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Journal articles on the topic 'British Socialist Party'
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1
Laybourn, Keith. "The Failure of Socialist Unity in Britain c. 1893–1914." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 4 (December 1994): 153–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679219.
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SOCIALIST unity became an issue for the British left with in a year of the formation of the Social Democratic Federation (SDF) in 1884. The secession of William Morris and his supporters from the SDF and the formation of the Socialist League in reaction to the autocratic leadership of Henry Mayers Hyndman brought about a fundamental division within British socialism. Subsequently the creation of other socialist parties, most particularly the Independent Labour Party (ILP) led to further disunity within die British socialist movement. Nevertheless, notwidistanding die proliferation of British socialist societies with their distinctive socialist credentials, diere were several attempts to form a united socialist party between 1893 and 1914. They were normally encouraged, on the one hand, by advocates of the ‘religion of socialism’ such as William Morris, Robert Blatchford and Victor Grayson, and, on the other, by Hyndman and the SDF. The aim of these efforts was to strengdien socialist organisation in times of both political failure and success, but in every instance diey failed due to the intractable problem of bringing together socialists of distinctively different persuasions under the umbrella of one party. These failures have led recent historians to debate two major questions connected with socialist unity. First, diey have asked at what point did socialist unity cease to be a viable alternative to the Labour Alliance between the ILP and the trade unions? Stephen Yeo feels that socialist unity became impossible after die mid 1890s, David Howell suggests that this ‘suppressed alternative’ became unlikely about five to ten years later, as die leaders of die Independent Labour Party opted for the trade union rather than socialist alliance,
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Gerrard, Jessica. "“Little Soldiers” for Socialism: Childhood and Socialist Politics in the British Socialist Sunday School Movement." International Review of Social History 58, no. 1 (February 7, 2013): 71–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859012000806.
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AbstractThis paper examines the ways in which turn-of-the-century British socialists enacted socialism for children through the British Socialist Sunday School movement. It focuses in particular on the movement's emergence in the 1890s and the first three decades of operation. Situated amidst a growing international field of comparable socialist children's initiatives, socialist Sunday schools attempted to connect their local activity of children's education to the broader politics of international socialism. In this discussion I explore the attempt to make this connection, including the endeavour to transcend party differences in the creation of a non-partisan international children's socialist movement, the cooption of traditional Sunday school rituals, and the resolve to make socialist childhood cultures was the responsibility of both men and women. Defending their existence against criticism from conservative campaigners, the state, and sections of the left, socialist Sunday schools mobilized a complex and contested culture of socialist childhood.
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Hopkin, Jonathan. "Party Matters." Party Politics 15, no. 2 (March 2009): 179–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068808099980.
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This article addresses the relationship between political decentralization and the organization of political parties in Great Britain and Spain, focusing on the Labour Party and the Socialist Party, respectively. It assesses two rival accounts of this relationship: Caramani's `nationalization of politics' thesis and Chhibber and Kollman's rational choice institutionalist account in their book The Formation of National Party Systems. It argues that both accounts are seriously incomplete, and on occasion misleading, because of their unwillingness to consider the autonomous role of political parties as advocates of institutional change and as organizational entities. The article develops this argument by studying the role of the British Labour Party and the Spanish Socialists in proposing devolution reforms, and their organizational and strategic responses to them. It concludes that the reductive theories cited above fail to capture the real picture, because parties cannot only mitigate the effects of institutional change, they are also the architects of these changes and shape institutions to suit their strategic ends.
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Faucher-King, Florence, and Eric Treille. "Managing Intra-party Democracy: Comparing the French Socialist and British Labour Party Conferences." French Politics 1, no. 1 (March 2003): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.fp.8200017.
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Riddell, Neil. "‘The age of Cloe’? G. D. H. Cole and the British labour movement 1929–1933." Historical Journal 38, no. 4 (December 1995): 933–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00020513.
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ABSTRACTThe period 1929–33 was perhaps the most traumatic in the inter-war history of the British Labour movement; the ignominious collapse of the second Labour government led the Labour party to question not only the role of its former leaders but also its ideology. This article will reassess the role of the Oxford academic and socialist intellectual, G. D. H. Cole, in this period and will argue that his contribution to the reshaping of the party in the wake of the 1931 financial crisis and the formation of the national government was of much greater significance than has previously been acknowledged. In addition, it will analyse the effects that the political events of the 1920s and the failures of the Macdonald government had upon Cole's socialist ideology and will illustrate that his move away from his earlier guild socialism to a collectivist philosophy was more profound than he himself, and many commentators since, have been prepared to concede.
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Fernández Benedicto, Carla. "An international perspective on Spanish socialism: The role of the British Labour Party in the rise of the PSOE, 1974‐77." International Journal of Iberian Studies 32, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 137–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00002_1.
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Abstract Between 1974 and 1977, the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (Partido Socialista Obrero Español) (PSOE) went from a weak and fragmented organization to become the second most voted for party. At a time when international solidarity among socialist parties was common, and when the globalization process was becoming increasingly apparent, transnational influences and support played a crucial role in the PSOE's remarkable political growth. Nevertheless, most scholars define the Spanish transition to democracy and its internal developments, which include the PSOE's rise, as a successful self-made product. Only Pilar Ortuño, and more recently Juan Carlos Pereira, have conducted in-depth research into international influences as a key factor in this process. The objective of this article is twofold: to assess the role of the British Labour Movement in the development of the PSOE and its syndicate, the Workers' General Union (Unión General de Trabajadores) (UGT), and to determine to what extent the Labour Movement was responsible for the impressive political growth of the PSOE. In this sense, this article seeks to move beyond and expand on the studies of Ortuño and Pereira by including the role of the British Labour Government in the PSOE's political rise.
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Buturlimova, Olha. "The Formation and the Evolution of the British Labour Party." European Historical Studies, no. 10 (2018): 50–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2018.10.50-62.
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The article examines the processes of organizational development of the British Labour Party in the early XXth century, the evolution of the party structure and political programme in the twentieths of the XXth century. Special attention is paid to researching the formation of the Social Democratic Federation, Fabian Society and Independent Labour Party till the time of its joining to the Labour Representation Committee in 1900 and adopting the “Labour Party” name in 1906. The author’s aim was to comprehensively investigate the political manifests and activities of those organizations on the way of transformation from separate trade-unions and socialist groups to apparent union of labour, and then to the mass and wide represented parliamentary party. However, the variety of social base of those societies is distinguished, and difference of socialist views and tactics of achieving the final purpose are emphasized. Considerable attention is paid to the system of the individual membership and results thereof in the process of the evolution of the Labour Party’s organization. The reorganization of the Labour party in 1918, Representation of the People Act, 1918 and the crisis in the Liberal party were favourable for the further evolution of the Labour Party. It is summarized that the social base, the history of party’s birth, the conditions of formation and the party system had influenced the process of the evolution of the ideological and political concepts of Labourizm.
