Journal articles: 'British Telecom. Northern Ireland'

1

Saroukhani, Henghameh. "Black British Soldiers in Northern Ireland." Caribbean Quarterly 64, no. 3-4 (October 2, 2018): 544–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00086495.2018.1531562.

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Newsinger, John. "British security policy in Northern Ireland." Race & Class 37, no. 1 (July 1995): 83–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030639689503700108.

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Aughey, A. "Northern Ireland narratives of British democracy." Policy Studies 33, no. 2 (March 2012): 145–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01442872.2011.637453.

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Durham, Martin. "The British Extreme Right and Northern Ireland." Contemporary British History 26, no. 2 (June 2012): 195–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2012.673713.

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Wright, Joanne. "Northern Ireland ‐ a British isles security complex." Terrorism and Political Violence 5, no. 4 (December 1993): 266–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546559308427229.

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White, Robert W. "Comment: British violence and British injustice in undemocratic Northern Ireland." Terrorism and Political Violence 4, no. 3 (September 1992): 117–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546559208427164.

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Morrow, Duncan. "The 1997 British general election in Northern Ireland." Regional & Federal Studies 7, no. 3 (September 1997): 188–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597569708421026.

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Ollerenshaw, Philip. "Northern Ireland and the British Empire–Commonwealth, 1923–61." Irish Historical Studies 36, no. 142 (November 2008): 227–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400007057.

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Despite the unprecedented interest shown by historians in Ireland and empire in recent years, comparatively little research has focused on Northern Ireland’s connections to the British Empire-Commonwealth in the post-partition decades. This article utilises some new sources to throw light on both the centrifugal and centripetal aspects of the imperial relationship. The discussion begins with the imperial significance of visits to Northern Ireland by statesmen such as William Massey, Prime Minister of New Zealand, to his native Ulster in 1923, and that of Gordon Coates, also Prime Minister of New Zealand, three years later. At the end of the period, the visit of Canadian Prime Minister John Diefenbaker to both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland can add to our knowledge about the changing relationship between Northern Ireland and the Commonwealth.

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9

Francome, Colin. "Gynaecologists and abortion in Northern Ireland." Journal of Biosocial Science 26, no. 3 (July 1994): 389–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932000021465.

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SummaryThe evidence from gynaecologists in Northern Ireland shows confusion in interpretation and practice of abortion law, with some women even being denied abortion after rape. Over two-thirds of gynaecologists supported a change in the law which would leave the abortion decision to the woman and her doctor, but less than half wanted the introduction of the British law.

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10

Adams, Gerry. "Wanted: The British Cessation of Hostilities in Northern Ireland." American Foreign Policy Interests 17, no. 6 (December 1995): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10803920.1995.10391908.

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Tuck, Christopher. "Northern Ireland and the British Approach to Counter-Insurgency." Defense & Security Analysis 23, no. 2 (June 2007): 165–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14751790701424721.

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ALLEN, W. J. J., E. P. CURRAN, and J. J. T. STEWART. "A DESIGN FOR MANUFACTURE KNOWLEDGE-BASED SYSTEM IN PRINTED BOARD ASSEMBLY PRODUCTION FOR NORTHERN TELECOM (NORTHERN IRELAND LTD.)." Journal of Electronics Manufacturing 05, no. 01 (March 1995): 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0960313195000098.

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13

Okhoshin, O. V. "THE REGIONAL POLICY OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT ON THE BACKGROUND OF BREXIT." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 3, no. 3 (September 25, 2019): 352–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2019-3-3-352-359.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the interaction of the UK government with the leading regional parties of Northern Ireland to address issues of border regulation and prevention of the negative consequences of Brexit. The aim of the article is to comprehend the official line of T. May’s conservative cabinets to maintain a transparent border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland established by the Belfast Agreement of 1998, as well as to overcome the political crisis within the Northern Ireland Assembly, which has continued since January 2017. During the negotiation process between London and Brussels interests of Euroskeptics and Eurooptimists clashed in the UK Parliament and Government, which directly influenced the political processes in the regions of the United Kingdom. Disagreements between the DUP and Sinn Fein created additional socio-economic tensions in Northern Ireland, which made the Brexit negotiation process difficult.

