Academic literature on the topic 'British Socialist Party'

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Journal articles on the topic "British Socialist Party"

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Laybourn, Keith. "The Failure of Socialist Unity in Britain c. 1893–1914." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 4 (December 1994): 153–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679219.

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SOCIALIST unity became an issue for the British left with in a year of the formation of the Social Democratic Federation (SDF) in 1884. The secession of William Morris and his supporters from the SDF and the formation of the Socialist League in reaction to the autocratic leadership of Henry Mayers Hyndman brought about a fundamental division within British socialism. Subsequently the creation of other socialist parties, most particularly the Independent Labour Party (ILP) led to further disunity within die British socialist movement. Nevertheless, notwidistanding die proliferation of British socialist societies with their distinctive socialist credentials, diere were several attempts to form a united socialist party between 1893 and 1914. They were normally encouraged, on the one hand, by advocates of the ‘religion of socialism’ such as William Morris, Robert Blatchford and Victor Grayson, and, on the other, by Hyndman and the SDF. The aim of these efforts was to strengdien socialist organisation in times of both political failure and success, but in every instance diey failed due to the intractable problem of bringing together socialists of distinctively different persuasions under the umbrella of one party. These failures have led recent historians to debate two major questions connected with socialist unity. First, diey have asked at what point did socialist unity cease to be a viable alternative to the Labour Alliance between the ILP and the trade unions? Stephen Yeo feels that socialist unity became impossible after die mid 1890s, David Howell suggests that this ‘suppressed alternative’ became unlikely about five to ten years later, as die leaders of die Independent Labour Party opted for the trade union rather than socialist alliance,
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Gerrard, Jessica. "“Little Soldiers” for Socialism: Childhood and Socialist Politics in the British Socialist Sunday School Movement." International Review of Social History 58, no. 1 (February 7, 2013): 71–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859012000806.

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AbstractThis paper examines the ways in which turn-of-the-century British socialists enacted socialism for children through the British Socialist Sunday School movement. It focuses in particular on the movement's emergence in the 1890s and the first three decades of operation. Situated amidst a growing international field of comparable socialist children's initiatives, socialist Sunday schools attempted to connect their local activity of children's education to the broader politics of international socialism. In this discussion I explore the attempt to make this connection, including the endeavour to transcend party differences in the creation of a non-partisan international children's socialist movement, the cooption of traditional Sunday school rituals, and the resolve to make socialist childhood cultures was the responsibility of both men and women. Defending their existence against criticism from conservative campaigners, the state, and sections of the left, socialist Sunday schools mobilized a complex and contested culture of socialist childhood.
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Hopkin, Jonathan. "Party Matters." Party Politics 15, no. 2 (March 2009): 179–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068808099980.

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This article addresses the relationship between political decentralization and the organization of political parties in Great Britain and Spain, focusing on the Labour Party and the Socialist Party, respectively. It assesses two rival accounts of this relationship: Caramani's `nationalization of politics' thesis and Chhibber and Kollman's rational choice institutionalist account in their book The Formation of National Party Systems. It argues that both accounts are seriously incomplete, and on occasion misleading, because of their unwillingness to consider the autonomous role of political parties as advocates of institutional change and as organizational entities. The article develops this argument by studying the role of the British Labour Party and the Spanish Socialists in proposing devolution reforms, and their organizational and strategic responses to them. It concludes that the reductive theories cited above fail to capture the real picture, because parties cannot only mitigate the effects of institutional change, they are also the architects of these changes and shape institutions to suit their strategic ends.
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Faucher-King, Florence, and Eric Treille. "Managing Intra-party Democracy: Comparing the French Socialist and British Labour Party Conferences." French Politics 1, no. 1 (March 2003): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.fp.8200017.

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Riddell, Neil. "‘The age of Cloe’? G. D. H. Cole and the British labour movement 1929–1933." Historical Journal 38, no. 4 (December 1995): 933–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00020513.