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McIlroy, John, and Alan Campbell. "The Socialist Labour Party and the Leadership of Early British Communism." Critique 48, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 609–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03017605.2020.1850817.
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Thorpe, Andrew. "The Industrial Meaning of “Gradualism”: The Labour Party and Industry, 1918–1931." Journal of British Studies 35, no. 1 (January 1996): 84–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386097.
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In the period from 1918 until 1931, the British Labour party adhered to the precepts of “gradualism”: incrementally and by degrees, the party would gain support and pass legislation in an inexorable progress toward the socialist millennium. For a while, it seemed that this strategy would carry all before it. Emerging from the First World War with a “socialist” commitment, it became the largest opposition party at the 1918 general election. In 1922 it became the clear opposition to the Conservatives, and Ramsay MacDonald was reelected leader after an eight-year break. A short-lived minority Labour government in 1924 was followed by heavy electoral defeat, but the party was able to form its second minority government in 1929. However, its credibility was destroyed by soaring unemployment, and the ministry collapsed in the summer of 1931 after failing to agree on public expenditure cuts. MacDonald and the chancellor of the Exchequer, Philip Snowden, led a small Labour cohort into a “National” government, which went on to crush Labour at the polls that October. Detailed work on this complex period of Labour's history is hard to find, however. Little work has been done on policy: in particular, it is surprising that, given the party's symbiotic link with trade unionism and the central role of industry in Labour leaders' conception of the transformation to socialism, so little attention has been paid to the party's industrial policy in this period.Gradualism implied that socialism would emerge from the success of capitalism.
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Favretto, Ilaria. "1956 and the PSI: The end of ‘ten winters’." Modern Italy 5, no. 1 (May 2000): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940050003023.
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SummaryThe focus of this article is the revisionist course which the Italian Socialist Party embarked upon after 1956 and which led up to the first Centre-Left government. The article challenges two quite well established views. One view is that the transformation experienced by the PSI during the 1956-64 period was simply tactically expedient and devoid of any substance and consistency. This article argues, by contrast, that these years represented, in Alessandro Pizzorno's words, a veritable ‘Copernican revolution’. This period of revisionism was as important as the better-known revisionisms elaborated during the same period by other European Socialist parties such as the German SPD or British Labour. The second main argument is that ‘structural reformism’, the new strategy adopted by the PSI after 1956, was not, as it has often been described, an expression of ‘duplicity’ owing to the party's incapacity to behave like a genuinely reformist party - a phenomenon that has allegedly long characterized parties of the Left. Instead, the strategy was reflected in the changes to European socialism during the early 1960s. In particular, this period marked a contrast to the previous years which were characterized by the dominance of ideas of ‘redistributive’ socialism, à la Anthony Crosland. This period marked also a shift among Socialist parties towards the acceptance of greater state controls over the economy by way of public planning and ownership.
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Ashworth, Lucian M. "Rethinking a Socialist Foreign Policy: The British Labour Party and International Relations Experts, 1918 to 1931." International Labor and Working-Class History 75, no. 1 (2009): 30–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909000040.
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AbstractBetween 1918 and 1929 the British Labour Party, working in conjunction with many of the top names in International Relations (IR), developed a coherent foreign policy centered around reforming the international system. This was a major policy change for a political party that, up until then, had concentrated on domestic social and political issues. The construction of Labour's interwar foreign policy was part of a wider intellectual revolution that produced the separate discipline of IR after the First World War, and the splits in Labour over foreign policy mirrored similar splits in the wider IR literature. Particularly important here were the differences of opinion over the relationship between arbitration, sanctions, and disarmament in a system of League of Nations pooled security. Labour's close association with IR experts and intellectuals resulted in the construction of an international policy that, while addressing socialist themes, drew on an older liberal tradition. The ultimate goal of this policy was to create pacific international conditions favorable to the development of democratic socialism. While events after 1931 forced a major rethinking in the Party, Labour's IR experts continued to provide policy-relevant advice that shaped the Party's responses to the rise of fascism.
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Hertner, Isabelle. "Are European Election Campaigns Europeanized? The Case of the Party of European Socialists in 2009." Government and Opposition 46, no. 3 (2011): 321–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2011.01341.x.
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AbstractIn the past, European election campaigns have been fought primarily at national level, organized and led by national parties. The European political parties had neither the financial nor the organizational means to lead pan-European election campaigns. The June 2009 elections, however, highlighted a different and potentially significant trend: new EU regulations provided for the direct financing of European political parties, allowing them to campaign directly in the elections. It is argued that these developments could lead to the Europeanization of European elections campaigns. This article applies the concept of Europeanization to the election campaigns of the Party of European Socialists and three of its member parties: the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party and the German Social Democrats, creating an ideal-type model of Europeanization. It concludes that in the three cases Europeanization is still in its infancy.
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Byrne, Liam. "Visions of the future: political labour’s temporality and socialist objectives in Britain and Australia, 1918–21." Historical Research 93, no. 261 (August 1, 2020): 503–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htaa004.
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Abstract This article is a comparative study of political temporality and the concept of the ‘future’ in British Labour and Australian Labor. It deepens knowledge of how Labo(u)r’s political culture has been forged through debates over socialism, focusing on the socialist objectives of 1918 and 1921. As a result, it allows an appreciation of phenomena such as the rise of Jeremy Corbyn and ‘Corbynism’. It is focused around a reading of the major conferences of each party, as sites of power negotiation, debate and ideological creation. These sources are complemented by an extensive reading of labour newspapers and pamphlets from both countries.
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Rabotyazhev, N. "West European Social Democracy in the Early 21st Century." World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2010): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-3-39-55.
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The article is devoted to the evolution of the West European social democracy in the late 20th and early 21st century. The author analyses the causes of the social democracy crisis in 1980-90s and considers its attempts to meet the challenges of globalization and the “new economy”. Modernization of the British Labour Party under Tony Blair's leadership and updating of the German Social Democratic Party initiated by Gerhard Schröder are thoroughly examined in the article. Political and ideological processes ongoing in such parties as the French Socialist Party, the Dutch Labour Party, the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Austrian Social Democratic Party are also considered. The author comes to a conclusion that the radical shift towards social liberalism took place merely in the British Labour Party. Schröder’s attempt to modernize the German Social Democratic Party turned out to be unsuccessful, while other European social democratic parties did not regard Blair’s “Third Way” as a suitable model for them.
