Journal articles on the topic 'Bronze sculpture, Greek'

Queyrel’s latest tome is a big, richly-illustrated one: the first of two dedicated to Hellenistic sculpture projected for Picard’s Les Manuels d’art et d’archéologie antiques. The series, which already includes volumes on the Bronze Age, on Classical Greek sculpture (by †Claude Rolley, one of the persons to whom this volume is dedicated), and on Greek architecture, has become an essential tool for scholars, teachers, and students.

In the 2nd century AD Pausanias (i.2.4-15.1) walked through the agora at Athens describing some of the statues and naming the artists; at least 35 of the statues were of bronze, yet not a single one survives intact today (Mattusch 1982: 8-9). Thinking only of the extant marble sculpture does an injustice to the civic art of Athens. This problem is commonplace; almost any classical site has numerous stone bases for bronze statues which have long gone into the melting-pot. Yet so often in modern scholarship stone sculpture is given a privileged position. Although modern histories of Greek art pay much attention to the marble sculpture of the Parthenon, ancient authorities were not so impressed; Pausanias (i.24.5-7) provides the briefest of descriptions to the marble sculpted pediments and omits to mention the frieze. For many scholars today the frieze has become an example of what ‘unlimited money can do’ (Ashmole 1972: 116), yet, as R. Osborne has recently pointed out, it merely helped the viewer to process to the east end of the temple where he or she would have been confronted by the great chryselephantine cult-statue of Athena: ‘this is what the temple was built to display, this is the object towards which worship is directed, and this is what the procession was all about’ (Osborne 1987: 101). And this is what Pausanias describes in detail, the great work of art and expression of Athens’ wealth which no longer survives.

Abstract Anthropologists have defined iconatrophy as a process by which oral traditions originate as explanations for objects that, through the passage of time, have ceased to make sense to their viewers. One form of iconatrophy involves the misinterpretation of statues' identities, iconography, or locations. Stories that ultimately derive from such misunderstandings of statues are Monument-Novellen, a term coined by Herodotean studies. Applying the concept of iconatrophy to Greek sculpture of the Archaic and Classical periods yields three possible examples in which statues standing in Greek sanctuaries may have inspired stories cited by authors of the Roman imperial period as explanations for the statues' identities, attributes, poses, or locations. The statues in question are the portrait of the athletic victor Milo of Croton at Olympia, a bronze lioness on the Athenian Acropolis identified as a memorial to the Athenian prostitute Leaina (““lioness””), and the Athena Hygieia near the Propylaia of Mnesikles. Inscriptions on the bases of Archaic and Classical statues in Greek sanctuaries typically named the dedicator, the recipient deity, and the sculptor, but did not include the subject represented or the historical occasion behind the dedication. These ““gaps”” left by votive inscriptions would only have encouraged the formation of iconatrophic oral traditions such as the examples examined in this article.

<p>In 1747 Frederick II of Prussia acquired a rare and highly valuable statue from antiquity and gave it the description of Antinous (the ill-fated lover of the Roman Emperor Hadrian). Although the bronze statue had always been accepted as an original from ancient Greece, the statue eventually assumed the identity of the Roman Antinous. How could Frederick II, an accomplished collector, ignore the blatant style and chronological discrepancies to interpret a Greek statue as a later Roman deity? This article will use the portraiture of Antinous to facilitate an examination of the progression of classical art interpretation and diagnose the freedom between the art historian and the dilettante. It will expose the necessary partition between the obligations of the art historian to provide technical interpretations of a work within the purview of the discipline with that of the unique interpretation made by individual viewers. This article confirms that although Frederick II lived before the transformative scholarship of Winckelmann, the freedom of interpreting a work is an abiding and intrinsic right of every individual viewer. </p>

