Journal articles: 'British welfare state'

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Whiteside, Noel, and John Brown. "The British Welfare State." Economic History Review 49, no. 3 (August 1996): 617. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2597783.

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Thane, Pat. "The Origins of the British Welfare State." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 50, no. 3 (November 2019): 427–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01448.

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George Boyer’s The Winding Road to the Welfare State, which traces the shift in Britain from the early nineteenth-century Poor Law to the post-1945 welfare state, is strongest and most useful in its analysis of the labor market in relation to poverty and insecurity and in its precise quantification of wages, poverty, insecurity, and public relief. It is much weaker when discussing how politics and public opinion shaped social policies; overlooking important areas of British state welfare, the book focuses upon unemployment and old-age policies. Nor is the book really about “Britain.” Most of the statistics and analyses refer to England and occasionally Wales. Scotland, with its different economic, administrative, and legal structures, though constitutionally in Britain, is barely mentioned. Notwithstanding Boyer’s contributions to the picture of how the British welfare state emerged, his version of Britain’s “winding road” falls short of the descriptions and analyses that many British publications have already provided within the past thirty years.

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Davies, Myfanwy. "Changing directions of the British Welfare State." Ethics and Social Welfare 8, no. 1 (October 24, 2013): 93–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17496535.2013.852350.

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Wilding, Paul. "The British Welfare State: Thatcherism's enduring legacy." Policy & Politics 20, no. 3 (July 1, 1992): 201–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/030557392782718706.

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Jordan, Bill, and Marcus Redley. "Polarisation, Underclass and the Welfare State." Work, Employment and Society 8, no. 2 (June 1994): 153–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095001709482001.

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Both the British government and the Labour leadership (through the Commission on Social Justice) have instigated radical reviews of the welfare state. This article criticises the British social scientific research available to these enquiries. It draws on Bill Jordan's recent (as yet unpublished) ESRC review and synthesis of research on poverty and social exclusion, and his and Marcus Redley's ESRC-funded comparative study of decision-making and moral regulation in households. The authors argue that too little scholarly attention has been given to the divergence between better-off and poor people's practices over work and welfare. This dimension of polarization - the way higher-income couples orientate towards property, occupational and private welfare, and low-income couples towards means-tested benefits, in their employment decisions - has important implications, both for the underclass debate and for the future of the welfare state.

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Paprota, Malgorzata. "Designing the welfare state: Selected building metaphors of the welfare state across the British press." Lublin Studies in Modern Languages and Literature 41, no. 2 (January 2, 2018): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/lsmll.2017.41.2.83.

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Powell, Martin. "The Eureka Moment? The creation of the British Welfare State." Social Work and Social Sciences Review 20, no. 3 (April 2, 2020): 12–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1921/swssr.v20i3.1313.

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This article explores when the welfare state was established in Britain. First it examines the definitions of the welfare state, before turning to outline the methods and criteria used in exploring the establishment of welfare states. It then discusses the criteria that have been applied to the British case (expenditure; legislation; content; social citizenship; antithesis of the Poor Law) before critically analysing the arguments for different creation periods for the British welfare state (Old Poor Law; nineteenth century; Liberal reforms; inter-war period; 1945; later periods). It is concluded that while the strongest case and the greatest number of dimensions suggest 1945, in the words of T H Marshall: ‘we may still be in doubt what was the exact combination of circumstances in Britain in the 1940's which evoked that cry of "Eureka !’

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Peden, George. "NEOLIBERAL ECONOMISTS AND THE BRITISH WELFARE STATE, 1942–1975." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 39, no. 4 (October 4, 2017): 413–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837216001085.

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Liberal economists’ attitudes towards the welfare state are examined to see how clearly neoliberalism can be distinguished from other forms of liberalism. Three questions are asked. First, how could Friedrich Hayek believe he could accommodate elements of the welfare state agenda set by William Beveridge and John Maynard Keynes into his thinking? Second, why did Hayek become increasingly critical of the welfare state? Third, how far did Lionel Robbins, John Jewkes, and Alan Peacock agree with him? All three might be regarded as neoliberals according to the litmus test set by Philip Mirowski and Dieter Plehwe: that is, membership of the Mont Pèlerin Society or a think tank associated with the Atlas Economic Research Foundation. Yet, Robbins, Jewkes, and Peacock are on a spectrum between Mirowski’s definition of neoliberalism as a belief that freedom is to be found in the unfettered market, and classical and democratic liberals’ belief that people have to be nurtured to become effective citizens and have to be protected from the market’s disruptive effects. It is suggested that a nuanced approach is required in explaining why liberal economists came to believe the welfare state should make more use of markets and pricing systems for registering preferences and apportioning resources.