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Ilkowski, Filip. "„Lexit” – pozalaburzystowska, antyunijna lewica brytyjska w referendum 2016 roku." Przegląd Europejski, no. 2-2020 (June 8, 2020): 101–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.2.20.7.
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The article presents the analysis of activities and ideological motivations of politicians and political formations connected to those parts of non-Labour British left, that appealed during the 2016 referendum to vote for leaving the European Union by the United Kingdom. It points to key ideological pillars of this heterogenic political milieu with its common and divergent elements. The thesis is put forward in the text that, as in the case of Labour politicians, also among the left-wing outside the Labour Party, we can point to two ideological and political poles that decide to opt for leaving the EU by the UK: socialist universalism and national-identity particularism. Their key determinant was the views on immigration control, also affecting their attitude to cooperation with the anti-EU right-wing political milieu.
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Lilleker, Darren G. "Whose Left? Working-Class Political Allegiances in Post-industrial Britain." International Review of Social History 47, S10 (November 2002): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859002000780.
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A romanticized view of class alignment in Britain exists that has been attacked and defended equally in academic works over the last twenty years. Historically, the Labour Party was seen as the defender of working-class interests, though critics within the party and the British socialist movement have often questioned this notion. Such questions have appeared more pertinent with the diminution of the working class due to the de-industrialization of the British economy. In 1983 Andrew Gamble noted that: “The greatest threat to this underlying strength of the British labour movement are the twin trends of declining manufacturing output and rising unemployment”. He argued that it was the failure of the Labour Party to arrest these trends and “translate the overwhelming objective strength [...] into organizational strength and political leadership” which had led to the dealignment of the working class away from Labour.
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Susloparova, Elena. "Antiwar campaign of the British Labour Party in the early World War I." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 1 (January 2021): 98–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2021.1.31944.
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This article is dedicated to the protest campaign of Labour Party of Great Britain, which unfolded in the early World War I. Based on the range of sources, such as socialist workers’ press of Great Britain, party documents, parliamentary debated, the author sets a goal to examine the key arguments of the opponents, namely activists of the Independent Workers’ Party, which became a stronghold of antiwar sentiment of the Labours. Special attention is given to such publicists as R. MacDonald and K. Hardy. The article also traces the evolution of antiwar campaign and reveals the reasons. Research methodology is based on the systematic approach towards analysis of public speeches of British activists printed in the workers' socialist publications of antiwar orientation. It is demonstrated how in the space of a few days, in August 1914, the moods of majority of the British workers changed dramatically, from unreserved condemnation of the war expressed in the slogans of the Second International towards support of the government in the fight against militaristic Germany. The conclusion is drawn that in the initial months of war, the antiwar campaign has experienced significant transformation. If in the early period it was characterized mostly by the emotional and somewhat sarcastic rhetoric, then later on the background of tremendous human losses, the campaign adopted a rather moderate tone. Attempts of the publicists to grasp on causes of war and focus the need to rebuild society after its completion comes to the forefront.
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Waters, Julie. "The Influence of Christopher Caudwell on Alan Bush’s Early Response to Socialist Realism." Transcultural Studies 9, no. 1 (2013): 83–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23751606-00901007.
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The ideas and music of British composer Alan Bush (1900–1995)—a lifelong member of the British Communist Party—were significantly shaped by the doctrine of socialist realism. His defence of the Zhdanov Decree identified him publically with Soviet aesthetics. However, little is known of his attempts to develop a Marxist aesthetic by drawing on a radical tradition closer to home, namely, the theories of the English Marxist writer Christopher Caudwell. Utilising a range of sources, including Bush’s lecture in 1948 to the Second International Congress of Composers and Musicologists at Prague, the paper explores Caudwell’s seminal influence on Bush.
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HOWLETT, JONATHAN J. "‘The British boss is gone and will never return’: Communist takeovers of British companies in Shanghai (1949–1954)." Modern Asian Studies 47, no. 6 (April 22, 2013): 1941–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000140.
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AbstractIn May 1949 the Chinese Communist Party seized Shanghai. Rather than being elated at the prospect of harnessing the economic power of China's largest city to complete the revolution, the Communists approached it cautiously. How would the Chinese Communist Party set about transforming this free-wheeling port city with a ‘semi-colonial’ past into an orderly and socialist city? How would it balance ideology and pragmatism in reshaping Shanghai? This paper uses the takeover of two British companies as case studies to explore these issues at the ground level. It is argued that the means by which these companies were transformed tell us much about the Party and its state-building policies. When cadres entered foreign companies, their priority was not radical change and anti-imperialism, but rather fostering a sense of stability and unity to avoid disrupting production. Their gradual approach was due in large part to the Party's awareness of its own limited skills, resources and manpower, but also to its leaders and cadres recognizing that before they could remake Shanghai anew they had first to deal with the material and human legacies of the past.
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Trentmann, Frank. "Wealth Versus Welfare: the British Left Between Free Trade and National Political Economy Before the First World War*." Historical Research 70, no. 171 (February 1, 1997): 70–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00032.
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Abstract The convergence of Free trade liberalism and radicalism was a central feature of British political culture after Chartism. This article explores the emergence of alternative visions of political economy on the left in the late Victorian and Edwardian period. Against the conventional view of a shared liberal Free Trade culture, it finds a plurality of languages. An interpretation of how Labour, social democrats, socialists and Fabians understood Britain's development under Free Trade reveals an alternative spectrum of popular ideas about society and economy. In the Independent Labour Party, opposition to protectionism was linked to support for some trade regulation and a more balanced economy. It was tied to a cultural and economic critique of competitive exchange, social dislocation and commercial dependence under Free Trade capitalism. The economic critique co‐existed with political internationalism and turned Labour's position into one of socialist‐radical dualism. This is compared to nationalist and imperialist socialist positions in Britain and abroad. The movement towards national political economy provided a link between older radical notions of moral economy and co‐operation and more collectivist notions of economic order and state regulation. It marked a step in the evolution from mid Victorian popular liberalism to social democracy and from Free Trade to the welfare state.
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Kirk, Neville. "“Peculiarities” versus “Exceptions”: The Shaping of the American Federation of Labor's Politics during the 1890s and 1900s." International Review of Social History 45, no. 1 (April 2000): 25–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085900000002x.
