Relevant bibliographies by topics / British Telecom. Northern Ireland

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'British Telecom. Northern Ireland'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "British Telecom. Northern Ireland"

1

Saroukhani, Henghameh. "Black British Soldiers in Northern Ireland." Caribbean Quarterly 64, no. 3-4 (October 2, 2018): 544–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00086495.2018.1531562.

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Newsinger, John. "British security policy in Northern Ireland." Race & Class 37, no. 1 (July 1995): 83–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030639689503700108.

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Aughey, A. "Northern Ireland narratives of British democracy." Policy Studies 33, no. 2 (March 2012): 145–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01442872.2011.637453.

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Durham, Martin. "The British Extreme Right and Northern Ireland." Contemporary British History 26, no. 2 (June 2012): 195–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2012.673713.

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Wright, Joanne. "Northern Ireland ‐ a British isles security complex." Terrorism and Political Violence 5, no. 4 (December 1993): 266–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546559308427229.

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White, Robert W. "Comment: British violence and British injustice in undemocratic Northern Ireland." Terrorism and Political Violence 4, no. 3 (September 1992): 117–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546559208427164.

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Morrow, Duncan. "The 1997 British general election in Northern Ireland." Regional & Federal Studies 7, no. 3 (September 1997): 188–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597569708421026.

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Ollerenshaw, Philip. "Northern Ireland and the British Empire–Commonwealth, 1923–61." Irish Historical Studies 36, no. 142 (November 2008): 227–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400007057.

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Despite the unprecedented interest shown by historians in Ireland and empire in recent years, comparatively little research has focused on Northern Ireland’s connections to the British Empire-Commonwealth in the post-partition decades. This article utilises some new sources to throw light on both the centrifugal and centripetal aspects of the imperial relationship. The discussion begins with the imperial significance of visits to Northern Ireland by statesmen such as William Massey, Prime Minister of New Zealand, to his native Ulster in 1923, and that of Gordon Coates, also Prime Minister of New Zealand, three years later. At the end of the period, the visit of Canadian Prime Minister John Diefenbaker to both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland can add to our knowledge about the changing relationship between Northern Ireland and the Commonwealth.
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Francome, Colin. "Gynaecologists and abortion in Northern Ireland." Journal of Biosocial Science 26, no. 3 (July 1994): 389–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932000021465.

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SummaryThe evidence from gynaecologists in Northern Ireland shows confusion in interpretation and practice of abortion law, with some women even being denied abortion after rape. Over two-thirds of gynaecologists supported a change in the law which would leave the abortion decision to the woman and her doctor, but less than half wanted the introduction of the British law.
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Adams, Gerry. "Wanted: The British Cessation of Hostilities in Northern Ireland." American Foreign Policy Interests 17, no. 6 (December 1995): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10803920.1995.10391908.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "British Telecom. Northern Ireland"

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Dixon, Paul Guy. "The British Labour Party and Northern Ireland 1959-74." Thesis, University of Bradford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.504498.

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This thesis sets out to explain the attitude of the British Labour Party towards the conflict in Northern Ireland both before and after the deployment of British troops on the streets of Northern Ireland in August 1969. The first chapter discusses themes in the Labour Party's political thought on nationalism. These themes and others are developed and explored in the second chapter on 'The British Labour Party, Empire and Northern Ireland'. The Labour Party's experience of ethnic conflict in the process of decolonisation is used to set the context for understanding the reaction of the party to `the troubles'. Chapters three to seven consist of a chronological account of the Labour Party's reaction to the Northern Ireland conflict. An attempt is made to suggest what the consequences of Labour's attitude was on the ground in Northern Ireland. This is done through an examination of the Party's relationship with the unionist Northern Ireland Labour Party and the predominantly nationalist-inclined civil rights movement. The importance of British nationalism is emphasised to explain the development of the Party's policy. It is argued that initially the conflict in Northern Ireland was viewed predominantly as a problem of `alienation' but it came increasingly to be regarded as a `colonial' issue.
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McDavid, S. "Northern Ireland : Sunningdale, Power-sharing and British-Irish Relations, 1972-1975." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.527852.