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14

Loughlin, James. "Northern Ireland and British fascism in the inter-war years." Irish Historical Studies 29, no. 116 (November 1995): 537–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002112140001227x.

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During the civil rights campaign of the late 1960s the perception of the Stormont government as fascist was widespread among nationalists—a perception expressed in Nazi salutes and the chant ‘S.S.—R.U.C.’ when confronting the police. The historical reference this perception embodied, however, was less than comprehensive. In particular, it obscured the attraction that fascism and movements inspired by fascism had for many people in Britain and Ireland in the inter-war years; and while fascism did not give rise to a movement of major importance in Northern Ireland, it nevertheless had a more significant presence there than has sometimes been thought. For instance, Robert Fisk's view that the only fascists in the north were Italian émigrés, grouped in Belfast and Derry, is inaccurate. In fact at various times in this period there existed branches of the British Fascists (B.F.), representatives of Sir Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists (B.U.F.), together with a brief but significant initiative on Northern Ireland by the leader of the Blueshirt movement in the Irish Free State, General Eoin O'Duffy. Unlike the local representatives of Italian fascism, who confined their activities chiefly to greeting visiting Italian dignitaries and maintaining links with the homeland, these groups were very much concerned with domestic politics. Fascism in Northern Ireland, however, has other claims to attention than those occasioned by their activities alone, for it also serves to illuminate the neglected area of B.U.F. attitudes to Ireland in general.

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15

Coulter, Colin. "‘British Rights for British Citizens’: The Campaign for ‘Equal Citizenship’ for Northern Ireland." Contemporary British History 29, no. 4 (February 9, 2015): 486–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2014.1002774.

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16

Calvert, Harry, John Morison, and Stephen Livingstone. "Reshaping Public Power: Northern Ireland and the British Constitutional Crisis." Journal of Law and Society 23, no. 3 (September 1996): 442. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1410722.

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17

Walker, G. "Northern Ireland, British-Irish Relations and American Concerns, 1942-1956." Twentieth Century British History 18, no. 2 (January 1, 2007): 194–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwm009.

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18

Guelke, Adrian. "British policy and international dimensions of the Northern Ireland conflict." Regional Politics and Policy 1, no. 2 (June 1991): 140–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597569108420818.

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19

McCully, Alan, and Linda Clarke. "A place forfundamental (British) valuesin teacher education in Northern Ireland?" Journal of Education for Teaching 42, no. 3 (May 25, 2016): 354–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02607476.2016.1184465.

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20

Dixon, Paul. "‘Hearts and Minds’? British Counter-Insurgency Strategy in Northern Ireland." Journal of Strategic Studies 32, no. 3 (June 2009): 445–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390902928271.

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21

Hayes, Bernadette C., and Ian McAllister. "British and Irish public opinion towards the Northern Ireland problem∗." Irish Political Studies 11, no. 1 (January 1996): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907189608406557.

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22

McKearney, Tommy. "Northern Ireland: From Imperial Asset to International Encumbrance." Journal of World-Systems Research 22, no. 1 (March 22, 2016): 108–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2016.636.

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The Northern Ireland story is more complex than the trite tale of orange versus green or two warring tribes. Current inhabitants are not settling ancient scores. Northern Ireland is the product of colonialism, the plantation of Ulster, machinations of a British state determined to retain a strategic outpost, 50 years of one party discriminatory government and the recent conflict. The Good Friday Agreement facilitated an end to armed conflict but is inherently flawed. Compounding the Stormont Assembly’s very limited ability to steer the economy is reluctance by the political parties to accept the rationale of the Agreement. Republicans are unhappy that Northern Ireland will remain British while unionists dislike the fact that republicans are partners in administration. Northern Ireland’s two leading parties, The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and Sinn Féin (SF,) do not have the power (even if they wanted to use it) to address the social and economic issues affecting constituents’ lives. Northern Ireland is changing demographically while also facing economic challenges at a time when both England and Scotland are reassessing the nature of the Union.

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23

Cormac, Rory. "The Information Research Department, Unattributable Propaganda, and Northern Ireland, 1971–1973: Promising Salvation but Ending in Failure?*." English Historical Review 131, no. 552 (October 1, 2016): 1074–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cew342.