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The purpose of this article is to question the notion of US labour's “exceptionalism” – of its “conservatism” and “closure” and difference from “class-conscious” and “socialist” British and European labour – with specific reference to the politics of the American Federation of Labour during the 1890s and 1900s. An approach rooted in the assumption of “norms” and “exceptions” is rejected in favour of one exploring differences and similarities. In terms of similarities, the article demonstrates the ways in which the AF of L consciously sought to model its “independent” (i.e. nonpartisan–party) politics upon the practice of the late-Victorian British TUC. With respect to differences, the article then proceeds to chart the challenges posed to the AF of L by the growing identification within British labour of political independence with independent partyism, as manifested especially in the TUC's official endorsement of the Labour Representation Committee (1900) and the Labour Party (1906). Resistant to the adoption of the new “British road”, the AF of L nevertheless defended its “traditional” form of political independence far more in terms of experiential US “peculiarities” than “exceptionalist” structural determinations.
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Berger, Stefan. "‘Organising Talent and Disciplined Steadiness’: the German SPD as a Model for the British Labour Party in the 1920s?" Contemporary European History 5, no. 2 (July 1996): 171–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300003763.
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In comparative Labour history there is a long tradition of adhering to a typology of labour movements which distinguishes south-western European, ‘Latin’ labour movements (France, Spain, Italy) from north-eastern European labour movements (Germany, Austria, Scandinavia, east and south-east Europe) and invokes a third category: Anglo-American labour movements. The British Labour Party is usually subsumed under this latter category, whereas the German SPD is regarded as the spiritual leader of the second. Insofar as these comparisons explicitly deal with the time before the First World War, their argument is indeed a strong one. After all, the SPD was the largest socialist party in the world before 1914, at a time when the Labour Party did not even allow individual membership. At least in its organisational strongholds, the SPD resembled a social movement providing for its members almost ‘from cradle to grave’. The Labour Party, by contrast, is often portrayed as a trade union interest group in parliament with no other purpose than electoral representation. Where the Labour Party avoided any ideological commitment before 1914, the SPD had at least theoretically adopted Marxism as its ideological bedrock after 1890.
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Callaghan, John. "The Left in Britain in the Twentieth Century." International Labor and Working-Class History 57 (April 2000): 103–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900212751.
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The eleventh annual conference of the Institute of Contemporary British History was held at the Institute of Historical Research, University of London, July 12–16, 1999. The first day was largely concerned with British Marxist and socialist movements; the second concentrated on the trade unions and comparative perspectives; the third and fourth days focused on the Labour party; and the conference concluded with a day on the future of the Left. The conference was male-dominated to about the same proportion as most university departments in Britain, but the age range of participants was broad and involved doctoral students as well as professors. Only two papers were presented on women in the labor movement, and although participants addressed issues concerned with identity and ethnicity, there was nothing directly concerned with imperialism or immigrants from Britain's former colonies and their British-born offspring.
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Lim, Jin Li. "‘The Weakness and Soft-headedness of my Friends': The People's Action Party, the British Labour Government and Party, and the Socialist International, 1976." Labour History Review 80, no. 1 (April 2015): 63–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.2015.3.
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Backus, Margot Gayle, and Spurgeon Thompson. "‘If you shoulder a rifle […] let it be for Ireland’: James Connolly's War on War." Modernist Cultures 13, no. 3 (August 2018): 364–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/mod.2018.0217.
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As virtually all Europe's major socialist parties re-aligned with their own national governments with the outbreak of World War I, Irish socialist and trade unionist James Connolly found himself internationally isolated by his vociferous opposition to the war. Within Ireland, however, Connolly's energetic and relentless calls to interrupt the imperial transportation and communications networks on which the ‘carnival of murder’ in Europe relied had the converse effect, drawing him into alignment with certain strains of Irish nationalism. Connolly and other socialist republican stalwarts like Helena Molony and Michael Mallin made common cause with advanced Irish nationalism, the one other constituency unamenable to fighting for England under any circumstances. This centripetal gathering together of two minority constituencies – both intrinsically opposed, if not to the war itself, certainly to Irish Party leader John Redmond's offering up of the Irish Volunteers as British cannon fodder – accounts for the “remarkably diverse” social and ideological character of the small executive body responsible for the planning of the Easter Rising: the Irish Republican Brotherhood's military council. In effect, the ideological composition of the body that planned the Easter Rising was shaped by the war's systematic diversion of all individuals and ideologies that could be co-opted by British imperialism through any possible argument or material inducement. Although the majority of those who participated in the Rising did not share Connolly's anti-war, pro-socialist agenda, the Easter 1916 Uprising can nonetheless be understood as, among other things, a near letter-perfect instantiation of Connolly's most steadfast principle: that it was the responsibility of every European socialist to throw onto the gears of the imperialist war machine every wrench on which they could lay their hands.
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Perazzoli, Jacopo. "‘No automation must be achieved without improving living standards’. The British Labour Party, the Italian Socialist Party and the German Social Democratic Party during the postwar technological revolution." History of European Ideas 46, no. 1 (December 16, 2019): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01916599.2019.1703858.
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ENGLISH, JIM. "EMPIRE DAY IN BRITAIN, 1904–1958." Historical Journal 49, no. 1 (February 24, 2006): 247–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0500511x.
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The celebration of Empire Day in Britain was of greater significance than previous research has suggested. This article disproves the misconception that the festival was restricted in the main to a constituency of schoolchildren. The celebrations had a far wider effect on diverse communities; in many cases the ritual celebration of the British Empire traversed class boundaries and helped to sustain traditional social hierarchies. In the immediate aftermath of the First World War, when unrestrained jingoism became inappropriate, Empire Day retained its hegemonic potency by amalgamating the emerging traditions of sombre commemoration into the repertoire of imperial festivity. Empire Day, although remaining popular during the interwar period, became an arena of passionate contestation. The Conservative party and other groups adopted Empire Day as a vehicle for anti-socialist propaganda, whilst the communist party exploited it as an opportunity to attack British imperialism. Other protests came from local Labour groups and pacifist dissenters. The overt politicization of Empire Day severely disrupted its hegemonic function and the political battles fought over the form and purpose of the celebrations made it difficult to uphold the notion that the festival was merely a benign tribute to a legitimate and natural state of affairs.
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Lovenduski, Joni, and Pippa Norris. "Labour and the Unions: After the Brighton Conference." Government and Opposition 29, no. 2 (April 1, 1994): 201–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1994.tb01251.x.
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A Discussion of Last Autumn's Debate over Candidate selection in the British Labour Party and a consideration of the party's links with the trade unions may seem inappropriately provincial in an international journal of comparative politics. However, when viewed as an example of the continued search for political relevance by socialist parties in opposition, the issues raised by Labour's struggle to modernize take on more general interest. During long periods in the wilderness parties characteristically try to revive their fortunes by reforming organizational structures, ideological platforms and electoral strategies. For Labour, this started under the leadership of Neil Kinnock and continued with John Smith. The party has moved cautiously towards the centre ground, streamlined its election machine, modernized its communication strategy, and produced a more unified and moderate image. Labour's reforms of its relationship with the union movement are clearly part of this general attempt to reverse its electoral fortunes.
