frances Ashcroft, Life at the extremes: the science of survival . Rethinking the Scientific Revolution , edited by Margaret J. Osler. Abraham Pais, The genius of science. A portrait gallery of twentieth-century physicists . Elly Dekker, Globes at Greenwich . John D. Barrow, The book of nothing . Adam Hart-Davis, Chain reactions: pioneers of British science and technology and the stories that link them . Newton and religion: context, nature, and influence , edited by James E. Force and Richard H. Popkin. Roy M. MacLeod, The ‘creed of science’ in Victorian England . R. A. Fortey, F.R.S., Trilobite! Eyewitness to evolution . Owen Beattie and John Geiger, Frozen in time: the fate of the Franklin expedition .
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19

Gavroglu, Kostas. "The Reaction of the British Physicists and Chemists to van der Waals' Early Work and to the Law of Corresponding States." Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences 20, no. 2 (January 1, 1990): 199–237. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27757643.

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20

Ramalingam, Chitra. "Dust Plate, Retina, Photograph: Imaging on Experimental Surfaces in Early Nineteenth-Century Physics." Science in Context 28, no. 3 (August 10, 2015): 317–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889715000125.

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ArgumentThis article explores the entangled histories of three imaging techniques in early nineteenth-century British physical science, techniques in which a dynamic event (such as a sound vibration or an electric spark) was made to leave behind a fixed trace on a sensitive surface. Three categories of “sensitive surface” are examined in turn: first, a metal plate covered in fine dust; second, the retina of the human eye; and finally, a surface covered with a light-sensitive chemical emulsion (a photographic plate). For physicists Michael Faraday and Charles Wheatstone, and photographic pioneer William Henry Fox Talbot, transient phenomena could be studied through careful observation and manipulation of the patterns wrought on these different surfaces, and through an understanding of how the imaging process unfolded through time. This exposes the often-ignored materiality and temporality of epistemic practices around nineteenth-century scientific images said to be “drawn by nature.”
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21

Navarro, Jaume. "Ether and Wireless." Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 46, no. 4 (September 1, 2016): 460–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2016.46.4.460.

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With the creation of the BBC in 1922, wireless sets ceased to be obscure devices for military and commercial communication, and became household goods to entertain the British middle classes. Wireless amateurs, electrical engineers, inventors, and specialized physicists engaged in a cultural exchange among themselves and with the general public to explain and understand the mechanisms and possibilities of the new technology. This created a new arena for discussions on the existence of the ether at a time when highly esoteric physics (mainly relativity, but also quantum physics) had triggered a debate about its very existence. In this paper I explore the ways in which the ether saw its popularity renewed by its link to the modern wireless technologies. I argue that far from being part of an old, outdated physics, radio broadcasting was instrumental for the ether to remain popular, and even an element of modernity, among many wireless amateurs, engineers, and the general public in the 1920s and early 1930s.
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22

Gimsa, Andreas. "Symmetries in the Mathematical and Physical Description of Nature." International Journal of Scientific Research and Management 8, `11 (November 26, 2020): 36–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsrm/v8i11.aa01.

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Symmetries play an essential role in nature. Symmetrical structures are generally perceived as beautiful. Mathematicians and also physicists even regard symmetries in the equations for the mathematical and physical description of the world as an indication of their correctness. The British mathematician Godfrey Harold Hardy [1.] writes: "The mathematician's patterns, like the painter's or the poet's must be beautiful; the ideas like the colours or the words, must fit together in a harmonious way. Beauty is the first test: there is no permanent place in the world for ugly mathematics.“ A very interesting example of symmetries in physics has been provided by Emmy Noether, who found that certain system characteristics are preserved during changes (transformations). Emmy Noether derived the propositions of conservation of energy, momentum and angular momentum from the invariance (immutability) of the laws of nature during transformation of time, place and direction. These symmetries and their conservation laws form the foundation of physics. In this publication, further essential symmetries are to be investigated, which relate in particular to the symmetry of energy and information and their effects.
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23

Gianotti, F., and T. S. Virdee. "The discovery and measurements of a Higgs boson." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society A: Mathematical, Physical and Engineering Sciences 373, no. 2032 (January 13, 2015): 20140384. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsta.2014.0384.