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Ferrera, Maurizio. "FROM THE WELFARE STATE TO THE SOCIAL INVESTMENT STATE." Revista Direito das Relações Sociais e Trabalhistas 3, no. 1 (October 9, 2019): 53–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.26843/mestradodireito.v3i1.101.

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This paper discusses the basic rationale which has inspired the intellectual and policy reorientation towards “social investment”, with particular attention to child policy. The firstsection outlines the main features of the social investment approach, contrasting it with the more traditional “Fordist” approach. The second and third sections explain why and how early childhood education and care canmake a difference in termsofbothefficiencyandequity.Thefourthsectionbrieflysummarizes the British experience under New Labour, while the fifth section discusses issues of quality and accessibility. The conclusion wraps up, underlining the need to step up the shift to- wards social investment, overcoming the political obstaclesto reform.

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Taylor-Gooby, Peter. "The Politics of Welfare Privatization: The British Experience." International Journal of Health Services 19, no. 2 (April 1989): 209–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/ngx2-3yk9-crku-p4t3.

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The 1980s Conservative government in Britain is committed to policies of welfare privatization for practical and ideological reasons-to facilitate tax cuts and to roll back the state. One problem this policy faces is that the most expensive and interventionist services are highly popular with voters from all parties. In this article, the author examines the extent to which recent privatization policies in welfare are influenced by conflict between the goals of achieving tax cuts and of maintaining electoral support, so that the outcome is a change in the form of state interventionism, rather than a rolling back of the welfare state. It also considers the impact of new policies designed to undermine the consensus across social groups and political parties of support for big-spending state services, which may facilitate reductions in the overall scope of welfare provision in future years.

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Durbach, Nadja. "One British Thing: A Bottle of Welfare Orange Juice, c. 1961–1971." Journal of British Studies 57, no. 3 (June 29, 2018): 564–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2018.84.

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AbstractThis essay inaugurates a new series in the Journal of British Studies titled “One British Thing.” This short essay uses a bottle of welfare orange juice distributed sometime between 1961 and 1971 to tell a larger story about the relationship between Britain's Welfare State and the colonization and decolonization of the British West Indies. The history of the Welfare State has largely been told as a metropolitan story severed from a wider global history of empire. The empty bottle of concentrated orange juice, however, tells a different story. It exposes Britain's own dependency on its colonial subjects to provide the means of furnishing welfare benefits to its metropolitan citizens. The history of welfare orange juice thus opens up a richer understanding of the politics and economics of the Welfare State and its relationship to colonial development projects on the one hand and the slow processes of decolonization on the other.

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TOMLINSON, JIM. "Why so Austere? The British Welfare State of the 1940s." Journal of Social Policy 27, no. 1 (January 1998): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279497005199.

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The reforms of the welfare system under the 1945 Labour government are usually regarded as fundamental in creating the post-war welfare state. Yet, measured by their financial implications, and viewed in comparison with either pre-war Britain or other Western European countries in the same period, these reforms appear strikingly limited. Far from bringing a ‘New Jerusalem’, the 1940s reforms seem to have brought into being an austere, minimalist structure of welfare provision. The reasons for this are examined, especially the forces shaping the new social security system. It is argued that the combination of the Labour government's economic priorities, its acceptance of the Beveridge legacy and the Treasury pressure to limit the Exchequer's financial contribution to the new system, led to this austerity.

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Wincott, Daniel. "Images of Welfare in Law and Society: The British Welfare State in Comparative Perspective." Journal of Law and Society 38, no. 3 (August 4, 2011): 343–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-6478.2011.00548.x.

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EARLEY, MARTIN. "The evolution of the British welfare state - By Derek Fraser." Economic History Review 63, no. 2 (May 2010): 543–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0289.2009.00519_16.x.

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MALPASS, PETER. "The Wobbly Pillar? Housing and the British Postwar Welfare State." Journal of Social Policy 32, no. 4 (October 2003): 589–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279403007177.

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The image of housing as the wobbly pillar under the welfare state has been widely used in recent years, and is clearly an attractive metaphor in the present period as residualisation deepens and privatisation continues. However, this paper is concerned with the early years of the postwar welfare state, when conditions for a securely founded housing service were, arguably, more conducive than they are today. Accordingly the paper focuses on policy work in the 1940s, drawing on new research on Public Record Office files, to reveal the amount of wartime planning within Whitehall for postwar housing policy, and the extent of continuity between the pre and post 1945 periods. It is shown that under the wartime coalition government there was considerably more planning for housing after the war than is acknowledged in the existing literature, and that this work shaped policy under the Labour government of 1945–51. Housing emerged as the wobbly pillar under the welfare state because of the amount of detailed wartime planning and Labour's acceptance of its analysis and prescriptions. Whereas most accounts concentrate on the size of the late 1940s building programme (and judge the government accordingly), the argument here is that to understand how housing emerged as the wobbly pillar it is necessary to look beyond quantity to the question of why a self-proclaimed socialist government failed to challenge the market dominance of housing provision.