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ABSTRACTThe period 1929–33 was perhaps the most traumatic in the inter-war history of the British Labour movement; the ignominious collapse of the second Labour government led the Labour party to question not only the role of its former leaders but also its ideology. This article will reassess the role of the Oxford academic and socialist intellectual, G. D. H. Cole, in this period and will argue that his contribution to the reshaping of the party in the wake of the 1931 financial crisis and the formation of the national government was of much greater significance than has previously been acknowledged. In addition, it will analyse the effects that the political events of the 1920s and the failures of the Macdonald government had upon Cole's socialist ideology and will illustrate that his move away from his earlier guild socialism to a collectivist philosophy was more profound than he himself, and many commentators since, have been prepared to concede.
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Fernández Benedicto, Carla. "An international perspective on Spanish socialism: The role of the British Labour Party in the rise of the PSOE, 1974‐77." International Journal of Iberian Studies 32, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 137–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00002_1.

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Abstract Between 1974 and 1977, the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (Partido Socialista Obrero Español) (PSOE) went from a weak and fragmented organization to become the second most voted for party. At a time when international solidarity among socialist parties was common, and when the globalization process was becoming increasingly apparent, transnational influences and support played a crucial role in the PSOE's remarkable political growth. Nevertheless, most scholars define the Spanish transition to democracy and its internal developments, which include the PSOE's rise, as a successful self-made product. Only Pilar Ortuño, and more recently Juan Carlos Pereira, have conducted in-depth research into international influences as a key factor in this process. The objective of this article is twofold: to assess the role of the British Labour Movement in the development of the PSOE and its syndicate, the Workers' General Union (Unión General de Trabajadores) (UGT), and to determine to what extent the Labour Movement was responsible for the impressive political growth of the PSOE. In this sense, this article seeks to move beyond and expand on the studies of Ortuño and Pereira by including the role of the British Labour Government in the PSOE's political rise.
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Buturlimova, Olha. "The Formation and the Evolution of the British Labour Party." European Historical Studies, no. 10 (2018): 50–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2018.10.50-62.

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The article examines the processes of organizational development of the British Labour Party in the early XXth century, the evolution of the party structure and political programme in the twentieths of the XXth century. Special attention is paid to researching the formation of the Social Democratic Federation, Fabian Society and Independent Labour Party till the time of its joining to the Labour Representation Committee in 1900 and adopting the “Labour Party” name in 1906. The author’s aim was to comprehensively investigate the political manifests and activities of those organizations on the way of transformation from separate trade-unions and socialist groups to apparent union of labour, and then to the mass and wide represented parliamentary party. However, the variety of social base of those societies is distinguished, and difference of socialist views and tactics of achieving the final purpose are emphasized. Considerable attention is paid to the system of the individual membership and results thereof in the process of the evolution of the Labour Party’s organization. The reorganization of the Labour party in 1918, Representation of the People Act, 1918 and the crisis in the Liberal party were favourable for the further evolution of the Labour Party. It is summarized that the social base, the history of party’s birth, the conditions of formation and the party system had influenced the process of the evolution of the ideological and political concepts of Labourizm.
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McIlroy, John, and Alan Campbell. "The Socialist Labour Party and the Leadership of Early British Communism." Critique 48, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 609–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03017605.2020.1850817.

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Thorpe, Andrew. "The Industrial Meaning of “Gradualism”: The Labour Party and Industry, 1918–1931." Journal of British Studies 35, no. 1 (January 1996): 84–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386097.