Our latest volume maintains our goal to cover the broad chronological spread of Greek Archaeology, ranging from a new review of the Mesolithic occupation at Theopetra, one of the most important hunter-gatherer sites in Greece, to a detailed analysis of how the distribution of Middle Byzantine churches in the Peloponnese enlightens us into the evolution of human settlement and land use. Prehistory is richly represented in further articles, as we learn about Middle Bronze Age society on Lefkas, the dispute over exotic primates portrayed on the frescoes of Santorini, a new Minoan-style peak sanctuary on Naxos, and Post-Palatial settlement structure on Crete. Bridging prehistory to historical times, a detailed study rethinks the burial and settlement evidence for Early Iron Age Athens, then entering the Archaic period, an original article links textual analysis and material culture to investigate dedicatory behaviour in Ionian sanctuaries. As a special treat, that doyen of Greek plastic arts Andrew Stewart, asks us to look again at the evidence for the birth of the Classical Style in Greek sculpture. Greek theatres in Sicily are next contextualised into contemporary politics, while the sacred Classical landscape of the island of Salamis is explored with innovative GIS-techniques. For the seven-hundred years or so of Roman rule we are given an indepth presentation of regional economics from Central Greece, and a thorough review of harbours and maritime navigation for Late Roman Crete. Finally we must mention a methodological article, deploying the rich data from the Nemea landscape survey, to tackle issues of changing land use and the sometimes controversial topic of ancient manuring.

When I first began to study Greek art, back in the mid 1950s, a book on Greek sculpture had recently been published in Germany and in England that did much to encourage my interest. It was Reinhard Lullies and Max Hirmer's big picture book, Greek Sculpture, since enlarged and running into three German and two English editions. Its basic idea was not totally novel but was rare for its time and never previously done so well. It presented large, clear photographs of original Greek works (by Hirmer) with a scholarly commentary to each piece (by Lullies); it omitted anything that was known, or considered, not to be original. In doing so, it provided a strong contrast to the sort of book with which I had already come into contact, the sort best characterized perhaps by Ernest Gardner's Six Greek Sculptors of 19252which contains not one single original piece by the six chosen sculptors and in which all the photographs are seen through a glass darkly. Gardner's title and approach, with heavy emphasis on literary evidence and Roman copies, accompanied by a sprinkling of original, unattributed pieces for ballast, was typical of a traditional line of study-that of Kopienkritik, an approach not dead yet by any means and in fact one which must continue to be pursued, though nowadays it is tackled with more caution than earlier. But until one incontrovertible example of a named sculptor's work is found, all attributions must be arguable approximations.

This is the third in a series produced to publish a sequence of symposia in Athens that started in 2014 with ‘Cycladic Sculpture in Context’. Such ‘sculpture’ consists in all cases of figurines (rarely very large, although a few are more like statuettes or even, very rarely, something like life size). These figurines are almost entirely of stone, generally white marble, and belong to a well-known tradition that had its home in the EBA (Early Bronze Age) Cyclades, of which the ‘folded-arm figurine’ (FAF) is an internationally recognised type. Until recently, a large proportion of this class of material was represented by holdings in museum and private collections, generally the results of looting and often lacking even a claimed provenance. However, the momentous discoveries in excavations on Keros, a small island south-east of Naxos that was an early reported source of such material, have revolutionised our view of the whole class and the part they played in Cycladic EB culture. The lively debate on their interpretation and significance that followed the new discoveries led to the series of symposia in Athens, that was deliberately focused on the proportion of the material that could be given an archaeological context or at least a secure provenance. Previously published volumes have concerned the finds with provenances in the Cyclades and in Crete; this volume incorporates examples from the Greek mainland, other Aegean islands – mainly the Dodecanese, but there are examples from Skyros and Lesbos – and a solitary find from Miletus, seemingly ‘recontextualised’ in a phase succeeding the EBA.

Purpose. The article dwells upon the description and interpretation of a unique anthropomorphic Eastern toreutics item that was discovered by accident on the territory of Novosibirsk. This item comes from the traditional Ob river crossing site where a cult place with References to the Early Iron Age has already been identified. The study is aimed at attributing the imported item in terms of historical and cultural as well as material science aspects and establishing its relative chronology and possible intended purpose. Results. The functional purpose of the artifact is considered in terms of both its initial origin and possible use in the local environment. The structure and origin of the clothes depicted on the toreutics item are analyzed as being one of the most insightful elements of the cultural background of the product. Based on these data, an assumption concerning an image of silk clothes on the figure was made. Special attention was given to characteristics of a dynamic nature evoked by a volumetric depiction of the tiny sculpture that is likely to correspond to a ritual dance. The established direct and indirect analogies for the toreutics item from Novosibirsk allow state its Eastern origin related to the consequences of the impact of the ancient culture on the vast Eurasian territories. The anthropomorphic product has obvious features of a Buddhistic background represented by an image of the point on the figure's forehead. The energy-dispersive analysis of the metal product allowed determine an alloy composition. It comprised of 62.1 % copper, 15.3 % tin, 15.2 % lead, and 7.4 % zinc. Conclusion. The share of tin in the alloy allows it to be identified as a ‘classic’ bronze piece. An extensive share of copper in the metal product brings it closer to the formula of ancient bronze. The item dates back to the turn of the epoch and is likely to be related to the Indian and Greek cultural tradition.