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Neumann, Peter. "British Government strategy in Northern Ireland, 1969-98 : an evolutionary analysis." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2002. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/british-government-strategy-in-northern-ireland-196998-an-evolutionary-analysis(e5201584-518b-4026-9340-ed7b1336f34b).html.

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Using the methods of strategic analysis, this work evaluates the British government's approach towards the conflict in Northern Ireland, starting with London's first intervention in 1969, and ending with the signing of the Belfast Agreement in 1998. The British government's aim throughout the period was to achieve the containment of the conflict. In the years 1969-71, it was believed that this aim could be realised by maintaining the existing constitutional structures of Home Rule and Unionist majority rule. The outcomes of this strategy, however, were wholly negative. From 1972, the government's aim translated into the objective of creating political stability through a system of government to which both sides would consent, thus establishing a mutual veto on what was seen as the 'political solution'. It followed that the most important factor to determine London's strategy was the imperative of facilitating political agreement. However, traditional ideas continued to interfere with the conditioning of the strategic instruments, so that London's effectiveness as a political facilitator turned out to be limited. As a consequence, there were two attempts to circumvent the logic of the mutual veto: the notion of producing stability by making Direct Rule from London semi-permanent (1976-79), and the idea of easing the operation of Direct Rule through an inter-governmental framework, resulting in the Anglo- Irish Agreement of 1985. Although both attempts were failures in that they could not achieve what the British government had intended, they nevertheless conditioned the form of agreement that was reached in 1998. The Belfast Agreement made it possible for the British government to realise its objective, yet in allowing some parties to maintain the threat of violence as a means with which to obtain concessions, it suffers from an asymmetry that furthers instability and might well turn out to make the achievement of containment impossible
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Aveyard, Stuart Ciarnan. "No solution : British government policy in Northern Ireland under Labour 1974-79." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.579570.

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This thesis considers British government policy in Northern Ireland during the Labour administration of 1974 to 1979. Utilising a distinctively historical methodology which draws from a wide range of archival sources, it challenges a number dominant narratives about the British government policy and the Northern Ireland conflict more generally. It incorporates political, security and economic affairs. During these crucial years the Sunningdale Agreement collapsed following a loyalist general strike, the Labour government considered a wide range of constitutional options for Northern Ireland, dialogue was held with militant republicans during the Provisional IRA's 1975 ceasefire and security policy was transformed with the end of detention without trial and the advent of police primacy. Violence levels declined significantly as both the British government and the Provisional IRA came to see the conflict as a lasting one, adjusting their strategies. This thesis also considers relations between the British government political parties in Great Britain and Ireland, both North and South. Existing accounts are found to be over-reliant on contemporary perceptions in all these areas and a more nuanced analysis is offered in place of this, taking into account the parameters within which ministers and officials operated.
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McGough, Seán Brendan. "British policy in Northern Ireland in the period between 1912 and 1985." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.396767.

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Redmond, John Plunket. "Aspects of the interrelationship of British and Northern Irish poetry : 1960-1994." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365622.

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Bowlin, Mark L. "British Intelligence and the IRA : the secret war in Northern Ireland, 1969-1988 /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1998. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA358989.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, September 1998.
"September 1998." Thesis advisor(s): Maria Rasmussen, Terry Johnson. Includes bibliographical references (p. 161-164). Also available online.
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Bowlin, Mark L. "British Intelligence and the IRA: the secret war in Northern Ireland, 1969-1988." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/8036.

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Ó, Murchú Niall. "Labor, the state, and ethnic conflict : a comparative study of British rule in Palestine (1920-1939) and Northern Ireland (1972-1994) /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10774.

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Linge, John. "British forces and Irish freedom : Anglo-Irish defence relations 1922-1931." Thesis, University of Stirling, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/1689.