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In July 2012, the ATLAS and CMS collaborations at CERN's Large Hadron Collider announced the discovery of a Higgs-like boson, a new heavy particle at a mass more than 130 times the mass of a proton. Since then, further data have revealed its properties to be strikingly similar to those of the Standard Model Higgs boson, a particle expected from the mechanism introduced almost 50 years ago by six theoreticians including British physicists Peter Higgs from Edinburgh University and Tom Kibble from Imperial College London. The discovery is the culmination of a truly remarkable scientific journey and undoubtedly the most significant scientific discovery of the twenty-first century so far. Its experimental confirmation turned out to be a monumental task requiring the creation of an accelerator and experiments of unprecedented capability and complexity, designed to discern the signatures that correspond to the Higgs boson. Thousands of scientists and engineers, in each of the ATLAS and CMS teams, came together from all four corners of the world to make this massive discovery possible.
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24

Warner, Mark. "Sir Sam Edwards. 1 February 1928 — 7 July 2015." Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 63 (January 2017): 243–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.2016.0028.

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Sam Edwards was one of the leading physicists of the second half of the twentieth century. He was Cavendish Professor at the University of Cambridge, a Vice President of the Royal Society, a member of the Académie des Sciences and of the US National Academy, and a senior figure in the university and his college. He played a major role in public life, most notably as chairman of the Science Research Council (SRC), responsible for research funding in the UK. He was chairman of the British Association, chief government scientist to the Department of Energy, and chairman of the Defence Scientific Advisory Council. He was equally in demand to lead or to help set up bodies abroad, particularly the Max Planck Institute for Polymers in Mainz, Germany. Remarkably, Sam made some of his most celebrated scientific discoveries, for instance the theory of spin glasses and the rheology of high polymer melts, while serving as the full-time head of the SRC. Conversely, his scientific insights informed his leadership in advising the government. His later science was in highly applicable areas: he was an active advisor to Unilever, Dow, Lucas and many other companies that rely on research.
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Edmunds, D. E., L. E. Fraenkel, and M. Pemberton. "Frederick Gerard Friedlander. 25 December 1917 — 20 May 2001." Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 63 (January 2017): 273–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.2016.0027.

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Gerard Friedlander was the son of Austrian communist intellectuals, who divorced when he was four. From the age of two he was raised by grandparents in Vienna, while his mother lived in Berlin as a communist organizer. Hitler came to power in 1933; Friedlander was sent to England, aged 16, in 1934; two years later, he won a scholarship to Trinity College, Cambridge. By 1940 he was a fully fledged applied mathematician who came to embrace both the European and British traditions of that subject. His work was marked by profound originality, by the importance of its applications and by the mathematical rigour of his treatment. The applications of his work changed over the years. The first papers (written between 1939 and 1941, but published only in 1946 for security reasons) were a contribution to Civil Defence: they presented entirely new and explicit results on the shielding effect of a wall from a distant bomb blast. The late papers were contributions to the general, more abstract theory of partial differential equations, but, characteristically, with concrete examples that illuminated obscure aspects of the general theory. Between these two, the middle years brought a flowering of results about the wave equation (including results for a curved space-time), of importance to both physicists and mathematicians.
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26

Mundell, Ian. "British physicist to head CERN." Nature 359, no. 6394 (October 1992): 352. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/359352b0.

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27

Budi, Syah. "AKAR HISTORIS DAN PERKEMBANGAN ISLAM DI INGGRIS." Tasamuh: Jurnal Studi Islam 10, no. 2 (November 7, 2018): 325–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.32489/tasamuh.40.