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Nakamura, H. "Thatcher Government and the Transition of the British Welfare State." Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 39 (1988): 21–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku1953.39.0_21.

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TAYLOR-GOOBY, PETER, and CHARLOTTE HASTIE. "Paying for ‘World Class’ Services: a British Dilemma." Journal of Social Policy 32, no. 2 (April 2003): 271–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279402006992.

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Welfare spending in the UK is too low to provide services at the level to which most citizens aspire. The problem is that, although most people state in surveys that they would like to pay higher taxes for better services, politicians from all the main parties generally do not believe that they would put their vote where their mouth is. Advocates of higher spending increasingly retreat to a position of promoting ear-marked taxes for specific, highly favoured services, as in the 2002 Budget plan to finance the cost of improvements in the highly valued NHS through increased National Insurance Contributions. Recent theoretical work further undermines arguments for higher state spending: an important strand in political science argues that trust in state institutions is in decline, and work in sociology claims that citizens are becoming more independent, reflexive and keen to take responsibility for meeting their own needs. This paper uses data from a recent ESRC-financed national survey to examine these arguments. It shows real support for hypothecated taxes for the NHS, and more generalised support for higher taxes for welfare provision. Such support is not undermined by a decline in citizen trust in the welfare state or by a rejection of collective solutions. However, there is little endorsement of hypothecated taxation in other areas, and the use of such measures may encourage citizens in a pick-and-mix approach to welfare services.

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Farnsworth, Kevin. "Retrenched, Reconfigured and Broken: The British Welfare State after a Decade of Austerity." Social Policy and Society 20, no. 1 (December 17, 2020): 77–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746420000524.

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This article is an attempt to take stock and critically reflect on the UK’s decade of austerity and social policy hostility over the past decade. It distinguishes between economic and political austerity and digs deeper into the data on expenditure in order to examine the impact of austerity on British public expenditure and politics. It argues that the decade of austerity was a hostile one for British social policy which not only undermined the financial base of key parts of the welfare state, it reshaped it and redefined its priorities, setting in train a series of subsequent events that would further change, not just British social policies, but British economics, polity and politics. And, as subsequent crises – notably Brexit and the Covid-19 pandemic – testify, crisis events tend to be linked, and each one shapes and influences the ability of the state to respond to the next.

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Litor, Lilach, Gila Menahem, and Hadara Bar-Mor. "The Rise of the Regulatory Constitutional Welfare State, Publicization, and Constitutional Social Rights: The Case of Israel and Britain." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 691, no. 1 (September 2020): 189–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716220964385.

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This study investigates the mechanisms that courts apply to expose private social service suppliers to constitutional duties. In doing so, we suggest two variants of welfare regimes: the regulatory constitutional welfare state and the regulatory constitutional neoliberal welfare state. We outline how constitutional rights, including social rights, are applied to private entities, and the tests that courts use in doing so. We then analyze the transformation of traditional jurisprudence in Israel since the 1990s, and we discuss developments in British jurisprudence, which embraces a neoliberal approach. We end with an analysis of the differences between British and Israeli jurisprudence to highlight our theoretical framework’s contribution to comparative research.

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Desai, Manali. "Indirect British Rule, State Formation, and Welfarism in Kerala, India, 1860–1957." Social Science History 29, no. 3 (2005): 457–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200013018.

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This article examines the relationship between a strong nineteenth-century welfarist expansion between the 1860s and early 1940s, in Kerala, India, under indirect British rule, and the “exceptional” antipoverty regime that democratically elected Communists implemented during the postcolonial (post 1947) era in the state. While much attention has focused on Kerala as a model of social development and on postindependence state policies in creating it, no single work has attempted to understand the significance of its prior legacy of welfare. This article uses methods of comparative historical sociology to trace the historical making of Kerala's “exceptionalism.” It argues that the early welfare policies in Kerala were implemented in a dependent colonial context and aimed at warding off annexation by the British, but their unintended consequences were to stimulate what they were precisely designed to avoid—radical caste and class movements. The analysis suggests that the form and content of welfare policies are shaped by the exigencies of state formation, as state autonomy theorists would argue; however, it shows that political struggles are the decisive determining factors of the former.

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CRAIG, GARY. "‘Cunning, Unprincipled, Loathsome’: The Racist Tail Wags the Welfare Dog." Journal of Social Policy 36, no. 4 (August 8, 2007): 605–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279407001201.