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Anglo-Free State relations between the wars still awaits a comprehensive study ... This is in par a reflection of the larger failure of British historians to work on Anglo-Irish history '" the Right has been ill at ease dealing with Britan's greatest failure, whilst the Left has found tropical climes more suited for the cultivation of its moral superiority. When R.F.Holland made this apposite comment, just over a decade ago, he may have been adding to the very problems he identified. Writing within the context of the 'Commonweath Alliance', he was joining a distinguished list of British and Irish historians who have sought to fiter inter-war Anglo-Free State relations through the mesh of Empire-Commonweath development. Beginning with A. Berredale Keith in the 1920s, this usage continued in either direct or indirect form (by way of particular institutions of Commonweath) from the 1930s to the 1970s through the works of W.K. Hancock, Nicholas Mansergh and D.W. Harkness, and was still finding favour with Brendan Sexton's study of the Irish Governor-Generalship system in the late 1980s.2 But herein a contradiction has developed: cumulative study of the unnatural origins and performance of the Free State as a Dominion has moved beyond questions of function to ask whether the Free State was in fact ever a Dominion at alL. 3 As such, there seems ever more need to step back from inter-Commonwealth study and refocus on the precise nature of the Free State's central relationship with Britan in this period. It is of course acknowledged that outwith the established zones of internal Irish and Empire-Imperial study there is no home or forum for one of the most enduring quandares of modern Europea history. Even if it is accepted that 'pure' Anglo-Irish history did not end in 1922, the weight of research based on the ten yeas prior, as against the ten yeas subsequent, suggests an easy acceptance, on both sides of the Irish Sea, and Atlantic, of the absolute value changes in that relationship. Studies covering the transition to independence, such as those of Joseph M. CUITan and Sheila Lawlot, have taen only tentative steps beyond 1922, and may indeed have epitomised an approach that subsequent Irish studies have done little to dispel; in the 1980s, major overviews by RF. Foster and J.J. Le have been notably reluctant to evaluate the quality of that new found freedom with continuing reference to Ireland's giant neighbour. Though Foster, and others, have noted that the main aim of the Free State in the 1920s was 'self-definition against Britan', the point is the extent to which Britan was wiling to allow the same. There has then been little impetus for direct Anglo-Free State inter-war study, and although the tide has begun to turn since the mid-1980's, notably through the achievements of Paul Canning, Deidre McMahon and, shortly before his death, Nicholas Mansergh6, it is probable that we are stil a long way short of being able to produce a comprehensive and coherent review of the period. Apar from the crucial Anglo/Irish-Anglo/Commonwealth dichotomy,there remains the political chasm dividing the Cosgrave years of the 1920s from those of de Valera's 1930s; indeed the overwhelming preoccupation with post-1931 confrontations has often, as in the case of McMahon's fine study, taen as its contrasting staing point the supposedly compliant 'pro-Treaty' years of 1922-31. It is hard to bridge this gulf when the little direct work on these earlier years, mostly concentrating on the two fundamenta issues of Boundar and financial settlement, has tended not to question this divide. Although Irish historians have turned an increasingly sympathetic eye on the internal politics and problems of these early yeas, the apathetic external image, in contrast to the later period, has been persistent. Nowhere has this negativity been more apparent than on the, also vita, topic of defence relations. For a subject that has been given more than adequate attention in terms of the 1921 Treaty negotiations and the Treaty Ports issue of the 1930s, the period in between has had little intensive coverage. In this regard the negative response of W.K.Hancock in 1937, stating that Cosgrave did not bother to question British defence imperatives, was stil being held some fifty yeas later by Paul Canning.7 Thus an enduring and importt image has emerged of defence relations re-enforcing the above divide, an image that has had to stand for the lack of new reseach. This does not mea that the image is necessarly an entirely false one, but it does mean that many of the supposed novelties of the de Valera yeas have been built on largely unknown foundations. The Treaty Ports issue is also vita to this thesis, but then so are other defence related matters which had an impact specific to the 1920s. In other words, the human and political context of how both countries, but the Irish government in paricular, coped with the immediate legacy of centuries of armed occupation, with the recent 1916-21 conflct, and with the smaller scale continuity of British occupation, was bound to cast old shadows over a new relationship. But how big were these shadows? It was on the basis of placing some detaled flesh on the skeleton of known (and unknown) policies and events that this thesis took shape. Frustrations and resentments could tae necessarily quieter forms than those which characterised the 1930s, and in the end be no less significant. If the first objective is then to make solid the continuity of defence affairs, it is appropriate to begin with a brief evaluation of the Treaty defence negotiations before tang a close look at British operations in the South in 1922 - the year when a reluctant Cosgrave was to inherit a situation where British forces were close to the development of civil war. Despite our growing knowledge of Britan's part in the progress of that war, there is stil a general perception that its forces became peripheral to events after the Truce of July 1921, and that its Army was, and had been, the only British Service involved in the struggle against armed republicanism.This is simply not the case, and it is to be wondered whether the proper absorption of Irish historians with the internal dynamics of the period, together with the authoritative quality of Charles Townshend's history of the 1919-21 British campaign, have not produced inhibitions to wider inquiry. 8 In any event, as the Admiralty was to play a central par in later defence relations it seems right to introduce, for the first time, the Royal Navy's importt role in the events of 1922. The point here is to establish that the actions and perceptions of both Services were to have repercussions for later attitudes. After these chapters, the following two aim to look at the cumulative legacy of British involvement and how both countries adjusted to the many unresolved questions thrown up by the Treaty and the unplanned contingencies of 1922. Retaining the theme that neither country could escape the past, nor trust to the future, chapter six returns to the physical and political impact made by the continuing presence of British forces in and around the three Treaty Ports, and along and across the Border. The final two chapters explore how all these factors helped determine the conditions for, and consequences of, one of the most damaging episodes of the later 1920s - the complete failure of the joint coasta defence review scheduled for December 1926.In all, the cumulative emphasis on the politics of defence may ilustrate what it was to be a small aspiring country that had little choice but to accept Britan's version of what was an inevitably close relationship, and to endure what Britan claimed as the benign strategic necessity of continued occupation.
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Books on the topic "British Telecom. Northern Ireland"