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This paper will reveal the historical roots and Islamic development in British. The discussion covers various areas of study pertaining to historical situations. The study tends to focus on the search for the historical roots of Islam in the 7th to 15th and 16th-17th centuries, and also the development of Islamic institutions in British contemporer.The historical roots of Islam in Britain have existed since the discovery of several coins with the words 'laa ilaaha illallah' belonging to the King of Central England, Offa of Mercia, who died in 796. The history records that this Anglo Saxon King had trade ties with the peoples Muslim Spain, France and North Africa. In addition, also found in the 9th century the words 'bismillah' by Kufi Arabic on Ballycottin Cross. Indeed, in the eighth century history has noted that trade between Britain and the Muslim nations has been established. In fact, in 817 Muhammad bin Musa al-Khawarizmi wrote the book Shurat al-Ardhi (World Map) which contains a picture of a number of places in England. In the 12th century, when the feud with Pope Innocent III, King John established a relationship with Muslim rulers in North Africa. Later, in the era of Henry II, Adelard of Bath, a private teacher of the King of England who had visited Syria and Muslim Spain, translated a number of books by Arab Muslim writers into Latin. The same is done by Danel of Marley and Michael Scouts who translated Aristotle's works from Arabic. In 1386 Chaucer wrote in his book prologue Canterbury of Tales, a book that says that on the way back to Canterbury from the holy land, Palestine, a number of pilgrims visit physicists and other experts such as al-Razi, Ibn Sina and Ibnu Rusyd. At that time Ibn Sina's work, al-Qanun fi al-Tibb, had become the standard text for medical students until the seventeenth century.The development of Islam increasingly rapidly era after. In 1636 opened the Arabic language department at the University of Oxford. In addition, it is well known that the English King Charles I had collected Arabic and Persian manuscripts. In the era of Cromwell's post civil war, the Koran for the first time in 1649 was translated in English by Alexander Ross. In the nineteenth century more and more small Muslim communities, both immigrants from Africa and Asia, settled in port cities such as Cardif, South Shield (near New Castle), London and Liverpool. In the next stage, to this day, Islam in Britain has formally developed rapidly through the roles of institutions and priests, and the existence of Islam is also widely acknowledged by the kingdom, government, intellectuals, and the public at large.
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Budi, Syah. "Akar Historis dan Perkembangan Islam di Inggris." TASAMUH: Jurnal Studi Islam 10, no. 2 (September 3, 2018): 325–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.47945/tasamuh.v10i2.76.

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This paper will reveal the historical roots and Islamic development in British. The discussion covers various areas of study pertaining to historical situations. The study tends to focus on the search for the historical roots of Islam in the 7th to 15th and 16th-17th centuries, and also the development of Islamic institutions in British contemporer.The historical roots of Islam in Britain have existed since the discovery of several coins with the words 'laa ilaaha illallah' belonging to the King of Central England, Offa of Mercia, who died in 796. The history records that this Anglo Saxon King had trade ties with the peoples Muslim Spain, France and North Africa. In addition, also found in the 9th century the words 'bismillah' by Kufi Arabic on Ballycottin Cross. Indeed, in the eighth century history has noted that trade between Britain and the Muslim nations has been established. In fact, in 817 Muhammad bin Musa al-Khawarizmi wrote the book Shurat al-Ardhi (World Map) which contains a picture of a number of places in England. In the 12th century, when the feud with Pope Innocent III, King John established a relationship with Muslim rulers in North Africa. Later, in the era of Henry II, Adelard of Bath, a private teacher of the King of England who had visited Syria and Muslim Spain, translated a number of books by Arab Muslim writers into Latin. The same is done by Danel of Marley and Michael Scouts who translated Aristotle's works from Arabic. In 1386 Chaucer wrote in his book prologue Canterbury of Tales, a book that says that on the way back to Canterbury from the holy land, Palestine, a number of pilgrims visit physicists and other experts such as al-Razi, Ibn Sina and Ibnu Rusyd. At that time Ibn Sina's work, al-Qanun fi al-Tibb, had become the standard text for medical students until the seventeenth century.The development of Islam increasingly rapidly era after. In 1636 opened the Arabic language department at the University of Oxford. In addition, it is well known that the English King Charles I had collected Arabic and Persian manuscripts. In the era of Cromwell's post civil war, the Koran for the first time in 1649 was translated in English by Alexander Ross. In the nineteenth century more and more small Muslim communities, both immigrants from Africa and Asia, settled in port cities such as Cardif, South Shield (near New Castle), London and Liverpool. In the next stage, to this day, Islam in Britain has formally developed rapidly through the roles of institutions and priests, and the existence of Islam is also widely acknowledged by the kingdom, government, intellectuals, and the public at large
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29

Tasker, Elizabeth. "Tales from a British physicist in Japan." Physics World 31, no. 2 (February 2018): 45–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/2058-7058/31/2/34.