Abstract Scholars of Greek and Roman art have long recognized that many sculptures that today appear unpainted were originally covered in bright, polychrome paint. In contrast, the hallowed works of China's classical antiquity, the bronzes, are generally believed to have been monochrome works. In recent years, however, many varieties of bronzes have been unearthed with polychrome ornamentation including sacrificial vessels, figural sculptures, mirrors, lamps, weapons, and personal ornaments. This article summarizes and interprets the current evidence for painting on early Chinese bronze artifacts based on recent archaeological discoveries and on newer advances in technical analysis. In particular, I show that the practice of applying paint to bronzes goes far beyond embedding pigment into the intaglio channels of bronzes such as occurred during the Shang and Western Zhou eras. I also demonstrate that especially in the Warring States and early imperial periods, painted coloration on bronzes took off in diversely rich and compelling ways. This article highlights the various modes and techniques of painting bronze in early China, and offers several hypotheses as to why such polychrome ornamentation was desirable in early China, reconciling those motives with our quite different modern sensibilities.

SUMMARY The stone sculpture of the Virgin Mary from the facade of the church Our Lady of Consolation in Żyrardów is one of the numerous sculptural implementations of Andrzej Pruszyński workshop. In 2018 the monument was under conservation and restoration works. Preliminary macroscopic examination of the monument showed that under the numerous secondary layers of paint on the stone sculpture there is a dark green, multi-deck colour layer that could imitate a statue had made in bronze casting technique. As a result samples were taken and subjected to laboratory analysis. The research carried out allowed us to conclude that the described layer is kind of a secondary nature and is a testimony to the restoration of the monument probably after the end of World War I. It was decided not to remove the patina and to fill in the gaps in the course of the ongoing restoration and conservation works. This layer had historical and documentary value and was a testimony to the popular in the 19th century and probably known at the beginning of the 20th century practice of patinating sculptures made in less noble and less durable material than bronze. Moreover, in the course of conservation works later layers of paint and cement repairs were removed. Then the structure of weakened limestone rock was strengthened and numerous small losses of stone were filled in. As a witness the defect on the left knee of the figure was left without filling in. It is a trace of the bullet that was probably created during World War I. Moreover, the missing figure’s right hand was reconstructed. A reconstruction of the gilded halo was also made. The design of the conservation work programme is always a very complex process as it requires the simultaneous consideration of many factors. The aesthetic and historical interpretation of the work is important, the understanding of the author’s concept and the essence of the destructive processes. In the case of the described sculpture from Żyrardów it was also necessary to take into account the technical possibilities, take into account the expectations of the owner and users, or customers in general, as well as the conservation community. Preservation and restoration solutions adopted in the work programme, including hand reconstruction and unveiling of the following items and the restoration of a painting layer imitating a green patina, restored historical artistic values to the monument. The aesthetic effect achieved this way brings a new quality to work that can be the object of criticism but by restoring the sculpture’s lost aesthetic values it is possible to continue to function as an object of religious worship.

Copper and its alloys have a tendency to naturally corrode and form a blue green finish over them. This blue green finish has been observed in everyday copper and bronze utensils and even in famous sculptures like statue of liberty. Artists have long taken advantage of this patina to achieve aesthetic of desolateness, age, and damage. This patina tends to change the luster of the metal from reflective to matt and color from pink (gold in case of brass and bronze) to bright blue or green. Artists are known to use this change to add to visual language of their sculptures. The current paper takes in account the whole spectrum of blue – green patinas, from bright blue azurites to dull green verdigris and also dark green copper chloride salts. The paper discusses the chemistry behind the formation of this patina, tests age old recipes and discusses aesthetics with respect to famous Indian sculptors.