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AbstractBritain's stance towards ethnic minorities has been janus-faced: developing an increasingly repressive and restrictive stance towards immigration, and – supported by a strident media – portraying minorities and migrants as undermining British culture and values, ‘sponging’ on the welfare state. Immigrants have been characterised as ‘cunning’, ‘loathsome’, ‘unprincipled’ and likely to ‘swamp’ British culture. Domestic policies of successive governments apparently balanced this stance with ‘community’-based initiatives, from race relations policies, community relations policies to present community cohesion policies. These have not fundamentally addressed the racism inherent in immigration policy and practice. The consequence is that the welfare of Britain's minorities – measured by outcomes in every branch of welfare provision – has largely been disregarded by the British state. Despite some liberal initiatives aimed at improving the lot of Britain's minorities, the racism inherent in policy and practice persists.

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Knutsen, Carl Henrik, and Magnus Bergli Rasmussen. "Majoritarian systems, rural groups, and (arrested) welfare state development." International Political Science Review 41, no. 2 (January 22, 2019): 238–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512118809106.

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While some scholars suggest that rural groups contribute to welfare state expansion, we highlight their incentives to restrain it. The ability of rural groups to achieve this preference hinges on their power resources, but also on the electoral system. We propose that in majoritarian systems, rural groups can often veto welfare legislation. In proportional systems this is less feasible, even for resource-rich groups. Instead, agrarian groups sometimes accept welfare legislation in return for other policy-concessions in post-electoral bargaining. We illustrate the argument with British and Norwegian historical experiences, and test the implications using panel data from 96 democracies. We find evidence that resourceful agrarian groups effectively arrest welfare state development in majoritarian systems, but not in proportional systems. As expected, the electoral system matters less for welfare state expansion when agrarian groups are weak. The results are robust to using alternative estimators, measures, samples and model specifications.

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Gladstone, David. "Public And Private: The Continuing Crisis Of The British Welfare State." Journal of International and Comparative Social Welfare 1, no. 2 (March 1985): 25–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17486838508412660.

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de Leeuw, Sarah. "State of care: the ontologies of child welfare in British Columbia." cultural geographies 21, no. 1 (June 21, 2013): 59–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474474013491925.

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Höllinger, Franz. "Mary Daly: The gender division of welfare. The impact of the British and German welfare state." KZfSS Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie 53, no. 4 (December 2001): 794–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11577-001-0122-2.

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Petersen, Jørn Henrik. "Velfærdsstat og to-regimentelære." Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift 78, no. 1 (February 10, 2015): 2–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dtt.v78i1.105814.

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Primarily based on works by the British archbishop William Temple and the Norwegian bishop Eyvind Berggrav, the article reflects on the relation between the Lutheran doctrine of the two kingdoms and the development of the modern state in general and the welfare state in particular. At the end, the reception among Danish church people of the welfare state and Berggrav’s views is presented.

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Jessop, B. "Towards a Schumpeterian Workfare Regime in Britain? Reflections on Regulation, Governance, and Welfare State." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 27, no. 10 (October 1995): 1613–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a271613.

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In this paper I offer various comments on the contributions on economic and social policy in this special issue of Environment and Planning A. The contributions range from general theoretical reflections on regulation, governance, the politics of identity, and the welfare state to rich, detailed case studies of restructuring and reorientation in specific policy areas. Taken together these papers not only provide telling empirical material on recent dramatic changes in the British welfare state, but they also have important implications for a wide range of theoretical and methodological issues concerning the regulation approach. My own comments are also wide ranging but far less detailed. They focus on some key issues which arise in several of the papers and/or which pose more general questions regarding regulation-theoretic and state-theoretic analyses of contemporary Britain. Thus I first consider some methodological issues posed by the contributors' use of the regulation approach to contextualize and/or explain recent changes in the British welfare state. I then address some theoretical issues posed by their relative neglect of the distinctive political dynamic of the postwar British polity and/or the relevance of its distinctive crisis to the recent restructuring of the welfare state. This enables me to address some of the perverse effects of neoliberalism and the extent to which it represents a novel continuation of the crisis of Britain's ‘flawed’ Fordism rather than its resolution. I conclude with some general remarks on the regulation approach.

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WATSON, MATTHEW. "Gordon Brown's Misplaced Smithian Appeal: The Eclipse of Sympathy in Changing British Welfare Norms." Journal of Social Policy 38, no. 2 (April 2009): 195–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279408002808.