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30

Steedman, Carolyn. "On a Horse." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 127, no. 4 (October 2012): 809–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2012.127.4.809.

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Labor was an analytic category in the long english eighteenth century, but was work equally so? Is there any point in discovering a difference between the two? Lawyers and high-court judges, philosophers, physiologists, and prelates worked hard at the business of defining labor, over many years. Their formulations provided the legal and conceptual underpinnings of a new form of society born of the era of revolutions (political, philosophical, industrial; American, Atlantic, French). Here was a template for social knowledge in an emerging class society. Society was divided into propertied and propertyless; the propertyless were compelled by material need to put their labor at the disposal of the propertied. The labor of the poor was a country's natural resource, like its soil and seas and mines; it fell to the propertied to deploy this resource for the national benefit. British philosophers and physicists analyzed labor as a form of energy, often drawing an analogy between it and another great resource of the nation, its horses. Working men and women and horses were bound together in the deep structure of political thinking about labor and the social order. For eighteenth-century theorists, legislators, and farmers, the horse was the immanent measure of labor power and labor time. A horse was a measure of labor itself. There were perhaps a million horses in England and Wales in the late eighteenth century, about half of them workhorses in farming. The contribution of their dung to cereal-crop yield is attested to by economic and agricultural historians (Wrigley, Continuity 35–46; Gerhold; Turner). Horses were one reason the nation was, by and large, able to feed an increased population out of its own natural resources and sources of labor power, unlike other European countries in the period 1660–1820 (Wrigley, Poverty 44–67). The importance of the horse to agricultural productivity seems assured, though some contemporary economists, in the face of harvest failures in the 1790s and ongoing crises of dearth, complained of too many horses and of the vast amount of grain and labor spent in foddering and caring for them (Crafts; Brooke 1–34).
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31

Gabathuler, E. "Sir Alexander [Alec] Walter Merrison, D.L. 20 March 1924 – 19 February 1989." Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 48 (January 2002): 309–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.2002.0017.

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Alexander (‘Alec’) Walter Merrison was born in Wood Green, London, on 20 March 1924. He was the only child of Henry Walter Merrison, a fitter's mate, who rose to be a service manager in the local Gas Board and a respected Chairman of the Tottenham Group of Hospitals, and of Violet Henrietta Merrison ( née Mortimer) the daughter of an Ipswich family. Alec attended Tottenham Grammar School, then the Grammar School, Enfield, where he took the Higher School Certificate in physics, chemistry and mathematics. He became Captain of the school and is remembered as a fine scholar with a pleasant manner. His qualities of leadership were already evident at a very young age. He was also a choirboy at All Hallows Church, Wood Green, where his lifelong love of music was first developed. ;In 1944 he graduated in physics at King's College, London, when he was just 20 years old, researching radio wave propagation, after which he was ‘placed’ on wartime radar at the Signals Research Development Establishment at Christchurch, the only Englishman and civilian in a group of 26 engineers of the Polish Army in exile. Two years later he requested a transfer to the Atomic Energy Research Establishment at Harwell to participate in research of a more interesting and challenging nature. There he came under the tutelage of O.R. Frisch (F.R.S. 1948) and J.D. (later Sir John) Cockcroft, F.R.S., who were the leading research scientists in nuclear physics. At that time Harwell was the breeding ground for a generation of British physicists; Alec clearly relished this new environment, helping to equip an electron accelerator to produce short pulses of neutrons. His first published papers described how the new technique could be used to study the interaction of neutrons with matter. This was his first experience of the use of particle accelerators as powerful probes to investigate nuclear matter. The technique of neutron scattering from bulk matter is now an important discipline in its own right, and the genesis of the current world-leading facility (ISIS) at the Rutherford Appleton Laboratory can be traced back to these pioneering experiments in which Alec played a major role.
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32

O'Malley, Steve. "Are British Physicians Agents of the State?" JAMA: The Journal of the American Medical Association 257, no. 9 (March 6, 1987): 1175. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jama.1987.03390090047011.

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33

Johnson, Kate. "British Physicians Warned of New Risks With Atomoxetine." Clinical Psychiatry News 34, no. 3 (March 2006): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0270-6644(06)71223-1.

