Academic literature on the topic 'Broadcasting house'

Selection for commission member of Central Indonesian Broadcasting is administered by house of representative; nonetheless, the implementation is managed by the selection committee formed by the ministry of Communication and Information. The house of representative will conduct proper test to selection committee in order to examine the element of community and academic capacity within broadcasting field. Indonesian Ministry of Communication and information as the official has unjustly determined lists of Central Indonesian Broadcasting Commission Member candidates that has passed proper test selection by the house of representative. As a result, it harms those who do not qualify. The non-transparent determination violates the applicable laws and general principles of good governance so that it has harmed the rights and interests of some prospective members of the Central Indonesian Broadcasting Commission who have spent their energy, thoughts and time, as well as costs to participate in the selection

Digitalization must begin a strong law that is Acts. Based on the records, digital broadcasting regulations using Republic of Indonesia Minister of Communication and Informatics’s regulations could be canceled through lawsuits at Supreme Court and State Administration Court. Broadcast digitalization was begun in 2011 through a digitalization Road Map and till date, the process at House of Representatives has not been completed. 85% of countries in the world have migrated to digital broadcasts. The study aims to describe how changes and various roles in broadcasting digitalization if the revision of the Broadcasting Acts is implemented. The study also aims to find out the impact and benefits of broadcasting digitalization for the public and broadcasting stakeholders compared to present Broadcasting Acts. This study uses participant observation methods and text analysis to categorize the articles of digitalization in the revision draft of the Broadcasting Acts from the House of Representatives Commission I in 2017, accompanied by media coverage analysis. Discourse analysis is used to relate to the problems arised due to broadcast digitalization. The results show that digitalization can provide more channels in the same space than analog broadcasting. Political parties and state institutions will be allowed to have broadcasting institutions. The State through Television Radio of the Republic of Indonesia (RTRI) will become the important player in terrestrial digital broadcasting with a single multiplexer (mux) system, which is considered undemocratic for private television associations. All "television stations" will change and compete to become "content providers" similar to new digital televisions. The government will formulate the mechanisms, socialization, models, roles in digitalizing television broadcasting in a blue print. Digital dividend will be used for the development of internet and telecommunications. The dynamics that occur due to interests’ differences of the state, the private sector and society take part at each stage of broadcasting digitalization regulation. The conclusion of the study illustrates that the use of digital technology in broadcasting through the Acts’ revision could be a solution for both frequency limitation and the efficient use for more diverse broadcasters (diversity of ownership).

This article investigates the production and consumption of Canadian Prime Minister Harper’s 2008 apology to the victims of residential schools. The apology used contextual elements and linguistic devices to construct a particular reality of both the government’s role in residential schools and the nature of Canadian diversity. By comparing themes from Harper’s speech to responses on the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation’s website, the article seeks to understand whether Canadians reaffirm or contest the prime minister’s message. The analysis reveals that although the majority felt the apology was appropriate and important, many contested the discourse that suggested that the attitudes that led to the schools have ‘no place’ in modern-day Canada. Instead the intercultural audience offered competing discourses of genocide and colonialism suggesting that Canada’s identity as it relates to its Aboriginal peoples is still a site of struggle.

This article is my response to the House of Lords Communications Committee Inquiry on ‘Public service broadcasting in the age of video on demand’, which was carried out in 2019. The inquiry was important and relevant as the successful UK public service broadcasters (PSBs) BBC, ITV, C4, C5 and S4C are currently facing major challenges from video-on-demand (VoD) services. These challenges primarily concern competition for content from VoD services in a highly competitive broadcasting market characterized by shifts in audience behaviour. Audiences are watching less scheduled TV as they are attracted by the business model of global streaming services like YouTube, Amazon Prime Video and Netflix. Fierce competition from mainly US-based, unregulated global VoD players investing billions of pounds in content has escalated programming costs and made it difficult for tightly regulated PSBs with modest domestic UK budgets to compete. This article is largely in favour of sustaining properly funded, universally available PSBs, who can deliver quality and original programming, alongside impartial and trusted news in the era of fake news and post-truth politics.