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AbstractGordon Brown has eagerly lauded his fellow Kirkcaldy citizen, Adam Smith, as his main policy inspiration. This article tests the rigour of such a claim by matching Brown's promotion of Smithian ‘sympathy’ as the centrepiece of his programme for government with the changes introduced by his Treasury to the British welfare model. In the 1970s, Thomas Wilson showed that the traditions of the post-war British welfare state were compatible with a modified form of Smithian sympathy socialised at the level of the state. New Labour has set about reforming the welfare model with respect to both its underlying institutions and the basic subjectivities of its recipients. I show that Brown's substantive preference for an asset-based system of welfare moves those subjectivities away from the ‘relational self’ of Smithian sympathy and towards a much more ‘autonomous self’. Consequently, I conclude that it is stretching Smith's concept of sympathy too far, even in a modified socialised form, to associate it with New Labour's asset-based system of welfare.

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Lee, Simon. "Brutal Youth: Colin MacInnes and the Architecture of the Welfare State." Journal of Working-Class Studies 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 20–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.13001/jwcs.v3i1.6113.

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Colin MacInnes’ London trilogy is known for its prominent focus—unusual in British fiction of the time—on class and racial conflict in mid-century London. Comprised of City of Spades (1957), Absolute Beginners (1959), and Mr Love and Justice (1960), the trilogy plots the complicated enactment of the new welfare-state’s reconstruction strategies from the post-war resurgence of slum clearance, to the forced evictions of suburban migration, to the development and erection of alienating council flats. In doing so, MacInnes offers a distinctive take on Londoners’ responses to these strategies, demonstrating the way mindful urban planning was shouldered aside by quixotic and hurried resolutions. As part of a vibrant wave of mid-century British writing sensitive to issues of class, race, and gender, MacInnes’ fiction scrutinized postwar urban displacement as it happened and without any of the benefit of hindsight. This article, then, highlights the distinctively nuanced perspectives that socially-attuned and classconscious literature can offer in terms of understanding the tangible impact of space on social stratification.

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Nijhuis, Dennie Oude. "Revisiting the Role of Labor." World Politics 61, no. 2 (March 18, 2009): 296–329. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887109000112.

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The purpose of this article is to emphasize the importance of the organizational blueprint of labor unions for welfare state outcomes. As a result of the tendency of scholars to view labor as a homogenous and disadvantaged class, the existing literature has paid little attention to this. Many scholars have simply taken labor union support for welfare state development for granted and consequently have focused only on labor union strength. This article argues, rather, that labor union support for welfare state development cannot be taken for granted. It shows that labor unions support or oppose welfare state development depending on their organizational blueprint. This new approach highlights the importance of the labor union movement's organizational structure, as opposed to its organizational strength, for welfare state outcomes. The article also explores how the organizational structure of the labor union movement shapes the stance of employer interest groups toward welfare state development. The empirical findings are based on a comparison of British and Dutch postwar old-age pension development

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Petersen, Klaus, and Jørn Henrik Petersen. "Confusion and divergence: Origins and meanings of the term ‘welfare state’ in Germany and Britain, 1840–1940." Journal of European Social Policy 23, no. 1 (January 23, 2013): 37–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928712463160.

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It is often stated that there is no standard definition of a ‘welfare state’. A survey of the standard textbooks supports this claim. It is also often the case that academic works on welfare state and social policy history earmark lines or even pages to discussing the origins of the term welfare state. However, these brief accounts are often wrong in the details and are missing important aspects. In our article we offer the first detailed study of the origin of the term ‘welfare state’ tracing it back to the mid-19th century Germany and following its diverse and changing definitions in the German and British context until the 1940s. The study adds decades to the conventional understanding of this history and offers a more nuanced understanding of the different definitions attributed to the term before its political breakthrough in the late 1940s. Projecting this post-war understanding backwards in time – what the literature generally does – is too simple and anachronistic. Both in Germany and Britain the dominating understandings differ from our present day understanding of the ‘welfare state’ as a social security system.

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Bruzelius, Cecilia, Elaine Chase, and Martin Seeleib-Kaiser. "Social Rights of EU Migrant Citizens: Britain and Germany Compared." Social Policy and Society 15, no. 3 (October 28, 2015): 403–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746415000585.

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European migrant citizens and their social rights are strongly contested in British political debate. This article seeks to challenge some common concerns and perceptions regarding the exceptionality of the British welfare state and the alleged ‘costs’ to it from intra-EU migration. The article first provides a brief overview of the foundations for EU citizenship and associated social rights, highlighting the semi-sovereign nature of welfare states in the European Union. It then (i) rejects the significance of the often-claimed difference between contributory and non-contributory welfare states in the context of EU migration; and (ii) challenges concerns about the costs of EU migration. The article contrasts the experiences of Britain and Germany. It concludes by considering how concerns often associated with EU migration can be addressed by improving administrative and state capacities.

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Taylor, Becky. "Travellers in Britain: a minority and the state." Historical Research 77, no. 198 (October 28, 2004): 575–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.2004.00223.x.