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34

BARER, MORRIS L., ARMINÉE KAZANJIAN, NINO PAGLICCIA, JOHN RUEDY, and WILLIAM A. WEBBER. "A Profile of Academic Physicians in British Columbia." Journal of the Association of American Medical Colleges 64, no. 9 (September 1989): 524–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00001888-198909000-00018.

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35

Abrams, Fredrick R. "Are British Physicians Agents of the State?-Reply." JAMA: The Journal of the American Medical Association 257, no. 9 (March 6, 1987): 1175. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jama.1987.03390090047012.

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36

Nathan, Peter E. "Stress in British Physicians and Other Medical Professionals." Contemporary Psychology: A Journal of Reviews 34, no. 7 (July 1989): 704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/030947.

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37

Pols, Hans. "Health and Disease in the Tropical Zone: Nineteenth-century British and Dutch Accounts of European Mortality in the Tropics." Science, Technology and Society 23, no. 2 (April 17, 2018): 324–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971721818762896.

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Acclimatisation theories varied depending on the political and social contexts in which they were used. Historians of medicine have argued that the pessimism of physicians practising in British India about the acclimatisation of white settlers in the tropics increased around the turn of the eighteenth century. Both British and Dutch physicians had long commented on the proverbial unhealthfulness of Batavia, but rather than relating this to the tropical climate, they emphasised the unwholesome behaviour of Dutch inhabitants. When Dutch physicians debated the possibility of white settlement in the tropical East Indies in the 1840s, many emphasised the importance of virtuous predisposition and intelligent behaviour in adjusting to the colony’s climate, suggesting optimistically that environmental problems might be resisted.
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38

Gibbons, Aidan, and Bosu Seo. "Predicting Future Physician Output for British Columbia, Canada." Research in Health Science 4, no. 1 (February 25, 2019): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/rhs.v4n1p15.

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<p><em>This study looks at data since 2002 and estimates a prediction for the health care output by physicians for British Columbia. The measure used to capture this output is full time equivalence (FTE), developed by the Canadian Institute for Health Information to capture an aggregate level of output by physicians through the value of their billings. The paper uses past data to estimate future physician numbers for the province based on Canadian medical school graduates, interprovincial migration, as well as estimates for the number of physicians leaving the workforce and the number of foreign educated physicians entering the province every year. Taking this prediction for future number of physicians, along with data on the age and gender distribution of doctors, BC population estimates, and previous FTE data, a regression model is developed to predict the level of FTE in BC for 2018 to 2020. This research ultimately predicts a steady, but modest rise in FTE for BC in the next few years. However, whether this growth will continue beyond 2020 is unclear, and a rise alone does not necessarily mean that it will better address future demand as BC is currently experiencing a shortage in physician services, and the demand for health care is expected to rise with the increasing proportion of seniors to working age individuals in the province. This paper suggests that changes should be put in place to increase the number of seats available in Canadian medical schools to address the shortage of physicians in the long term, and that BC will have to increase the number of foreign educated doctors in order to address shortages in the short term.</em></p>
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39

Ehrhardt, John D., and J. Patrick O'Leary. "The Rise of the Surgeon in the Seventeenth Century Virginia Colony." American Surgeon 84, no. 6 (June 2018): 763–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000313481808400615.

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Life in the early American colonies presented unique challenges to the British colonists. There was an acute need for health-care providers in the early Virginia colony at Jamestown. Many of the medical men who first arrived at Jamestown were surgeons who adapted themselves to fit the medical needs of the community. These men trained in the British system where they sat beneath physicians in a hierarchy that did not consider surgeons to be doctors. Through their service to the colonists, early surgeons earned the reputation traditionally given to physicians in Great Britain. The colonists in Virginia respected the surgeons and viewed them as doctors, which allowed surgeons to stand on equal ground with physicians as the colonies grew to eventually become the United States of America.
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40

Gallagher, R., P. Hawley, and W. Yeomans. "A Survey of Cancer Pain Management Knowledge and Attitudes of British Columbian Physicians." Pain Research and Management 9, no. 4 (2004): 188–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2004/748685.