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Murtagh, Fionn. The evolution of telecom technologies: Current trends and near-future implications : a project commissioned by the Centre for Cross Border Studies with funding from Eircom. Armagh: Centre for Cross Border Studies, 2001.

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O'Kane, Gerard Martin. A review of BT's recruitment and retention policies for the Apollo Road and Enniskillen call centres, as influenced by the Northern Ireland labour market. [s.l: The Author], 1999.

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Drummond, Samuel Trevor. A study of the strategic importance of NITEC (Northern Ireland Telecommunications Engineering Centre) withinNorthern Telecom. [s.l: The Author], 1996.

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Birchley, Anthony. The British Army in Northern Ireland. [s.l: The Author], 1997.

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The British Army in Northern Ireland. London: Arms and Armour Press, 1985.

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Dewar, Michael. The British Army in Northern Ireland. London: Book Club Associates, 1985.

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Spencer, Graham, ed. The British and Peace in Northern Ireland. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9781107337565.

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Catterall, Peter, and Sean McDougall, eds. The Northern Ireland Question in British Politics. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24606-9.

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Collins, S. J. D. British security policy in Northern Ireland since 1969. [Exeter]: The Author, 1991.

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British government policy in Northern Ireland, 1969-2000. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001.

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Book chapters on the topic "British Telecom. Northern Ireland"

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Aughey, Arthur. "Northern Ireland." In Developments in British Politics 5, 241–52. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25862-8_12.

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Ishikawa, Hanako. "Northern Ireland." In Winston Churchill in the British Media, 27–55. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48252-7_2.

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Keohane, Dan. "Northern Ireland." In Security in British Politics, 1945–99, 181–201. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230511217_9.