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Abstract This article examines the role of the Information Research Department (IRD) in Northern Ireland during the first half of the 1970s. After discussing British conceptualisations of propaganda, it offers a detailed account of IRD activity, including how a Foreign Office department came to be involved in operations on British soil; how IRD propaganda fitted into the broader British state apparatus in Northern Ireland; the activity in which the IRD was engaged—both in Northern Ireland and beyond; and some of the challenges it faced, which ultimately limited the campaign’s effectiveness. It argues that the IRD’s role was driven by decisions taken at the very top of government and took shape against a context of financial cuts, a deteriorating security situation in Northern Ireland, and a tradition of domestic propaganda in the UK. The IRD sought to advance four key themes: exploiting divisions within the IRA; undermining the IRA’s credibility amongst the population; linking the IRA to international terrorism; and portraying the IRA as communist.

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24

NEUMANN, PETER R. "The Myth of Ulsterization in British Security Policy in Northern Ireland." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 26, no. 5 (September 2003): 365–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576100390227971.

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25

Roberts, Hugh. "Sound Stupidity: The British Party System and the Northern Ireland Question." Government and Opposition 22, no. 4 (October 1987): 315–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1987.tb00058.x.

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26

Squires, Mike, and Mark Cowling. "Normal British Misconduct: An Alternative View of Discrimination in Northern Ireland." Politics 11, no. 1 (April 1991): 3–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1991.tb00186.x.

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27

Weitzer, Ronald. "Contested Order: The Struggle over British Security Policy in Northern Ireland." Comparative Politics 19, no. 3 (April 1987): 281. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/421880.

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28

FitzGerald, Garret. "The 1974–5 Threat of a British Withdrawal from Northern Ireland." Irish Studies in International Affairs 17, no. -1 (January 1, 2006): 141–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/isia.2006.17.1.141.

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29

Luke Devoy. "The British Response to American Interest in Northern Ireland, 1976–79." Irish Studies in International Affairs 25 (2014): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/isia.2014.25.1.

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30

Anthony, Gordon. "The Uniqueness of Northern Ireland Public Law." Legal Information Management 12, no. 4 (December 2012): 262–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1472669612000606.

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AbstractThis article is broadly based upon a presentation given by Gordon Anthony, which was given at the annual conference of the British and Irish Association of Law Librarians on 15 June 2012 in Belfast. Its purpose is to outline some of the ways in which public law in Northern Ireland is unique within the wider setting of the UK. Although it is true that the law of Northern Ireland shares much in common with principle and practice elsewhere in the UK, there are some notable differences that are attributable to the fact that Northern Ireland has its own court system and legal and political history. The article thus examines some of the differences that exist at the constitutional level and which can be associated with, most famously, the Belfast Agreement 1998. It also summaries some of the differences that can be found at the level of legal citation, for instance of case law and statute law for the jurisdiction.

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31

O'Leary, Brendan. "The Limits to Coercive Consociationalism in Northern Ireland." Political Studies 37, no. 4 (December 1989): 562–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1989.tb00289.x.

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The merits of consociation as a means of solving the Northern Ireland conflict are presented through contrasting it with other ways of stabilizing highly divided political systems. Why voluntary consociation has been unsuccessful in Northern Ireland and unfortunately is likely to remain so is explained. The signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement (AIA) must be understood against the background of the failure of previous consociational experiments. The AIA partly represented a shift in British strategy from voluntary to coercive consociationalism. The prospects for this coercive consociational strategy and variants on it are evaluated. Irish history is something Irishmen should never remember, and Englishmen should never forget.

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32

Aveyard, Stuart C. "‘We couldn't do a Prague’: British government responses to loyalist strikes in Northern Ireland 1974–77." Irish Historical Studies 39, no. 153 (May 2014): 91–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400003643.