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Hughes, Celia. "The Struggle of the Male Self: A New Left Activist and His 1961 Diary." Journal of British Studies 54, no. 4 (September 2, 2015): 898–925. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2015.118.
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AbstractThis article examines the 1961 diary of a new left young activist to explore his fractured sense of personal and political self. At the height of the Cold War, John Hoyland was an undergraduate at London's University College, living with his Communist Party family and active in the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND). His intensely political world notwithstanding, Hoyland's diary reveals that interior life troubled his every day and shaped much of his thinking. Hoyland's self-conscious narrative illuminates self-making, male heterosexuality, generation, and relationships and cultures in the early 1960s British Left. He experienced himself as fragmented and struggled to negotiate his conflicting identities. He felt torn between older models of socialist identity and morality, his hedonism associated with the beatnik metropolitan scene, and his project of personal self-improvement. His diary offers rare insight into the intimate thoughts and feelings of one New Left young man at a time when political, social, and sexual codes and cultures were in transition before the emergence of feminist sexual politics. The article examines the identities Hoyland held as a socialist, sexual, and domestic male subject; it considers how his emotional world and relationships were shaped by his metropolitan landscapes, consisting of CND marches, Communist Party meetings, urban youth spaces, and the parental home; and it discusses Hoyland as a writer and the sense of selfhood the diary helped to make possible.
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Bevir, Mark. "The Labour Church Movement, 1891–1902." Journal of British Studies 38, no. 2 (April 1999): 217–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386190.
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Historians of British socialism have tended to discount the significance of religious belief. Yet the conference held in Bradford in 1893 to form the Independent Labour Party (I.L.P.) was accompanied by a Labour Church service attended by some five thousand persons. The conference took place in a disused chapel then being run as a Labour Institute by the Bradford Labour Church along with the local Labour Union and Fabian Society. The Labour Church movement, which played such an important role in the history of British socialism, was inspired by John Trevor, a Unitarian minister who resigned to found the first Labour Church in Manchester in 1891. At the new church's first service, on 4 October 1891, a string band opened the proceedings, after which Trevor led those present in prayer, the congregation listened to a reading of James Russell Lowell's poem “On the Capture of Fugitive Slaves,” and Harold Rylett, a Unitarian minister, read Isaiah 15. The choir rose to sing “England Arise,” the popular socialist hymn by Edward Carpenter:England arise! the long, long night is over,Faint in the east behold the dawn appear;Out of your evil dream of toil and sorrow—Arise, O England, for the day is here;From your fields and hills,Hark! the answer swells—Arise, O England, for the day is here.As the singing stopped, Trevor rose to give a sermon on the religious aspect of the labor movement. He argued the failure of existing churches to support labor made it necessary for workers to form a new movement to embody the religious aspect of their quest for emancipation.
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Raza, Ali. "Provincializing the International: Communist Print Worlds in Colonial India." History Workshop Journal 89 (2020): 140–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbaa011.
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Abstract This paper charts communist print worlds in colonial India during the interwar period. Beginning in the early 1920s, self-declared ‘Communist’ and ‘Bolshevik’ publications began surfacing across India. Through the example of the Kirti Kisan Sabha (Workers and Peasants Party: a communist group in the north-western province of Punjab), and its associated publications, this paper will provide a glimpse into the rich, diverse and imaginative print worlds of Indian communism. From 1926 onwards, Kirti publications became a part of a thriving print culture in which a dizzying variety of revolutionary, socialist and communist publications competed and conversed with the equally prolific and rich print worlds of their political and ideological rivals. Removed on the one hand from the ivory towers of party intellectuals, dense treatises and officious theses, and on the other hand from the framing of sedition, rebellion and fanaticism in the colonial archive, Kirti publications show how the global project of communist internationalism became distinctly provincialized and vernacularized in British India.
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Smith, Evan. "Policing Communism Across the ‘White Man's World’: Anti-Communist Co-operation between Australia, South Africa and Britain in the Early Cold War." Britain and the World 10, no. 2 (September 2017): 170–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2017.0274.
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In the aftermath of the Second World War, the British Commonwealth faced the twin ‘threats’ of decolonisation and communism, with many across the Commonwealth seeing decolonisation as the first step towards communist dictatorship. Recent scholarship has shown that the British attempted to ‘manage’ the decolonisation process to prevent socialist movements or national liberation movements sympathetic to the Soviet Bloc from coming to power. Therefore Britain, along with the Dominions, co-ordinated their intelligence services to combat the communist threat across the Commonwealth. This paper explores how this co-ordination of anti-communist efforts was implemented in Britain, Australia and South Africa in the early Cold War era, which involved the breaking of strikes using the armed forces, the close monitoring of ‘persons of interest’ and the (attempted) banning of the Communist Party. It also seeks to demonstrate that the history of anti-communism, similar to communism, has an international dimension that is only starting to be investigated by historians.
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Gianfreda, Stella. "Politicization of the refugee crisis?: a content analysis of parliamentary debates in Italy, the UK, and the EU." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 48, no. 1 (October 17, 2017): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2017.20.
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This paper draws on the literature on party competition and issue ownership to assess whether political membership on the right-left dimension explains party stances on migration. While some scholars argue that on this issue a clear distinction between left and right exists, some more recent quantitative and fine-grained analyses show a more nuanced picture. According to them, a clear difference in narratives exists only when the salience of the issue is high, under pressure of the electoral success of a far-right party or about specific policy issues. This paper further investigates this aspect in the context of the 2015 refugee crisis. It looks at the positions held by the main centre-left, centre-right, Radical Right, and Populist Parties in the Italian, British, and European Parliaments. The content analysis shows that centre-left parties frame the refugee crisis mainly as a humanitarian emergency and held pro-European Union (EU) positions, while centre-right parties differ substantially between Italy and the United Kingdom. Both radical right and Populist Parties exploit the political-opportunity offered by the refugee crisis to foster their anti-establishment claims. Moreover, Radical Right Populist Parties stress the need to secure external borders and restore national sovereignty, against further integration. At the EU level, left- and right-wing groups (Socialist and Democrats Party, European Conservatives and Reformists Party, and European People’s Party) are cohesive, while the populist group (European Freedom and Direct Democracy Party) is not. This paper adds on the academic debate on the refugee crisis, showing how the immigration issue can impact on domestic and European party politics, challenging party identities and alliances.
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Perry, Matt. "In Search of “Red Ellen” Wilkinson Beyond Frontiers and Beyond the Nation State." International Review of Social History 58, no. 2 (April 11, 2013): 219–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859013000151.