After years of debate, and pages of parliamentary reports, the House of Commons has agreed in principle to allow the televising of its proceedings, both in the Chamber and in Select Committee hearings.’ The purpose of this article is to consider the application of parliamentary privilege to the broadcasting of Parliament by radio or television. The issue of parliamentary privilege arises because of the absolute privilege’ of freedom of speech for Members, which enables them in the course of ‘proceedings in Parliament’ to say or do something which, had it been said or done elsewhere, could have given rise to civil or criminal liability by the person concerned. Absolute privilege exists because it is of outstanding public importance that Members should be able to speak their minds, and this outweighs any consequential harm that may be suffered by an individual or the State. Examples of the use of the protection of absolute privilege are the making of a statement that appears to be defamatory, and the oral commission of one of a variety of criminal offences.

Journalism education training was started at the University of PNG at the beginning of 1975, when the New Zealand Government agreed to fund a one-year Diploma in Journalism for an initial two-year period. Before this, the few national journalists employed in Papua New Guinea had been trained in-house by the two-principal employers of the time— the Office of Information and the National Broadcasting Commission.

In this thesis I address the research question: 'How has the Internet delivered pluralism by promoting structural diversity and/or content diversity in Australia's newspaper industry?' Structural diversity is defined here as diversity in newspaper ownership and content diversity as the diversity of views published by individual newspapers. Central to the thesis is the notion of pluralism, the belief that the news media should provide a range of views and opinions, contradictory as well as complementary, to allow informed citizens to effectively take part in the democratic process. The newspaper industry in this country, however, is controlled by a powerful press oligopoly across a range of markets, a situation believed to greatly limit pluralism. A review of newspaper ownership and circulation from 1986 to 2002 shows that, as at 2002, four newspaper owners are the sole occupants of Australia's national and capital city newspaper market. Seven owners are predominant in Australia's regional daily newspaper market, although just three owners controlled 69 per cent of the market's circulation in 2002. Two owners controlled 69 per cent of Australia's suburban newspaper market in 2002. Similar trends were seen in the country's Saturday newspaper and Sunday newspaper markets. In all markets except the regional daily newspaper market, News Limited is the dominant newspaper owner. Australian Provincial News and Media is the dominant owner in the regional daily newspaper market with a 27 per cent share of circulation in 2002. Australia's concentrated newspaper ownership structure has led to a number of formal inquiries into diversity in the industry since 1980. In this thesis I review two of these inquiries, the 1991-92 House of Representatives Select Committee on the Print Media (the Print Media Inquiry) and the 2000 Productivity Commission Inquiry into Broadcasting, to determine (among other things) the nature of and the relationship between structural and content diversity as they apply to Australia's newspapers. (By virtue of major media groups' involvement in the Productivity Commission's inquiry - particularly News Limited, Publishing and Broadcasting Limited and, to a lesser extent, Rural Press - this inquiry, although broadcast-oriented, considered Australia's newspaper industry at length.) This review shows both inquiries were clear on how they saw this relationship - structural diversity is necessary for content diversity. However, the Print Media Inquiry suggested it was almost impossible to guarantee structural diversity in the nation's newspaper industry. The Productivity Commission, meanwhile, said that while it accepted content diversity was not inconsistent with media ownership concentration, it was more likely to be achieved where there was diverse ownership. With the relationship between structural and content diversity in mind, and the Print Media Inquiry's and the Productivity Commission's beliefs that new entrants in the newspaper industry were unlikely in the short term, I examine the suggestion that the Internet has the potential to increase structural diversity in Australia's newspaper industry by allowing new players to efficiently enter the industry via the World Wide Web. The extent to which this might occur is determined by a study of 18 Australian newspaper websites with one argument being that if established newspapers find the transition online relatively easy, then independent online-only news sites might be similarly established. Mings and White's four online news business models - a subscription model, advertising model, e commerce-based transactional model and partnership-based model - are used as a framework to examine the study's results. The study shows Australia's experience mirrors international experience in terms of the growth of newspapers online and in terms of their lack of profitability. It shows that 28 per cent of the newspapers surveyed maintained their circulation while offering free online news content, while a further 33 per cent registered circulation increases. Advertising revenue increased for seven of the nine newspaper websites containing advertising, suggesting that, for some Australian newspapers at least, gaining online advertising (as opposed to gaining overall profitability) has proved successful. And while the survey shows little evidence of Australian newspapers using the transactional model in any real sense, it does show that Australian newspapers are forming local online partnerships with other media and non-media businesses to facilitate their online activities. The study's