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Hayward, Katy, and Cathal McManus. "Northern Ireland." In The Routledge Handbook of British Politics and Society, 304–17. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Routledge international handbooks: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315559247-21.

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Dixon, Paul. "The Crisis of British Policy over Northern Ireland, 1968–73." In Northern Ireland, 94–122. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-05424-1_4.

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Dixon, Paul. "The Limits of British Policy, 1974–81: From Withdrawal to Integration." In Northern Ireland, 152–83. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-05424-1_6.

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Newsinger, John. "The Long War: Northern Ireland." In British Counterinsurgency, 157–200. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137316868_8.

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Boyle, Kevin, and Tom Hadden. "Options for Northern Ireland." In Developments in British Politics 2, 247–65. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-10230-3_11.

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Gormley-Heenan, Cathy. "Power Sharing in Northern Ireland." In Developments in British Politics 9, 130–51. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-34397-9_8.

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Coakley, John. "Northern Ireland and the British dimension." In Politics in the Republic of Ireland, 323–48. Sixth Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2018. | “First edition published by PSAI Press 1992”–T.p. verso. | “Fifth edition published by Routledge in association with PSAI Press 2010”–T.p. verso.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315652313-13.

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Conference papers on the topic "British Telecom. Northern Ireland"

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Kane, Rebecca O’, Christopher Hill, Neil Mc Dougall, Johnny Cash, and Leanne Stratton. "P012 Incidence of chronic kidney disease in Northern Ireland liver transplant recipients- a 10 year retrospective review." In Abstracts of the British Association for the Study of the Liver Annual Meeting, 22–24 November 2021. BMJ Publishing Group Ltd and British Society of Gastroenterology, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/gutjnl-2021-basl.21.

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Kane, Rebecca O’, and Neil McDougall. "P021 Review of impact of COVID 19 on hepatocellular carcinomas (HCCs) presented at the Northern Ireland (NI) regional MDM." In Abstracts of the British Association for the Study of the Liver Annual Meeting, 22–24 November 2021. BMJ Publishing Group Ltd and British Society of Gastroenterology, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/gutjnl-2021-basl.30.

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Winter, JR, J. Brown, HR Stagg, MK Lalor, V. Delpech, M. Lipman, and I. Abubakar. "S28 Changing diagnostic pattern of hiv and tuberculosis co-infection in england, wales and northern ireland, 2000–2014." In British Thoracic Society Winter Meeting 2017, QEII Centre Broad Sanctuary Westminster London SW1P 3EE, 6 to 8 December 2017, Programme and Abstracts. BMJ Publishing Group Ltd and British Thoracic Society, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/thoraxjnl-2017-210983.34.

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Kakarash, Tareq, and Alnasir Doraid. "The Role of National Diversity in Political Reform A Comparative Study between the Kurdistan Region of Iraq and the British Northern Ireland Region." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp246-262.

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The issue of national diversity is considered one of the most important points in studying the development of political systems in our time. Many scholars and researchers have noticed that there is rarely a people or nation in the world today that does not possess different national or ethnic diversity, some of which succeed in forcibly obliterating them, which leads to its ignition and the division of nations and states. (As happened in the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, the Eight State, the Empire of Austria-Hungary, etc.) and as it will happen in the future in other repressive countries, no matter how long their repression takes, and some of them succeed in preserving them through assimilation and understanding, as happened in Switzerland and a few other countries. While there are countries that have been striving for decades to arrange their national situations (such as India, Belgium and Spain), with varying degrees of success. The element of national diversity sometimes plays an active role in reforming the political system, and at other times this national diversity hinders the entire political reform. On the basis of the difference and contrast between the two models in terms of the degree of modernity and development, however, a careful examination of the two models confirms that they are not different to this degree. Only years (1998 in Britain and 2003 in Iraq) and the political conflict still exists in the two countries, leading to a final solution to this crisis.
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Reports on the topic "British Telecom. Northern Ireland"

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Miller, William J. The British Experience in Northern Ireland: A Model for Modern Peacemaking Operations? Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, January 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada264419.

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