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AbstractThis article reconsiders the life of Ellen Wilkinson (1891–1947) – British Minister of Education from 1945 to 1947 and leader of the Jarrow Crusade of 1936 – by exploring the transnational aspect of her politics. It seeks to establish the significance of her transnational orientation and how this can allow us to complement and deepen existing understandings of her. Drawing on the literature on transnational activist networks, it outlines the complexity of transnational networks and her repertoire of transnational political practice. Without serious attention to this global dimension of her politics, our understanding of Wilkinson is attenuated and distorted. Crucially, the heroic construction of “Red Ellen” in both labourist and socialist-feminist narratives has obscured her second radicalization (1932–1936) and the sharpness of her metamorphosis into a mainstream Labour Party figure in 1939–1940.
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Connolly, Clara, Lynne Segal, Michèle Barrett, Beatrix Campbell, Anne Phillips, Angela Weir, and Elizabeth Wilson. "Feminism and Class Politics: A Round-Table Discussion." Feminist Review 23, no. 1 (July 1986): 13–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1986.18.
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In December 1984 Angela Weir and Elizabeth Wilson, two founding members of Feminist Review, published an article assessing contemporary British feminism and its relationship to the left and to class struggle. They suggested that the women's movement in general, and socialist-feminism in particular, had lost its former political sharpness. The academic focus of socialist-feminism has proved more interested in theorizing the ideological basis of sexual difference than the economic contradictions of capitalism. Meanwhile the conditions of working-class and black women have been deteriorating. In this situation, they argue, feminists can only serve the general interests of women through alliance with working-class movements and class struggle. Weir and Wilson represent a minority position within the British Communist Party (the CP), which argues that ‘feminism’ is now being used by sections of the left, in particular the dominant ‘Eurocommunist’ left in the CP, to justify their moves to the right, with an accompanying attack on traditional forms of trade union militancy. Beatrix Campbell, who is aligned to the dominant position within the CP, has been one target of Weir and Wilson's criticisms. In several articles from 1978 onwards, and in her book Wigan Pier Revisited, Beatrix Campbell has presented a very different analysis of women and the labour movement. She has criticized the trade union movement as a ‘men's movement’, in the sense that it has always represented the interests of men at the expense of women. And she has described the current split within the CP as one extending throughout the left between the politics of the ‘old’ and the ‘new’: traditional labour movement politics as against the politics of those who have rethought their socialism to take into account the analysis and importance of popular social movements – in particular feminism, the peace and anti-racist movements. In reply to this debate, Anne Phillips has argued that while women's position today must be analysed in the context of the capitalist crisis, it is not reducible to the dichotomy ‘class politics’ versus ‘popular alliance’. Michèle Barrett, in another reply to Weir and Wilson, has argued that they have presented a reductionist and economistic approach to women's oppression, which caricatures rather than clarifies much of the work in which socialist-feminists have been engaged. To air these differences between socialist-feminists over the question of feminism and class politics, and to see their implications for the women's movement and the left, Feminist Review has decided to bring together the main protagonists of this debate for a fuller, more open discussion. For this discussion Feminist Review drew up a number of questions which were put to the participants by Clara Connolly and Lynne Segal. (Michèle Barrett was present in a personal capacity.) They cover the recent background to socialist-feminist politics, the relationship of feminism to Marxism, the role of feminists in le ft political parties and the labour movement, the issue of racism and the prospects for the immediate future. The discussion was lengthy and what follows is an edited version of the transcript.
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Brown, Archie. "The Change to Engagement in Britain's Cold War Policy: The Origins of the Thatcher-Gorbachev Relationship." Journal of Cold War Studies 10, no. 3 (July 2008): 3–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2008.10.3.3.
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Using previously unseen British Cabinet Office and Foreign Office papers obtained through the UK Freedom of Information Act, this article shows how a change in Britain's stance in the Cold War was initiated in 1983. As a result of this process, the British government of Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher decided to move to greater engagement with the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. Distrusting the Foreign Office as an institution, Thatcher asked for papers from eight outside academic specialists, on whose analyses she placed considerable weight. The desire for East-West dialogue was strongly favored by Foreign Office ministers and officials, whose advice, paradoxically, was more readily accepted by Thatcher when similar policy recommendations (though with some differences in analysis) were made by the academics. The invitation to Mikhail Gorbachev to visit Britain in 1984, prior to his becoming leader of the Soviet Union, had its origins in a Chequers seminar involving both academics and officials on 8–9 September 1983. This was the beginning of an important, and surprising, political relationship that transformed Britain's militantly anti-socialist prime minister into the strongest supporter—certainly among conservative politicians worldwide—of the new leader of the Soviet Communist Party.
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Chatterjee, Choi. "Imperial Incarcerations: Ekaterina Breshko-Breshkovskaia, Vinayak Savarkar, and the Original Sins of Modernity." Slavic Review 74, no. 4 (2015): 850–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.74.4.850.
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Based on a comparison of the prison experiences of Ekaterina Breshko- Breshkovskaia, member of the Socialist Revolutionary Party of Russia, and Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, revolutionary and Hindu fundamentalist, I ask two central questions: How did Breshkovskaia's story about exile and punishment help establish the tsarist genealogy of the gulag in the western consciousness, while the suffering of political prisoners in British India, as exemplified by Savarkar, were completely occluded? How and why did the specificity of incarceration in the Russian empire eclipse systems of punishment designed by other European empires in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries? In this article, I argue that the penumbra of modernity was darkened not only by the savagery of the Holocaust and the gulag but also by the brutal violence of western imperialism. Placing the Russian prison and exile system in comparative global perspective opens up new avenues of research in a field that has relied excessively on the intellectual binaries of a repressive Russia and a liberal western Europe.
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Smyth, Peter. "‘The right flower to stick to’: the Unionist Party's questionable choice in 1959." Irish Historical Studies 39, no. 153 (May 2014): 76–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400003631.
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In 1959 the Ulster Unionist Party (U.U.P.) abandoned the idea that relations between the government in Belfast and the two main parties in Westminster should be maintained with a semblance of impartiality. Hitherto, although the Unionist M.P.s at Westminster had taken the Conservative whip, overt criticism of Labour had remained comparatively muted, if only to ensure that those with socialist sympathies would remain under the Unionist umbrella rather than defect to the Northern Ireland Labour Party (N.I.L.P.). In the run-up to the 1959 Westminster general election, however, the U.U.P. not only made offers of unconditional support to the Conservatives, but accompanied them with disparagement of Labour policies and objectives. The logic of that choice was not only contrary to the experience of inter-governmental relations with London since 1945, it also carried a high risk at a time when key areas of the Northern Ireland economy were becoming dependent on support from the British government, and a Conservative victory in the election was by no means certain. It therefore raised the inter-related questions of whether relations with the Labour party had been so toxic, and whether the attitude of the Conservatives, who had been in government in Westminster for most of the decade, had been so benevolent as to justify abandoning the approach which formerly had prevailed. Support for the Conservatives was the U.U.P. default setting, but unless carefully managed, that support carried with it the danger of alienating the Labour party which, given the rotation of power at Westminster, was bound someday to form the government with which Northern Ireland ministers would have to work.