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In May 1974 the Ulster Workers' Council (U.W.C.), comprising loyalist trade unionists, paramilitaries and politicians, mounted a general strike backed by widespread intimidation. Their target was the Sunningdale Agreement, which produced a power-sharing executive for Northern Ireland and proposed a crossborder institution with the Republic of Ireland. After a fortnight the U.W.C. successfully brought Northern Ireland to a halt and the Executive collapsed, leading to the restoration of direct rule from Westminster. Three years later the United Unionist Action Council (U.U.A.C.) adopted the same strategy, demanding a return to devolution with majority rule and the repression of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (P.I.R.A.). This second strike was defeated. Many contemporary politicians were critical of the Labour government's failure to put down the U.W.C. strike. William Whitelaw, formerly secretary of state for Northern Ireland in Edward Heath's Conservative administration and the minister responsible for the bulk of the negotiations prior to Sunningdale, believed that the prime minister, Harold Wilson, and the new secretary of state for Northern Ireland, Merlyn Rees, did not have the same attachment to the political settlement and were less willing to support the Northern Ireland Executive in its hour of need. Paddy Devlin of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (S.D.L.P.) argued that the unwillingness to arrest those involved, ‘more than any other single action by the authorities ... caused thousands of law-abiding people who had earlier given support to the executive to switch loyalties’.

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33

Royle, Stephen A. "Island cities: the case of Belfast, Northern Ireland." Miscellanea Geographica 19, no. 2 (June 1, 2015): 5–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mgrsd-2015-0002.

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Abstract The paper considers Belfast as an ‘island city’ with reference to issues of identity and economy and especially in connection with a series of statements from the ‘Futures of Islands’ briefing document prepared for the IGU’s Commission on Islands meeting in Kraków in August 2014. Belfast as a contested space, a hybrid British/Irish city on the island of Ireland, exemplifies well how ‘understandings of the past condition the future’, whilst the Belfast Agreement which brought the Northern Ireland peace process to its culmination after decades of violence known as the ‘Troubles’ speaks to ‘island ways of knowing, of comprehending problems - and their solutions’. Finally, Belfast certainly demonstrates that ‘island peoples shape their contested futures’

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34

Bierbach, Jeremy B. "The ‘Person of Northern Ireland’: A Vestigial Form of EU Citizenship?" European Constitutional Law Review 17, no. 2 (June 2021): 232–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019621000134.

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Northern Ireland – United Kingdom – Republic of Ireland – Divergent development of Irish and British nationality law – Citizenship of the European Union – Good Friday Agreement – Brexit – Emma DeSouza – Family unity as a source of constitutional conflict – Reverse discrimination – Cross-border equality as a means of representation reinforcement – Richard Plender

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35

DIXON, PAUL. "Britain's ‘Vietnam syndrome’? Public opinion and British military intervention from Palestine to Yugoslavia." Review of International Studies 26, no. 1 (January 2000): 99–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500000991.

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There have been calls for policymakers to draw ‘lessons’ from Britain's experience of Empire and Northern Ireland to inform a new generation of post-Cold War interventions by the international community. This article emphasises the role that domestic public opinion, galvanized by the impact of casualties and the plight of military relatives, has played in shaping Britain's experience of ‘military intervention’ in the ‘civil wars’ of Palestine, Northern Ireland and the former Yugoslavia. Three principal arguments are put forward.

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36

Tannam, Etain. "The European Union and Conflict Resolution: Northern Ireland, Cyprus and Bilateral Cooperation." Government and Opposition 47, no. 1 (2012): 49–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2011.01354.x.

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AbstractThe aim of this article is to determine the EU's effect on British–Irish and Greek–Turkish cooperation. It examines the EU's actual and potential role in fostering British–Irish and Greek–Turkish cooperation as well as its policies to Northern Ireland and Cyprus themselves. Domestic bureaucratic capacity and institutional design are put forward as explanations for the success of the British–Irish relationship rather than EU membership per se. In the case of Cyprus, the article suggests that increased bilateral cooperation with respect to disputed territory is unlikely to occur in the absence of faster bureaucratic change in both Greece and Turkey. EU membership is not a causal factor in the evolution of cooperation and conflict resolution.

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37

Montgomery, Pamela. "Police Response to Wife Assault in Northern Ireland." Violence and Victims 6, no. 1 (January 1991): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.6.1.43.