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Abstract This article explores the developing relations between Travellers and the British state in the context of the expansion of welfare provision. Using four case studies it highlights the key characteristics of Traveller-state relations: the lack of a unified response to Travellers by the state; how Travellers were simultaneously seen as an important target for welfare provision and less entitled to its benefits; and that settlement and assimilation were the motivating factors for schemes. It goes on to show that these trends were the result of three factors: the dominance of stereotypes surrounding Travellers; the structure of the state; and the agency of Travellers themselves.

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Ferragina, Emanuele. "The welfare state and social capital in Europe: Reassessing a complex relationship." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 58, no. 1 (January 23, 2017): 55–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715216688934.

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The article investigates the relationship between the welfare state and social capital in Europe during the 1990s and the 2000s using structural equation modelling (SEM). By formulating and testing the hypothesis that welfare state generosity and welfare state size have different effects on social capital, we reassess the explanatory power of the main theories in the field and the findings of previous empirical work. We strongly support the contention of institutional theory that there is a positive association between high degrees of welfare state generosity and social capital. Moreover, we partially confirm the concern of neoclassical and communitarian theories for the negative correlation between large-size welfare states and social capital. The positive relationship between welfare state generosity and social capital is much stronger than the negative association observed with welfare state size. Finally, we interpret the considerable cross-country variation using welfare regime theory and several country cases. We illuminate different mechanisms linking welfare state development and social capital creation, discussing the Danish and Dutch third sector experiences and pointing to Sweden as an exceptional case of decline. Furthermore, we highlight the importance of regional variation in Belgium, Germany and Italy and complement the analysis also briefly discussing the Austrian, French, Irish and British cases.

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Kovář, Martin, and Jaromír Soukup. "The Origin and Nature of the British Welfare State in 1939-1951." Acta Oeconomica Pragensia 15, no. 7 (December 1, 2007): 257–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/j.aop.200.

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Tumis, Stanislav. "The British Welfare State in Times of Conservative Governments in 1951-1964." Acta Oeconomica Pragensia 15, no. 7 (December 1, 2007): 460–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/j.aop.235.

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Inchoon Kim. "Conditions of Development, Institutionalization, and Transformation of the Postwar British Welfare State." Korea and World Politics 28, no. 4 (December 2012): 161–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.17331/kwp.2012.28.4.006.

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Malpass, Peter. "Fifty Years of British Housing Policy: Leaving or Leading the Welfare State?" European Journal of Housing Policy 4, no. 2 (January 2004): 209–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1461671042000269038.

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Pedersen, S. "The Failure of Feminism in the Making of the British Welfare State." Radical History Review 1989, no. 43 (January 1, 1989): 86–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-1989-43-86.

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Veit, Alex, Klaus Schlichte, and Roy Karadag. "The Social Question and State Formation in British Africa." European Journal of Sociology 58, no. 2 (August 2017): 237–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975617000108.

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AbstractThe paper explores governmental perceptions and reactions to “social questions” in British colonial Africa, c. 1880-1950. By comparing three different political entities, Egypt, South Africa and Uganda, we find that authorities across cases have been acutely aware of potentially destabilising social change. Some social problems actually resulted from colonial projects themselves, giving rise to rather contradictory interpretations and policies. However, the intensity of political reactions to social questions varied widely, ranging from a largely passive approach in Egypt to the introduction of modern welfare in South Africa. We argue that perceptions and responses to social dislocation had a long-term impact on patterns of state formation and social policy development.

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Flint, John. "Encounters with the centaur state: Advanced urban marginality and the practices and ethics of welfare sanctions regimes." Urban Studies 56, no. 1 (January 31, 2018): 249–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098017750070.

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This article examines the relationships between advanced urban marginality and new forms of state craft to regulate marginalised populations, specifically Wacquant’s concept of the centaur state and the use of conditionality mechanisms in the British welfare state. The article empirically explores the experiences and perspectives of welfare practitioners and subjects. It finds some evidence of an inculcation of elite narratives and understandings of urban marginality and incidences of antagonism. However, the orientations and ethical frameworks of those deploying or subject to processes of sanctioning within reconfigured welfare regimes are more differentiated and ambiguous than both governmental discourse and critical urban studies often suggest.

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HIGGS, PAUL, and CHRIS GILLEARD. "Generational conflict, consumption and the ageing welfare state in the United Kingdom." Ageing and Society 30, no. 8 (August 9, 2010): 1439–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x10000425.