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In the period from 1918 until 1931, the British Labour party adhered to the precepts of “gradualism”: incrementally and by degrees, the party would gain support and pass legislation in an inexorable progress toward the socialist millennium. For a while, it seemed that this strategy would carry all before it. Emerging from the First World War with a “socialist” commitment, it became the largest opposition party at the 1918 general election. In 1922 it became the clear opposition to the Conservatives, and Ramsay MacDonald was reelected leader after an eight-year break. A short-lived minority Labour government in 1924 was followed by heavy electoral defeat, but the party was able to form its second minority government in 1929. However, its credibility was destroyed by soaring unemployment, and the ministry collapsed in the summer of 1931 after failing to agree on public expenditure cuts. MacDonald and the chancellor of the Exchequer, Philip Snowden, led a small Labour cohort into a “National” government, which went on to crush Labour at the polls that October. Detailed work on this complex period of Labour's history is hard to find, however. Little work has been done on policy: in particular, it is surprising that, given the party's symbiotic link with trade unionism and the central role of industry in Labour leaders' conception of the transformation to socialism, so little attention has been paid to the party's industrial policy in this period.Gradualism implied that socialism would emerge from the success of capitalism.
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Favretto, Ilaria. "1956 and the PSI: The end of ‘ten winters’." Modern Italy 5, no. 1 (May 2000): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940050003023.

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SummaryThe focus of this article is the revisionist course which the Italian Socialist Party embarked upon after 1956 and which led up to the first Centre-Left government. The article challenges two quite well established views. One view is that the transformation experienced by the PSI during the 1956-64 period was simply tactically expedient and devoid of any substance and consistency. This article argues, by contrast, that these years represented, in Alessandro Pizzorno's words, a veritable ‘Copernican revolution’. This period of revisionism was as important as the better-known revisionisms elaborated during the same period by other European Socialist parties such as the German SPD or British Labour. The second main argument is that ‘structural reformism’, the new strategy adopted by the PSI after 1956, was not, as it has often been described, an expression of ‘duplicity’ owing to the party's incapacity to behave like a genuinely reformist party - a phenomenon that has allegedly long characterized parties of the Left. Instead, the strategy was reflected in the changes to European socialism during the early 1960s. In particular, this period marked a contrast to the previous years which were characterized by the dominance of ideas of ‘redistributive’ socialism, à la Anthony Crosland. This period marked also a shift among Socialist parties towards the acceptance of greater state controls over the economy by way of public planning and ownership.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "British Socialist Party"

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Favretto, Ilaria. "Structural reformism : the structural management of capitalism; the British Labour Party and the Italian Socialist Party." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287886.

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Tombs, I. S. L. "Socialist politics and the future of Europe : The discussions between British Labour and continental socialists in London, 1939-45." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384470.

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Hertner, Isabelle. "Don't mention Europe : a study of the Europeanisation of party organisation in the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party and the German Social Democratic Party." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2013. http://repository.royalholloway.ac.uk/items/475dfca8-c859-35f1-f6cc-cc8bfbfb1f15/7/.

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This thesis examines how the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS) and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) have ‘Europeanised' their organisations in three different arenas: (1) in the electorate and party system; (2) in central government and parliament; and (3) in their internal procedures and activities. ‘Europeanisation' is defined as ‘a shorthand term for a complex process whereby national actors (in this case, parties) adapt to, and also seek to shape, the trajectory of European integration in general, and EU policies and processes in particular' (Bomberg: 2002, 32). The underlying argument is that social democratic parties have to respond to challenges created by the European Single Market, which demands the reduction of state subsidies, and by the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), which sets limits to public spending. Social democratic parties are expected to react to these challenges by Europeanising their organisations. This thesis draws on the academic literature, party documents and contemporary newspaper articles, together with insights gained from 70 semi-structured interviews with EU experts at the European and national levels. The central claim is that Labour, the PS and SPD have not become as Europeanised as might have been supposed for three ostensibly pro-European parties. Whilst successive party leaderships have paid lip service to the increasing importance of European integration, their party organisations have barely been involved in the formulation of European policy. The findings have serious implications for the three parties and domestic politics in Britain, France and Germany, since the memberships lack the enthusiasm and expertise to lead well-informed, critical, Europeanised debates and election campaigns.
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Bihet, Karine. "De la social-démocratie au social-libéralisme. Les débats au sein de la social-démocratie européenne : 1990-2010." Thesis, Paris 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA020006.