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To a large extent research on police response to wife assault had been dominated by the North American experience. Recent work in Britain has cast doubt on the extent to which these findings are applicable to the British context and drawn attention to the need for studies which explore the specific context in which policing occurs. It is argued that this approach has particular relevance in Northern Ireland where, in contrast to North America and Britain, the police operate in a context of political violence. Using data obtained from a series of semi-structured interviews with 67 women who defined themselves as victims of wife assault, the study examines police response in Northern Ireland. While the results indicate similar patterns of police response in Northern Ireland as those found elsewhere, the results also suggest that factors specific to the Northern Ireland context may influence women’s use of the police, police procedures and police attitudes, and women’s experience as victims.

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38

Féron, Élise. "Prisoners of History? British-Irish Relations and the Conflict in Northern Ireland." ERIS – European Review of International Studies 1, no. 3 (February 23, 2014): 94–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/eris.v1i3.19126.

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39

Burke, John Francis. "British Government Policy in Northern Ireland 1969-89: Its Nature and Execution." History: Reviews of New Books 21, no. 2 (January 1993): 74–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1993.9948570.

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40

Newbery, Samantha. "Intelligence and Controversial British Interrogation Techniques: the Northern Ireland Case, 1971–2." Irish Studies in International Affairs 20, no. -1 (January 1, 2009): 103–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/isia.2009.20.103.

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41

Coulter, Colin. "Not quite as British as Finchley: the failed attempt to bring British Conservatism to Northern Ireland." Irish Studies Review 23, no. 4 (September 15, 2015): 407–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09670882.2015.1077826.

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42

McEvoy, Kieran, Karen McElrath, and Kathryn Higgins. "Does Ulster Still Say No? Drugs, Politics, and Propaganda in Northern Ireland Contemporary Issues concerning Illicit Drug Use in the British Isles." Journal of Drug Issues 28, no. 1 (January 1998): 127–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002204269802800108.

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Considerable emphasis has been placed in Northern Ireland as elsewhere upon providing an estimate of the prevalence and pattern of drug misuse, yet despite the importance of this information, a less than adequate picture has emerged. In this paper, divided into three sections, we attempt to layout and explore the assemblage of factors influencing drug misuse in Northern Ireland and subsequently our knowledge of it. In the first section we endeavor to demonstrate that drug use, distribution, and policy cannot be examined in isolation from the politics and practices of the protagonists to the conflict in Northern Ireland. In the second we critically review existing data on drug misuse ranging from the various public health and law enforcement indicators through to the limited emprical research avaliable. The final section makes urgent calls for quality research in Northern Ireland that would be instrumental in influencing effective drug policy and practice.

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43

McDaid, Shaun. "The Irish Government and the Sunningdale Council of Ireland: a vehicle for unity?" Irish Historical Studies 38, no. 150 (November 2012): 283–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400001139.

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In December 1973, the British and Irish governments and the Northern Ireland Executive designate agreed to the formal establishment of a ‘Council of Ireland’ as part of the historic Sunningdale Agreement. This council was to have executive functions and co-ordinate the provision of certain services on both sides of the border; it would have ‘executive and harmonising functions and a consultative role, and a consultative assembly with advisory and review functions’. The Council of Ireland proposal was the British government's formal recognition of the ‘Irish dimension’ which it had accepted in the March 1973 White Paper, the Northern Ireland Constitutional Proposals. The proposed council was one of the most divisive issues in Northern Ireland politics during the 1972–4 period, and was strongly resisted by a majority of unionists. The council issue led to the collapse of the power-sharing Executive which had taken office in January 1974. Loyalist opponents of Sunningdale argued that the Council of Ireland, if allowed to operate, would be a stepping-stone to a united Ireland. Recently, some scholars have retrospectively endorsed this interpretation of the council, arguing that the Irish government, in concert with the nationalist Social Democratic and Labour Party (S.D.L.P.), sought a particularly strong institution – with the goal of Irish reunification. But was the proposed Council of Ireland really intended as a vehicle for future Irish unity?

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44

Whiting, Matthew. "Moderation without Change: The Strategic Transformation of Sinn Féin and the IRA in Northern Ireland." Government and Opposition 53, no. 2 (July 1, 2016): 288–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.19.