key finding is that of the 18 newspapers surveyed, just two websites were profitable. This finding is consistent with literature that highlights a lack of commercially viable independent online news ventures both in Australia and internationally. While considerable hopes were held that the Internet would introduce more structural diversity into Australia's newspaper industry, I argue that the Internet's commercial imperatives, as they apply to newspapers, have to a large extent precluded it from adding structural diversity in the industry. In these circumstances, it may be that the only viable way of increasing content diversity in the nation's newspaper industry is to increase the availability of diverse information sources to journalists. I propose that one way to do this is via the Internet. The extent to which this is occurring is determined by a survey of Australian journalists' Internet use, the survey results showing that 97.4 per cent of the journalists who responded now use the Internet regularly, including 97.5 per cent of newspaper journalists. But most journalists who responded use the Internet as a preliminary research tool and as a way to check facts rather than as a means of accessing diverse news sources. The respondents' top five Internet uses, for example, are to e-mail work colleagues, to undertake preliminary research, to access media releases from websites, to verify facts and to search other news organisations' websites. They access major news organisation websites most frequently, followed by government websites, university/research institution websites and corporate/company websites. The least frequently accessed websites are those that could conceivably provide the alternate views demanded by pluralism: online news and current affairs discussion groups and websites set up by private individuals. The survey shows the types of websites Australian journalists most frequently access are linked to the credibility they give to information contained on those websites. Major news organisation websites are seen as providing the most credible information, followed by university/research institution websites and government websites. Websites perceived as providing the least credible information were those that host online news and current affairs discussion groups and websites set up by private individuals. The survey also shows Australian journalists have not embraced online reader interaction to any extent, lessening the likelihood that readers will be able to provide journalists with more diverse news sources. Less than 20 per cent of journalists interact with readers via the Internet and less than 10 per cent use this interaction to create or follow up news stories. The survey does provide results that support source diversity, however. It shows that almost a third of Australian journalists have obtained additional news sources via the Internet. The Internet has also allowed more than 40 per cent of journalists to access individuals or groups that they would not otherwise have accessed. The survey also shows that journalists who have had experience working in the online media environment consistently use the Internet more productively, in terms of diversity, than other journalists. It is these journalists that interact online with readers more, that participate in online discussion groups more and that appear more willing to seek online information from non-traditional sources such as independent news websites and the websites of private individuals or groups. Journalists with online media experience also represent the group that has most sought training in online journalism and online media practice and that most believes the Internet will play an increasingly important role for journalists and news consumers in the future. At present, the survey suggests, journalists with this online media experience comprise just 19 per cent of Australian journalists. But as the number of journalists with online media experience increases in the workforce, these journalists' greater acceptance of the Internet may then assist in greater source diversity leading to greater content diversity in Australia's news media. The studies of newspaper websites and journalists' Internet use suggest and support differing diversity models. In this thesis I propose two models for diversity, the first drawn from views espoused by the Print Media Inquiry and the Productivity Commission's Inquiry into Broadcasting. This model (below) sees a one-to-one correspondence between structural and content diversity and assumes that to increase the diversity of views available to the public, the number of media outlets must similarly be increased. The argument that the Internet can provide media pluralism by permitting new players to enter the media market relatively easily, an argument tested by my study of Australian newspaper websites, is commensurate with this model. The second model is based on my inquiries into journalists' Internet use and proposes a method of increasing content diversity within a fixed media ownership structure. This model (below) acknowledges that journalists produce content mostly via traditional news sources, but proposes this content can be increased and/or changed, with an emphasis on more diverse information, via non-traditional news sources obtained via the Internet. The success of this model, however, is predicated on journalists' acceptance of online information as a viable news source. The implication for journalism is that established journalistic norms and practices, which can limit online-supported content diversity, need to be overcome. Overall, the results of my inquiries suggest the answer to the research question is that the Internet has so far delivered little in terms of structural and content diversity in Australia's newspaper industry. However, the Internet's potential to do so remains, particularly if independent online-based media ventures find ways to become commercially viable and if journalists adopt the technology as a means of finding more diverse news sources.