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La thèse vise à appréhender la situation de la social-démocratie européenne et son évolution au cours des deux dernières décennies. Adoptant une approche comparatiste, elle repose sur l’étude du Parti socialiste français, du Parti social-démocrate allemand et du Parti travailliste britannique. En partant du projet de Troisième voie proposé par Tony Blair et les modernisateurs du New Labour, il s’agit de montrer la mutation doctrinale et programmatique de ces partis. Ceux-ci, avec des divergences et des spécificités nationales, ont, dans les programmes adoptés et les politiques gouvernementales menées, convergé vers une même orientation d’ensemble, marquée par un accueil beaucoup plus favorable aux thèses libérales. Cette prise de distance par rapport au modèle traditionnel pour tendre vers un paradigme social-libéral ne signifie pas pour autant l’abandon des valeurs propres à la social-démocratie. Les partis concernés ont essayé de s’adapter au nouveau contexte économique et social tout en préservant les principes et les idéaux sociaux sur lesquels ils se sont construits. Le socle identitaire de cette famille politique demeure ainsi largement préservé. Cette évolution idéologique s’accompagne d’une mutation des organisations partisanes qui l’accomplissent. Celles-ci ont connu à la fois une modification de leur sociologie, électorale et militante(caractérisée par une désaffection des soutiens traditionnels), et une diminution de leur ancrage dans la société liée à la baisse du nombre d’adhérents et à l’éloignement par rapport aux syndicats. Leur place au sein des systèmes partisans nationaux est également remise en cause : dans la recherche du bon positionnement sur l’échiquier politique, la question des alliances avec les autres partis constitue alors un enjeu essentiel. Le mode de fonctionnement de ces organisations a enfin lui aussi connu des modifications significatives. Les réformes internes menées par les dirigeants tendent à valoriser l’adhérent et accroître son rôle ; de nouvelles pratiques militantes, plus individualistes, apparaissent. La fonction et la spécificité de ces partis s’en trouvent diminuées
The thesis aims to understand the situation of european social democracy and its evolution over the last two decades. Taking a comparative approach, it is based on the study of French Socialist Party, the German Social Democratic Party and the British Labour Party. Beginning from the Third Way project proposed by Tony Blair and New Labour modernizers, the matter is to show the doctrinal and programmatic transformation of these parties. These, with some differences and national characteristics, in the programs and policies undertaken, have converged towards the same overall direction, marked by a much more favorable reception to liberal theories. This distancing from the traditional model to move towards a social-liberal paradigm does not necessary mean the abandonment of values belonging to the Social Democrats. The parties involved have tried to adapt to new economic and social context while preserving the principles and social ideals on which they are built. The base of this political family’s identity remains largely well preserved. The ideological evolution goes with a mutation of partisan organizations who realize it. These have experienced both a change in their sociology, electoral and activist (characterized by a dis like of traditional supporters), and a decrease from their roots in society related to the decline in membership and distance against unions. Their position within the party systems is also questionned : in search of good positioning on the political spectrum, the question of alliances with other parties is then a key issue. The modus operandi of these organizations has finally also experienced significant changes. Internal reforms undertaken by the leaders tend to enhance the member and increase its role and new militant practices, more individualistic, appear. The function and specificity of these parties have diminished
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Zhang, Yumei. "British socialism : theory and practice of the Labour Party, 1880s-1992." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.442408.

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Torrie, Catherine. "Ideas, policy and ideology : the British Labour Party in opposition, 1951-1959." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.312676.

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Barker, Ray Clinton Carleton University Dissertation History. "The Commonwealth labour conferences, the British Labour Party model, and their influence on Canadian social democratic politics, 1920-1961." Ottawa, 1996.

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Keser, Hasan. "The Evolution Of &#039." Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12607578/index.pdf.