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This article examines how violent separatist groups moderate. Using the case of Sinn Féin and the IRA in Northern Ireland, it shows that moderation is a multidimensional process, entailing a change in strategic behaviour but not necessarily in the goals or values of a separatist group. For Irish republicans, moderation entailed giving up violent revolution and embracing peaceful reformism, but it did not require changing long-term goals, accepting the legitimacy of British rule in Northern Ireland, or distancing themselves from their history of armed struggle. Moderation was possible because both Irish republicans and the British state distinguished between republicans’ strategic behaviour and their political goals, with the British state neither expecting nor demanding a change in the goals of republicanism, and republicans showing a willingness to change tactics to bring them closer to their long-term goal of a united Ireland. This finding has important implications for the moderation of other radical separatist groups.

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45

Arthur, Paul. "Letter from Ireland." Government and Opposition 26, no. 4 (October 1, 1991): 449–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1991.tb00405.x.

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WRITING A LETTER FROM IRELAND TOUCHES ON CERTAIN sensitivities because Ireland is a geographic unit in search of political expression. There has always been some doubt about political ownership. Between 1800 and 1921 it was, of course, part of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. Let us say for the present that Ireland now belongs to that small group of political entities - like Korea and Cyprus - which ‘enjoys’ the condition of partition. And that part of Ireland whence this letter is written, Northern Ireland, has been placed in some sort of historical context by a former leader of the Nationalist Party, Eddie McAteer, when he said of it: ‘and now we are sadly the last imperial aspidistra in the British window.’

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46

Lijphart, Arend. "The Framework Document on Northern Ireland and the Theory of Power‐Sharing." Government and Opposition 31, no. 3 (July 1996): 267–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1996.tb01190.x.

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The Purpose of This Article is To Analyse The Document ‘A Framework for Accountable Government in Northern Ireland’, published by the British government in early 1995, and to assess its significance in terms of the theory of powersharing (consociational democracy). The Framework Document, as it is usually called, received a hostile reception from many Unionist politicians in Northern Ireland. The ideas that it contains, however, resonate with many previous blueprints for the future of Northern Ireland. In some form they are very likely to re-emerge in the proposed solutions that will follow the ‘all-party’ talks set for June 1996. I shall show that the Framework plan for democratic government in Northern Ireland is completely and thoroughly consociational in its orientation. It confirms the proposition that power-sharing is a necessary (but not sufficient) condition for viable democracy in deeply divided societies.

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47

KNOX, COLIN, and PAUL CARMICHAEL. "Improving Public Services: Public Administration Reform in Northern Ireland." Journal of Social Policy 35, no. 1 (December 22, 2005): 97–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279405009311.

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The devolved government in Northern Ireland set about the task of putting in place ‘a modern and effective system of public administration that can deliver high quality public services to our citizens’. It did so through a review of public administration launched in June 2002. This article offers a formative evaluation of the quest to improve the quality of public services, now being taken forward by a British minister since the suspension of devolution. It argues that the review is being driven by institutional concerns and is devoid of a public service modernising agenda. Additionally, it contends that how people in Northern Ireland perceive public services is contingent on their views on its constitutional status (Direct Rule or devolved government) which, in turn, is linked to their support for the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement, rather than the performance of public bodies. As a consequence, the reforms may result in little more than institutional tinkering with doubtful impact on the quality of public services.

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48

Bennett, H. "'Smoke Without Fire'? Allegations Against the British Army in Northern Ireland, 1972-5." Twentieth Century British History 24, no. 2 (February 29, 2012): 275–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hws006.

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49

Carmichael, Paul. "BRITISH GOVERNANCE IN TRANSITION: A CASE STUDY OF THE NORTHERN IRELAND CIVIL SERVICE." International Journal of Public Administration 25, no. 8 (July 24, 2002): 975–1005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1081/pad-120005967.

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50

Newbery, Samantha. "From Northern Ireland to Afghanistan: British military intelligence operations, ethics and human rights." Journal of Intelligence History 14, no. 1 (June 23, 2014): 75–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/16161262.2014.931655.

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Journal articles on the topic 'British Telecom. Northern Ireland'

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