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INTRODUCTION:There are many potential barriers to adequate cancer pain management, including lack of physician education and prescription monitoring programs. The authors surveyed physicians about their specific knowledge of pain management and the effects of the regulation of opioids on their prescribing practices.METHODS:A questionnaire was mailed out to British Columbia physicians who were likely to encounter cancer patients. The survey asked for physicians' opinions about College of Physicians and Surgeons of British Columbia regulation and other issues related to their prescribing practices, and assessed basic knowledge of cancer pain management.RESULTS:There was a 69% return rate with a total of 4618 evaluable responses. There was a significant difference among medical disciplines, years in practice, number of chronic pain patients seen and size of community of practice. The highest knowledge scores were achieved by oncologists and the lowest scores were from surgeons. Those who practiced in smaller communities had a higher average knowledge score. Those who felt their knowledge about cancer pain was inadequate scored lower than those who felt their knowledge was adequate. The questions most frequently answered incorrectly (or by 'don't know') were those about equianalgesic dosing (68%) and adequate breakthrough dosing (45%), revealing knowledge deficiencies that would significantly impair a physician's ability to manage cancer pain.CONCLUSIONS:The details of opioid prescribing are crucial areas to target education for cancer pain management. The surveyed physicians accepted the need for regulation of opioid prescribing with very few being fearful of scrutiny from the College of Physicians and Surgeons of British Columbia. However, the inconvenience of the triplicate prescription pad was more of a barrier to prescribing, it being of concern to 20% of respondents, particularly surgeons and medical specialists.
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41

Nathan, A. W., V. E. Paul, K. Judge, and A. J. Camm. "Survey of the attitudes of British physicians to pacing." Heart 71, no. 1 (January 1, 1994): 96–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/hrt.71.1.96.

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42

McGourty, Christine. "British physicians brood on HIV testing and 'designer children'." Nature 334, no. 6178 (July 1988): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/334094a0.

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43

Tsao, Nicole W., Amir Khakban, Louise Gastonguay, Zafar Zafari, Larry D. Lynd, and Carlo A. Marra. "Opinions and preferences of British Columbia pharmacists and physicians on medication management services." Canadian Pharmacists Journal / Revue des Pharmaciens du Canada 150, no. 1 (October 12, 2016): 42–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1715163516671746.

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Background: Medication management (MM) services are being provided by pharmacists across Canada in various forms, but pharmacist-physician collaboration is still not a routine practice in most jurisdictions. This survey aimed to gather pharmacists’ and physicians’ opinions and preferences for MM provision. Methods: Two parallel, cross-sectional online surveys, including best-worst scaling tasks, were designed for pharmacists and physicians in British Columbia to capture and compare their preferences for a number of attributes of MM. Results: Surveys were completed by 119 pharmacists and 146 physicians. Results indicate that pharmacists and physicians had similar opinions on many aspects of MM. Ninety-five percent of pharmacists and 69% of physicians believed that additional health services are needed to help patients optimize the use of their medications. However, the majority of each group felt that they were the most important health care professional in providing this service. Most pharmacists (79%) and some physicians (25%) thought that optimizing use of medications would result in both decreased costs and utilization to the health care system. Both pharmacists and physicians felt that the best attribute of an MM service would be if the services resulted in improved health and medication use for patients. Both groups were motivated by increased remuneration for MM; however, the relative strength of preference for this was higher among physicians. Interestingly, physicians valued improved medication adherence as a result of MM more highly than pharmacists did. Discussion and Conclusion: Most pharmacists and physicians agreed that improving patients’ health and medication use would be the best attribute of MM and that there is a need for such services. However, physicians also had strong preferences for being remunerated for participating in MM provision.
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44

Marsden, J., C. Archibald, and J. Christenson. "P088: British Columbia emergency practitioner workforce and training survey." CJEM 18, S1 (May 2016): S107—S108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cem.2016.264.