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Greenstein, Ran. "Class, Nation, and Political Organization: The Anti-Zionist Left in Israel/Palestine." International Labor and Working-Class History 75, no. 1 (2009): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909000076.
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AbstractThe paper discusses historical lessons offered by the experience of two leftwing movements, the pre-1948 Palestinian Communist Party, and the post-1948 Israeli Socialist Organization (Matzpen). The focus of discussion is the relationship between class and nation as principles of organization.The Palestinian Communist Party was shaped by forces that shaped the Israeli-Palestinian conflict: British rule, Zionist ideology and settlement practices, and Arab nationalism. At intensified conflict periods it was torn apart by the pressures of competing nationalisms. By the end of the period, its factions agreed on one principle: the need to treat members of both national groups equally, whether as individuals or as groups entitled to self-determination. This position was rejected by both national movements as incompatible with their quest for control.In the post-1948 period, Matzpen epitomized the radical critique of Zionism. It was the clearest voice speaking against the 1967 occupation and for restoration of Palestinian rights. However, it never moved beyond the political margins, and its organization failed to provide members with a sustainable mode of activism. It was replaced by a new mode, mobilizing people around specific issues instead of presenting an overall program.The paper concludes with suggestions on how the Left may use these lessons to develop a strategy to focus on the quest for social justice and human rights.
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Wodak, Ruth. "Saying the unsayable." Contemporary Discourses of Hate and Radicalism across Space and Genres 3, no. 1 (October 2, 2015): 13–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlac.3.1.01wod.
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After 1945 and the end of WWII, denying the Holocaust became an explicit taboo in most European countries. More specifically, in Austria, denying the Holocaust in public implies legal consequences: the so-called Verbotsgesetz persecutes any public utterances which even insinuate National Socialist ideology (utterances, symbols, songs, images) and the Holocaust denial. Naturally, it remains difficult for the courts to substantiate any accusations and to prove that somebody has actually uttered Holocaust denial if the meanings are only implied, inferred, or alluded to. Thus, in spite of such explicit sanctions, politicians of the far-right have found many coded and implicit discursive-pragmatic practices and devices of denying the Holocaust, even during parliamentary debates and official speeches. In my paper, I compare the “discourses about Holocaust denial” in Austria and the UK, in two case studies: the first one relates to the controversy about some utterances of Barbara Rosenkranz who stood as candidate of the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ) for election to Austrian Presidency in April 2010. Secondly, I focus on the debates triggered by Nick Griffin from the British extreme right party BNP, in and after his appearance in the prominent BBC 1 weekly show Question Time, in 2009. I apply the Discourse-Historical Approach in CDA for the detailed analysis of such recurring debates and foreground the patterns of a globalised politics of denial.
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Cole, Ross. "Industrial Balladry, Mass Culture, and the Politics of Realism in Cold War Britain." Journal of Musicology 34, no. 3 (2017): 354–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2017.34.3.354.
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Focusing on a series of pioneering radio ballads produced for the BBC between 1958 and 1961 by Ewan MacColl, Charles Parker, and Peggy Seeger, this article explores representations of industrial working-class culture in folksongs of the radical Left. Situating such work in relation to A. L. Lloyd, mass culture, the nascent New Left, gender, and the aesthetics of social realism (distinct from the project of Soviet socialist realism), I argue that early radio ballads were nostalgic panegyrics for the integrity of working-class identity in the face of unprecedented socio-economic change. At the very moment when distinctively masculine working-class traditions seemed to be at risk of disappearing under the rising tide of affluence, Conservative Party rhetoric, female emancipation, and the emergence of a classless commodity utopia, these programs generated a portrait of an unwavering British subculture damaged and defined by capitalist exploitation yet resistant to the unwelcome advance of globalized modernity. Ultimately, such work revealed far more about MacColl’s own political convictions than about the intricacies of working-class life in Britain.
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Schneer, Jonathan. "Politics and Feminism in “Outcast London”: George Lansbury and Jane Cobden's Campaign for the First London County Council." Journal of British Studies 30, no. 1 (January 1991): 63–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385973.
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This article examines Jane Cobden's campaign for the London County Council (L.C.C.) in 1888–89 and its controversial aftermath. Cobden's effort, a pioneering political venture of British feminism, illuminates late-Victorian concepts of gender. It provides at once an anticipation of, and a distinct contrast to, the militant suffragism of the Edwardian era. In addition, it suggests new ways of thinking about the connection between women's-suffragist and labor politics. Perhaps because the campaign was a comparatively obscure incident when measured against the broad sweep of British political history, however, no scholar has done much more than sketch its bare outline. Hopefully, the fuller depiction provided below will accord it the treatment it really deserves.This article approaches the subject from a tangent, however. Cobden's campaign was a significant if little-known episode not only in the history of British suffragism but also in the life of a man who went on to play a major role in British politics long after the first county council elections had been forgotten. This was George Lansbury, Cobden's political agent during 1888–89 and secretary of the Bow and Bromley Radical and Liberal Federation. Lansbury eventually became one of the main architects of the socialist movement in East London and a chief male supporter of the militant suffragettes during the Edwardian era (in 1912 he temporarily lost his seat in the House of Commons and went to prison on their behalf). He also became a founder and editor of the quintessential “rebel” newspaper, theDaily Herald(which was designated Labour's official organ after Lansbury left it in 1922), a pacifist opponent of World War I, and, from 1931 to 1935, leader of the Labour party itself.
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De Grand, Alexander. "Comment on Corner: Giolitti's Italy – Sonderweg or Well-Travelled Road?" Contemporary European History 11, no. 2 (May 2002): 296–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777302002060.