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British Labour Party&rsquo
s attitudes and policies towards European integration have historically oscillated between varying degrees of support for concrete integration steps and obstinate opposition to it. A major and pronounced volte-face on European policy occurred after 1983 and the aim of this study is to locate the causes of this shift in European policy and its subsequent course under &lsquo
New&rsquo
Labour period. The causes and motivations are searched within the general transformation of the party and they are assessed according to the changes in party&rsquo
s ideology and its perceptions about the needs of British national political economy. The scope of the study covers the intersection area between intra/inter-party politics and political economy. On these areas, Neo-Marxist theories of state and Regulation Approach are utilised, as well as the classical political sociology models on party politics. An historical inquiry on party policy encompassing the post-war period has been undertaken. In a similar vein, in order to compare it on ideological grounds, other European social democratic-socialist party policies are analysed alongside the British Labour case. It is argued that party&rsquo
s policy preferences are strongly influenced by and shaped according to the national socio-political institutional structure. The thesis comes to the conclusion that historical institutionalist analysis coupled with a &lsquo
structural dependency to capital&rsquo
theory offers a highly plausible explanation for the evolution of Labour Party&rsquo
s policy course on Europe, including the recent &lsquo
New&rsquo
Labour period.
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Muller, Miriam Manuela. "Between Interest and Interventionism : Probing the Limits of Foreign Policy along the Tracks of an Extraordinary Case Study : The GDR's Engagement in South Yemen." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/5908.

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This case study is the first comprehensive analysis of the German Democratic Republic’s activities in South Yemen, the only Marxist state in the Arab World and at times the closest and most loyal ally to the Soviet Union in the Middle East during the Cold War. The dissertation analyzes East German Foreign Policy as a case of Socialist state- and nation-building and in doing so produces one major hypotheses: The case of South Yemen may be considered both, an ‘exceptional case’ and the possible ‘ideal type’ of the ‘general’ of East German foreign policy and thus points to what the GDR’s foreign policy could have been, if it hadn’t been for the numerous restraints of East German foreign-policy-making. The author critically engages with the normative and empirical dimensions of the ‘Limits of Foreign Policy’ by including a constructivist perspective of foreign policy. Apart from the case study itself, the dissertation provides the reader with a thorough overview of forty years of East German foreign policy with a focus on the interests and influence of The Soviet Union as well as the first introduction and methodological approach to East Germany's foreign policy in the Middle East. The empirical side of the analysis rests on archival documents of the German Foreign Office, the German National Archive and the former Ministry of State Security of the GDR. These documents are reviewed and published for the first time and are complemented by personal interviews with contemporary witnesses. The interdisciplinary approach integrates and expands methods of both History and Political Science, applicable to other cases. Conducted research is intended to contribute to academic discourse on South Yemen’s unique history, divided Germany’s role in the Cold War, East German foreign policy, but also the long-term impact of Socialist foreign-policy-making in the Global South which so far has been neglected almost completely in academia.
Graduate
miriam.mueller@fu-berlin.de
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Books on the topic "British Socialist Party"

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Close, Joanna. Designing the Labour Party: An analysis of image-making within British socialist politics. London: Middlesex Polytechnic, 1991.

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Lee, Richard. Socialist ideology and the British Labour Party in the inter-war years. Wolverhampton: University of Wolverhampton, 1993.

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Hinnfors, Jonas. Reinterpreting social democracy: A history of stability in the British Labour Party and the Swedish Social Democratic Party. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2006.

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British labour, European socialism, and the struggle for peace, 1889-1914. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985.

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Sexual politics: Sexuality, family planning, and the British left from the 1880s to the present day. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011.

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Desai, Radhika. Intellectuals and socialism: "Social Democrats" and the British Labour Party. London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1994.

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Nye Bevan and the mirage of British socialism. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1987.

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Aneurin Bevan and the mirage of British socialism. New York: Norton, 1987.

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Left in the wilderness: The political economy of British democratic socialism since 1979. Chesham: Acumen, 2002.

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History of British Trotskyism. London: Wellred, 2002.

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Book chapters on the topic "British Socialist Party"

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Costa, Ettore. "‘The Little Foreign Office of Transport House’, British Foreign Policy and Socialist Internationalism." In The Labour Party, Denis Healey and the International Socialist Movement, 221–63. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-77347-6_7.