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ABSTRACTThe British welfare state is over 60 years old. Those who were born, grew up and who are now growing old within its ambit are a distinctive generation. They have enjoyed healthier childhoods with better education than previous populations living in Britain. That they have done well under the welfare state is accepted, but some critics have argued that these advantages are at the expense of younger cohorts. The very success of this ‘welfare generation’ is perceived as undermining the future viability of the welfare state, and some argue that the current levels of income and wealth enjoyed by older cohorts can only be sustained by cutbacks in entitlements for younger cohorts. This will lead to a growing ‘generational fracture’ over welfare policy. This paper challenges this position, arguing that both younger and older groups find themselves working out their circumstances in conditions determined more by the contingencies of the market than by social policy.

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OSIPOVIČ, DOROTA. "Conceptualisations of Welfare Deservingness by Polish Migrants in the UK." Journal of Social Policy 44, no. 4 (April 28, 2015): 729–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279415000215.

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AbstractThe issue of reconciling ethnic diversity with the welfare state is a subject of long-standing theoretical debate. In particular, it remains unclear to what extent a shared national identity is necessary for endorsing claims to welfare at the individual and societal levels. Surveys show that migrants are seen as the least deserving category of welfare recipients. Yet migrants’ own views are rarely considered. Based on a qualitative study, this paper explores how Polish migrants residing in London conceptualised their deservingness to British welfare benefits and social housing. It finds a strong preference for conditionality of welfare predicated on contributions through work, payment of taxes and law abidance. Such conditionality applied to both in-group and out-group members thus transcending identity-based claims. These contributions were seen as both necessary and sufficient for laying claims to the British welfare system. Solely needs-based claims were seen as problematic.

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Terao, Hanno. "Rights, welfare and morality." International Journal of Social Economics 43, no. 9 (September 12, 2016): 904–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-03-2016-0088.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to clarify how L.T. Hobhouse (1864-1929) theoretically contributed to the British New Liberalism, focusing particularly on the issue of social reform in turn-of-the-century Britain. Design/methodology/approach The question is approached in two ways: by exploring the theoretical structure of Hobhouse’s ethical theory (which can be termed an “ethics of harmony”) through a textual analysis of his rights theory and distributive theory; and by comparing that ethical theory with that of J.S. Mill, T.H. Green and J.A. Hobson so as to identify their commonalities and differences. Findings It is found that Hobhouse’s contribution to the New Liberalism was twofold, both of which grew out of his staunchly moralistic perspective. Hobhouse showed in his rights theory a direction towards which the morality of individuals should be developed; and provided a guideline based on a notion of justice for wealth redistribution by the state which he saw as a necessary external condition for realizing such development. Originality/value Existing literature on the British New Liberalism has paid less attention to Hobhouse than it has to T.H. Green and J.A. Hobson. Hobhouse has been relatively neglected due to a wide-spread view that his role was mainly in his expressing a typical but not necessarily original direction for the transformation of British Liberalism at the turn of the century. Against this received view, this paper demonstrates that Hobhouse made a significant contribution to the socio-political thinking of the New Liberalism by providing a distinctive ethical theory of harmony, which enabled New Liberal protagonists to address the important issue of the conceptual place of individual morality within a programme of collectivist social reform.

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Zaretsky, Eli. "‘One Large Secure, Solid Background’: Melanie Klein and the Origins of the British Welfare State." Psychoanalysis and History 1, no. 2 (July 1999): 136–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/pah.1999.1.2.136.

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Changes in psychoanalysis in the 1930s reflected a broader pattern of democratization associated with what historians have termed ‘the second industrial revolution,’ a revolution that included both modernist cultural experimentation and social democracy. On the one hand, Melanie Klein's radically new and ‘feminine’ focus on concrete relations with immediate others reflected the rise of personal life: forms of life not reducible to one's social role. At the same time, Klein's thought resonated with a working-class and popular-front belief in organicism, connection and group belonging. In both cases the relation to the mother was critical. Hence, there were deep connections between Klein's thought and the Beveridge welfare state. Psychoanalysis did not generate the welfare state's focus on the mother/infant bond; the welfare state did not normalize British analysis. But there was an ‘elective affinity’ between the two histories and it operated at a very deep level.

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SEEKINGS, JEREMY. "BRITISH COLONIAL POLICY, LOCAL POLITICS, AND THE ORIGINS OF THE MAURITIAN WELFARE STATE, 1936–50." Journal of African History 52, no. 2 (July 2011): 157–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853711000247.