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Introduction: Understanding physician human resources in British Columbia’s (BC) emergency settings is essential to plan for training, recruitment and professional development programs. In 2014 we conducted an online and phone survey to the site leads for the 95 Emergency Departments (ED) attached to hospitals in BC. Methods: A one-page survey was developed by the authors (JC and JM). Each hospital listed on the BC Ministry of Health’s website was contacted to confirm that they had a functioning ED attached to the hospital and to determine who their site lead was. Each ED site lead was then emailed the questionnaire and up to three more follow-up emails and direct phone requests were performed as needed. Results: 92 of the 95 EDs completed the survey and we discovered that just over 1000 physicians deliver emergency care in BC with approximately half doing so in combination with family practice. There was an estimated shortfall of 199 physicians providing emergency care in 2014 and an anticipated shortfall of 287 by 2017 and 399 by 2019. Slightly more than half had formal certification, with 28% through the Royal College of Canada and 70% with the College of Family Physicians of Canada. Conclusion: More than 1000 physicians care for patients in EDs across BC but there is a significant and growing need for more physicians. There is tremendous variation across health authorities in emergency medicine certification, but approximately half of those who deliver emergency care have formal certification. Despite limitations of a survey method, this provides the most accurate and current estimate of emergency practitioner resources and training in BC and will be important in guiding discussions to address the identified gaps.
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45

Dimich-Ward, Helen, Gustavo R. Contreras, Roxanne Rousseau, and Moira Chan-Yeung. "Surveillance of Occupational Lung Diseases in Canada." Canadian Respiratory Journal 3, no. 5 (1996): 291–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/1996/346563.

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Surveillance programs for occupational lung diseases are reviewed, with reference to a two-year pilot study that was undertaken in the province of British Columbia. Members of the British Columbia Thoracic Society were invited to participate by reporting any new cases of occupational lung disease in each two-month period. Participating physicians responded well during the first year of the pilot study, but longer term commitment was difficult to maintain. It is recommend that physicians be educated, starting in medical school, about the recognition and diagnosis of occupational diseases and the importance of surveillance of chronic diseases. The authors encourage, at least on a trial basis, a nationally based surveillance program of occupational lung diseases.
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46

Freeman, Hugh J. "Survey of Gastroenterologists on the Diagnosis and Treatment of Adult Patients with Celiac Disease in British Columbia." Canadian Journal of Gastroenterology 12, no. 2 (1998): 149–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/1998/534216.

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A recent survey of physician specialists from New York City suggested that few patients with celiac disease are seen and that management experience is limited. The present study, using a survey similar to that of the New York City investigation, evaluated the diagnostic and management experience of specialists for adult celiac disease patients in British Columbia. Four hundred and four patients were reported in the combined clinical practice experience of the responding physicians. Of these, 59, or 15%, were diagnosed in the prior year. Although each physician diagnosed an average of 2.4 new celiac disease patients per year in their entire practice experience, an average of over 4.0 new celiac disease patients were detected in the past year. Most patients presented with diarrhea, weight loss, anemia or nutrient deficiency, but about 14% were asymptomatic or diagnosed by an incidental small intestinal biopsy done at upper gastrointestinal endoscopy. Specialist physicians in British Columbia usually refer patients to their family physicians, dietitians and patient support groups for continued care and appear to rarely rely on serological assays, including antibody tests, for detection of celiac disease in adults. An associated or complicating lymphoma was detected in 16 of 404 patients (4%). Recognition of biopsy-defined celiac disease appears to be increasing in British Columbia.
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47

Henrich, Natalie, Pamela Joshi, Kelly Grindrod, Larry Lynd, and Carlo Marra. "Family Physicians' Perceptions of Pharmacy Adaptation Services in British Columbia." Canadian Pharmacists Journal / Revue des Pharmaciens du Canada 144, no. 4 (July 2011): 172–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3821/1913-701x-144.4.172.

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48

Langhorne, Peter, Martin James, Martin Dennis, and Peter Humphrey. "Ten-Years of the British Association of Stroke Physicians (BASP)." International Journal of Stroke 5, no. 6 (November 3, 2010): 484–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4949.2010.00490.x.

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49

Rosack, Jim. "British Regulators Urge Physicians To Be Cautious in Prescribing SSRIs." Psychiatric News 40, no. 1 (January 7, 2005): 2–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1176/pn.40.1.00400002.

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50

Weinerman, Rivian, Helen Campbell, Magee Miller, Janet Stretch, Liza Kallstrom, Helena Kadlec, and Marcus Hollander. "Improving Mental Healthcare by Primary Care Physicians in British Columbia." Healthcare Quarterly 14, no. 1 (January 27, 2011): 36–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.12927/hcq.2011.22146.

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