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The idea of an Italian Sonderweg is interesting, but it is not exactly a new interpretation of the Giolittian era. Gaetano Salvemini was very clear in blaming Giolitti for distorting Italy's path to democracy. I agree with Paul Corner's cautionary remark that nothing before the First World War made fascism inevitable. Still, we should look closely at the fifteen years before the Great War, if for no other reason than the fact that the great hopes for reform that marked the period gave rise to little structural reform. Giolitti simply did not bring about the modernisation of the liberal parliamentary system. However, I have my doubts that this adds up to a Sonderweg. Nowhere on the Continent did a modern mass party of the bourgeoisie emerge before 1914. Moreover, in no country did the middle-class movement for reform develop solid links with the growing socialist movement. It is curious in this regard that Corner never mentions France. Certainly the Giolittian era resembles the post-Dreyfus period in French politics more than anything that happened in Germany. It would be interesting for Professor Corner to expand on the viability of the British Lib–Lab pact of 1906; it is implied that this was a model that worked elsewhere on the Continent (p. 286). I also find it surprising that he finds the roots of the Weimar coalition in prewar imperial Germany (p. 294).
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Ansari, K. H. "Pan-Islam and the Making of the Early Indian Muslim Socialists." Modern Asian Studies 20, no. 3 (July 1986): 509–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00007848.
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One of the paradoxes of the history of Islam in the twentieth century is that many of the first Muslim socialists were men who at earlier stages in their lives had been devout Muslims, often passionately involved in the fate of Islam throughout the world. In Russia, socialists emerged from various silsila of the Naqshbandi sufi order, most notably the Vaisites of Kazan who fought alongside workers and soldiers in 1917 and 1918. In Indonesia, many sufi shaikhs became Communist party activitsts in the midst of the Sarekat Islam's great pan-Islamic protest of the early 1920S.In India, Muslim socialists came from those who, concerned to defend Islam wherever it was threatened and in particular the institution of the Khilafat, had come to oppose their British masters. These champions of Islam sought help against the British from Muslims outside India; they supported Britain's enemies. A few actually left India in order to join other Muslims in their fight against the British. Their experiences in Afghanistan and Central Asia brought disillusionment. They discovered that others did not share their faith in the brotherhood of Islam; they began to consider other ideologies. Some were convinced by the Bolsheviks, who supported Muslim peoples and opposed the imperialism of the West, that socialism might offer the key to success in their struggle against the British. In the process they discovered similarities between Islamic and Bolshevik ideology, which eased their transition to socialism.
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James, Helen. "Dancing or Stricken Peacock? Than Shwe, Suu Kyi and the Politics of Institutional Change in Myanmar." MANUSYA 7, no. 2 (2004): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26659077-00702001.
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In a country where signs, symbols and astrology have played key roles in its political and cultural evolution, the peacock as the emblem of an independent state has had a chequered history in Myanmar (Burma). Frequently juxtaposed to the Sheldrake, emblem of the Southern Mon kingdom centred on Pegu until incorporation into the larger Burmese empire in the mid-18th century, the country peacock could not withstand the advances of the rampant British lion during the 19th century. It is now a protected bird accorded sanctuary, and placed on a pedestal with reverence almost equal to that of the sacred ‘White Elephant’ found recently in the jungles of Arakan. Such indigenous institutions are playing a critical role as the transitional state of Myanmar seeks to transform its political and socio-economic fabric after 26 years of socialist policies (1962-1988). In analyzing the politics of institutional change in contemporary Myanmar, we are forced to take account of Muthiah Alagappa’s observation that transitional states are not necessarily in linear evolution to Western models of democratic governance, for this expected trajectory ‘has not been borne out in practice’ whilst ‘politics in developing countries has its own dynamics.’ Alagappa’s views resonate also in the writings of Robert Taylor who notes the complexity and problematic task of grafting multi-party democratic systems onto societies like Myanmar with weak traditions of civil society, low levels of economic development and patronclientalist politico-social structures. The following paper focuses on some of the key political and socio-economic issues at the heart of achieving evolutionary institutional change in Myanmar (Burma).
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Wring, Dominic. "“Selling socialism” ‐ The marketing of the “very old” British Labour Party." European Journal of Marketing 35, no. 9/10 (October 2001): 1038–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eum0000000005957.
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Corrigan, Paul. "'Socialism in one NHS!'." Soundings 72, no. 72 (August 1, 2019): 117–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/soun.72.08.2019.
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British society is in the main securely embedded within capitalism, but the British public still strongly believes that health services should be distributed with 'equal access for all free at the point of need' and actively support the NHS. How far can this principle thrive or survive in a capitalist society? Three main areas are identified in which there could be an improvement in the performance of the NHS. Firstly, there are parts of the NHS experience where the understanding of the importance of use value could be extended through a greater recognition of the role of patients, relatives and carers in providing care. Secondly, the NHS needs to become less hierarchical, and to allow patients' carers and the community access to more knowledge and capacity so that they will be better able to deliver their part of healthcare. Thirdly, a more proactive NHS could have a greater impact on the inequalities of health that exist in our society.
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Faucher, Florence. "Leadership Elections: What is at Stake for Parties? A Comparison of the British Labour Party and the Parti Socialiste: Table 1." Parliamentary Affairs 68, no. 4 (December 8, 2014): 794–820. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsu026.
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Stewart, David. "The British Labour Party, “Parliamentary Socialism” and Thatcherism, 1979–1990: A Visual Perspective." Visual Resources 24, no. 2 (June 2008): 173–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01973760802042747.
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Flaherty, Seamus. "H.M. Hyndman and the Intellectual Origins of the Remaking of Socialism in Britain, 1878–1881*." English Historical Review 134, no. 569 (June 29, 2019): 855–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cez188.
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Abstract In recent years, the historiography of late nineteenth-century British Socialism has reached a new level of sophistication. The determinism and essentialism that typified much of the work on the subject prior to the so-called linguistic turn in social history has been decisively dropped. This article, however, argues that the influence of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels still persists in two crucial respects. Firstly, it suggests that historians continue to take their lead from Marx in pinpointing the start of the Socialist movement; and second, it posits that historians also continue to follow Engels by describing the political beliefs of H.M. Hyndman as belonging to an intellectual tradition of Tory Radicalism. This article argues that, partly as a consequence of that first error, historians have overlooked the small but crucial burst of articles on the topic of Socialism published in the periodical press between 1878 and 1880. It also claims that, contrary to the historiographical consensus, Hyndman was not an ‘ex-Conservative’ or Radical of Tory inclination. It demonstrates, rather, that Hyndman’s ideological heritage was overwhelmingly Liberal. It situates Hyndman’s first article on Socialism against the anterior discussion in the periodical press. The article reveals how Hyndman’s intervention was indebted to the arguments previously advanced by J.S. Mill, Henry Fawcett, and William Cunningham. It posits, furthermore, that once it is recognised that the writings of Mill, Fawcett and other Liberals occupied a central place in Hyndman’s political imagination a number of other features of Hyndman’s political thought also fall into place.