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ABSTRACTMauritius's unusual welfare state dates back to the introduction of non-contributory old-age pensions in 1950. This article examines the origins of this reform, focusing on the interactions between political actors in both Mauritius (local planters, political activists, and the colonial government) and London (the Colonial Office and Labour Party). Faced with riots among unorganised sugar estate workers in 1937, the colonial administration considered welfare reforms as part of a package intended to substitute for political change. The nascent Mauritian Labour Party used its links to the British Labour Party to apply additional pressure on the Colonial Office and, hence, the Governor in Mauritius. Welfare reform was stalled, however, by resistance from, initially, the governor and, later, the Colonial Office. It took partial democratisation in 1948 to push the local administration towards reluctant reform. The choice of tax-financed old-age pensions reflected the combination of a small and open economy, the absence of surplus land, poorly organised workers, and an effective state.

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Redhead, Grace. "‘A British Problem Affecting British People’: Sickle Cell Anaemia, Medical Activism and Race in the National Health Service, 1975–1993." Twentieth Century British History 32, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 189–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwab007.

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Abstract Recent historiography has explored a contradiction at the heart of the British welfare state—it was founded on and supported by migrant and non-white labour, whose own healthcare and broader welfare state entitlements were neglected. This article explores how this contradiction was exposed and challenged by some of the health service’s own workforce, who witnessed and contested racism in the National Health Service (NHS). This is discussed through the lens of the treatment of sickle cell anaemia (SCA), a genetic trait and disease more common in people of African, South Asian, Middle Eastern and Mediterranean descent, which has been highly racialized as affecting black people in particular. By pushing for improved responses to pain in sickle cell disease, and demonstrating the need for SCA screening in urban areas, healthcare professionals within the NHS—many of whom were black or migrant nurses, health visitors or doctors—articulated the status and entitlements of Black British citizenship.

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Peregudov, S., and I. Semenenko. "Scottish Referendum and Future of British State." World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2015): 64–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-3-64-75.

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The Scottish referendum occupies a special place in the row of events determining the very essence of the current political transformations in the United Kingdom, and is bound to influence both the future of the British statehood and the long-term development of British political institutions. The referendum campaign and the results of the Scottish vote have further aggravated the imbalances between the “home nations” in the UK. The promises given by the British political class to Scottish voters will have long-time consequences for the ardently debated constitutional reform. Relations between the political institutions of the UK and Scotland are becoming a decisive driver of governance decentralization and regionalization as well as of the general trend towards federalism. The changes in the Scottish political landscape and the voters’ behaviour can be regards as a message for other states with separatist risks. The politicization of Scottish identity, the affirmation of “home nations” identities and the growing importance of “the English question” for public opinion and political debates over the prospects of constitutional reform point to the changing nature of the nationalism in a society with strong civil institutions and a developed welfare state. “New” nationalism emerges as a hybrid phenomenon with political, economic and sociocultural connotations reflecting the expansion of the political sphere, and a strong civic identity – as a source of social consolidation of a modern nation.

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Jawad, Rana. "Thinking about Religious Welfare and Rethinking Social Policy in the British Context." Social Policy and Society 11, no. 4 (July 10, 2012): 613–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746412000280.

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The role of religion in social welfare provision, and more broadly in shaping the development of state social policy in the UK, has become an issue of increasing prominence in the last decade raising both new challenges and opportunities. This article brings together new and existing research in the field of religion and social action/welfare in the British context to present a preliminary discussion of how and why religion, as a source of social identity and moral values, matters for social policy. The key argument is that religious welfare provision goes beyond the mixed economy of welfare paradigm and has the capacity to challenge the Utilitarian underpinnings of mainstream social policy thinking by giving more relative importance to ethical issues such as self-knowledge and morality, in addition to the more conventional concepts of wellbeing or happiness. The article proposes the concept of ways of being in order to bring together these moral ideational factors that underpin social welfare.

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Watson, Matthew. "‘Habitation vs. Improvement’ and a Polanyian Perspective on Bank Bail-Outs." Politics 29, no. 3 (October 2009): 183–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.2009.01354.x.

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The bank bail-outs enacted by the Brown government in the wake of the 2007 credit crunch have had a distinctive political character. Despite the government's pronouncements on the merits of swift and decisive interventions, I argue that this does not amount to a return to the interventionist regulatory form associated with post-war British welfare capitalism. The Polanyian distinction between ‘habitation’ and ‘improvement’ is used to show that the bail-outs were designed by contrast to defend the underlying deregulatory logic of the existing financial regime. The only real change of note was to uncover forcibly the often hidden influence of the state in the making and regulation of an ostensibly market-led neoliberalism and the creation instead of a much more overt state-led neoliberalism. Habitation strategies were incorporated into a structure of financial deregulation, making it more rather than less difficult to rejuvenate state capacities consistent with enhancing societal welfare. The bank bail-outs offered short-term salvation for distressed firms within the financial sector without providing the state with socialised control over the conduct of banking business in order to promote forms of social policy consistent with post-war British welfare capitalism.

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Journal articles on the topic 'British welfare state'

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