L’entre-deux guerre est marquée par la genèse et l’essor d’une nouvelle architecture dédiée à la radiodiffusion. La radio ne pouvant plus s’implanter dans des bâtiments existants et disséminés, elle fut contrainte de se doter d’édifices adaptés spécialement aux techniques et aux pratiques radiophoniques qui centralisent la production sur un seul site. A travers une étude historique mondiale de la création architecturale dédiée à la radiodiffusion de 1929 à 1963 et l’analyse des œuvres architecturales pionnières dans ce domaine à Berlin et à Bruxelles et eu égard à la diversité des réponses architecturales apportées aux besoins exigeants de cette création radiophonique, il s’agit de s’interroger sur le processus de genèse de cette nouvelle architecture et sur la place de l’œuvre d’Henry Bernard au sein de cette création radiophonique
The period between the two Worlds Wars is marked by the genesis and the rise of a new architecture dedicated, to broadcasting. As being not able to be implanted in the existing and disseminated buildings, the radio was compelled to be endowed with an edifice specifically adapted to the radiophonic techniques and practices, that centralize the production in a single site. This world historical study of the dedicated architectural creation in broadcasting, from 1929 to 1963, analyzes the pioneering architectural works in Berlin and Brussels. In view of the diversity of architectural responses brought to the requirements of radiophonic creation, it is a question of both accurately questioning the genesis of this new architecture and the place of the work of Henry Bernard in the context of post-WW2 France

This chapter brings personal experience with history into focus by recounting interviews with passersby as they talk about Massasoit and what the statue means to them, and juxtaposing these accounts with the living history museum Plimoth Plantation and the Public Broadcasting Station "experiential history" series Colonial House. This chapter seeks to understand three related phenomenon: how people experience historical distance between the past and present; how people endeavour to close the distance through consuming history as experience; and the ways in which Native peoples force a reckoning with Indigenous perspectives in Plymouth-centered narratives. Massasoit statues outside of Plymouth offer the greatest cognitive and geographic distance, and therefore a "safe" way to wrestle with the discomfort involved in coming to terms with colonialism. But the place of Plymouth and presence of Native educators makes a difference for closing the distance. Since the first 1970 United American Indians of New England protests, viewers of Massasoit must engage more fully in the nation's history. Plimoth Plantation and Colonial House likewise work to close the distance between the past and present through personal experience. This chapter argues that Native educators and activists play a crucial role for closing the distance and pushing a reckoning with history.

Using AT&T as a case study, Chapter 3 (keyword: immediacy) follows a series of halting experiments surrounding live and near-live television that attended the medium’s move from the factory to the office. First, it describes companies’ adoption of theater television for live, city-spanning business meetings. Often understood as a site of tension between film and commercial broadcasting interests, theater television reached its apogee as a site of business experimentation with efficient and affective management. Second, it details companies’ use of early videotape systems for self-observation. Borrowing legitimacy from psychology’s use of “encounter groups,” self-observation required workers to tape themselves in various situations for immediate playback and intensified self-regulation. Third, and following from these experiments, it traces AT&T’s installation of in-house closed-circuit television systems. In addition to distributing content, CCTV systems supported corporate imaginaries in which geographies were themselves subject to executive control and reorganization.

In 1660–88, Protestant Dissenters had been stigmatized as naturally rebellious and regicidal. However, from 1689–1716, they reshaped their image and became something of a ‘model minority’ in terms of their producing a number of loyalist political sermons in favour of George I far out of proportion to their actual percentage of the Christian population of England. How did they attempt to effect a change in public attitudes towards them, altering their reputation from radical fringe element to model minority? This essay uses James J. Caudle’s database/bibliography of the political sermons of 1714–17 in order to analyse patterns in the geography of Dissenter communities and publishing houses.

This chapter examines the 2016 Brexit campaign as a window into how the right-wing establishment press in the United Kingdom influences the country’s broad political agenda. The chapter demonstrates how right-wing news cultures of the tabloid press played a crucial agenda-setting role in the European referendum debate. The right-wing press exploited the Remain/Leave dichotomy and the BBC’s notion of “strategic balance” to frame the debate within discursive limits set by the conservative elite. The result further undermined trust in British broadcasting, while largely excluding organized labor from the referendum debate. This chapter also provides comparative fodder for scholars of right-wing news in the US context, as the EU referendum in many ways replicated the structural conditions that underpin the two-party horse race coverage common in US mainstream political reporting.