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Tufekci, Baris. "Class and Party: The Historical Context of the Rise of the AES." In The Socialist Ideas of the British Left’s Alternative Economic Strategy, 11–37. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-34998-1_2.

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Sharp, Frank C. "William Morris and British Politics: From the Liberal Party to the Socialist League." In The Routledge Companion to William Morris, 387–403. New York, NY: Routledge, 2021. |: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315229416-21.

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Radice, Giles, and Lisanne Radice. "The British Labour Party: Decline and Recovery." In Socialists in the Recession, 65–74. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18405-7_6.

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Macfarlane, Leslie J. "Socialism and the British Labour Party, 1914–97." In Socialism, Social Ownership and Social Justice, 237–87. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26987-7_12.

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Theakston, Kevin. "The British Labour Party and the Civil Service in the Twentieth Century." In European Socialists and the State in the Twentieth and Twenty-First Centuries, 129–48. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-41540-2_8.

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Bevir, Mark. "Introduction: Socialism and History." In The Making of British Socialism. Princeton University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691150833.003.0001.

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This introductory chapter provides an overview of the book's main themes. This book traces ways in which people collectively made various socialist projects in a complex world of mass literacy and popular politics. It explores the traditions against the background of which people turned to socialism and the dilemmas that prompted them to do so. It asks how people crafted and conceived of the diverse socialisms to which they adhered. Throughout, it concentrates on the period from 1880 to 1900. The bulk of the book consists of three parts, each covering one of the main strands of British socialism recognized at that time, namely, Marxism, Fabianism, and ethical socialism. Each part contains four chapters dealing with the leading theorists and organizations of the relevant strand of British socialism. The aim is in part to narrate the rise of British socialism as a belief system that later gained some kind of expression in an organized party and a state formation. It also shows how the diversity of British socialism was poorly captured by that party and state formation.
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Fraser, W. Hamish. "The Socialist Labour Party: Its Aims and Methods." In British Trade Unions, 1707–1918, 119–43. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003192077-11.

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Allison, Mark A. "Epilogue." In Imagining Socialism, 223–40. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192896490.003.0007.

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This Epilogue sets the waning of British socialist anti-political aspiration in the context of the literary career of H. G. Wells, on the one hand, and the coalescence of the Parliamentary Labour Party, on the other. In their respective spheres, both Wells and the Labour Party represent a decisive turn toward a statist—and forthrightly political—conception of socialism in the early decades of the twentieth century. Wells, the new century’s most prolific and influential socialist writing in English, shares with his antecedents an abiding preoccupation with the aesthetic dimension of socialism. In stark contrast to his predecessors, however, he self-consciously subordinates this aesthetic impulse to his overmastering vision of an emerging socialist world state. Concurrently, the fledgling Labour Party became a locus for the longstanding debates about how socialism was to be made and what posture the socialist movement should adopt to Britain’s existing political institutions and traditions. These debates were foreclosed by the party’s adoption of a new constitution and party program in 1918, which were drafted by the Fabian socialist Sidney Webb. The constitution includes the famous Clause IV, which affirms the party’s commitment to the collective ownership of the means of production. Labour’s reorganization effectively confirmed that in Britain, socialism would be pursued via the parliamentary road—and that state socialism would be its ultimate institutional goal. Consequently, 1918 provides a symbolic end to the anti-political tradition Imagining Socialism delineates—and of the socialist century that it surveys.
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Mansfield, Nick. "Conclusion." In Soldiers as Citizens, 203–9. Liverpool University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789620863.003.0009.

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This short chapter reviews the overall arguments of the book. It concludes with the conjunction of contrasting and often competing concepts of nationalism and socialism in the Great War of 1914-18. Partly through a survey of soldier socialists, like Colonel John Ward, MP and union leader, and Mick Mannock, socialist air ace, it concludes that the majority of the British labour movement supported the war effort. It argues that in the long term the emergence of Labour as a party of government and the foundation of the welfare state, owed much to the experiences of citizen soldiers of nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
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