This article introduces five terracotta figurines acquired in Egypt by Vladimir S. Golenishchev and N. G. Ter-Mikaelyan and currently preserved at the Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts. Three statuettes depict the child god Harpocrates with the attributes of royal power; two figurines demonstrate the identification of Harpocrates with the Greek god Eros. Most of the objects can be dated mainly to the Roman times, one is to be dated to the late Ptolemaic period. The places of finding or manufacturing of figurines are mostly unknown; however, according to a number of specific features, these could be towns of the Fayum Oasis, the Delta, and in one case — probably, Edfu. Terracotta figurines of Harpocrates with royal regalia are rare, especially in comparison with the wide-spread occurrence of terracottaе with Harpocrates holding a pot or cornucopia; all these data bring his functions as patron of fertility and defender of health to the fore. The presence of royal attributes seems to be a kind of secondary, partly decorative elements that only enhance the most popular aspects of terracotta images of Harpocrates. The type of figurines depicting Harpocrates sitting on a throne with the crown of the god Amun reproduces the iconography of small bronze sculpture. In other types of terracotta the royal attributes most frequently found are the double crown and — rarely — a nemes-headdress; the crown is usually surrounded by lotus buds, a favorite motive of Harpocrates’ iconography. The childish image of Harpocrates in the time of interaction between Eastern and Western cultures led to a natural synthesis of images of the child gods of Egyptian and Graeco-Roman worlds — Harpocrates and Eros. Apparently, such terracottaе, which had more Hellenistic than Egyptian features, were in demand by the population of different towns in Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt.

The article discusses the earliest, mostly lost works known only through archival photographs, and the early preserved works by Rudolf Valdec (8 March 1872, Krapina – 1 February 1929, Zagreb) who, apart from RobertFrangeš-Mihanović, was Croatia’s first modern sculptor. These works were created upon Valdec’s return from studying at Vienna and Munich, in the period between 1896 to 1898, that is, prior to the exhibition CroatianSalon where they were displayed. The findings about his earliest, previously unknown, works have been gathered through research in archives and old journal articles which mention them. At the same time, Valdec’s early works are not only well-known but famous, for example the relief Love, the Sister of Death (Ljubav sestra smrti, 1897), Magdalena (1898) and Memento Mori (1898). These reliefs and sculptures in the round demonstrate Valdec’s skill in sculptoral modelling and provide evidence that he was a sculptor of good technical knowledge andcraftsmanship. They also show the thoroughness of his education at Vienna’s K. K. Kunstgewerbeschule des Österreichischen Museums für Kunst und Industrie where he studied under Professor August Kühne, and at the Königliche Bayerische Akademie der bildenden Künste in Munich where he was supervised by Professor Syrius Eberle. It is difficult to follow Rudolf Valdec’s continuity as a sculptor because his student works have not been preserved and neither have some of the earliest works he made when he returned to Zagreb. Only a small number of previously unknown or unpublished photographs have been found which show the works which have been irretrievably lost. These works of unknowndimensions were not signed and are therefore considered as preparatory studies for more large-scale works from the earliest phase of his career. These are the reliefs of Apollo made for the pediments of the Pavilion of the Arts (Umjetnički paviljon) at Zagreb which was designed by Floris Korb and Kálmán Giergl, the Hungarian historicist architects, to house the Croatian displays at the Millenial Exhibition at Budapest in 1896. A year later, in 1897, the iron frame of the pavilion was transported to Zagreb.The bid to carry out the work was won by the Viennese architects Herman Helmer and Ferdinand Fellner, but the actual construction was done by the Zagreb architects Leo Hönisberg and Julio Deutsch under thesupervision of the city’s engineer Milan Lenuci. Valdec was entrusted with the making of reliefs illustrating the hymn to Apollo (Apollo of Delphi, Apollo Pythoctonos, and Apollo Musagetes). These three bas-reliefs werenever affixed to the pediments of the Pavilion of the Arts because the City Council did not authorize the execution due to a lack of funds. However, they were displayed at the Millenial Exhibition at Budapest and the Croatian Salon in 1898, and contemporary critics praised them as successful works of the young Valdec. The first relief depicts the Apollo of Delphi (hymn to Apollo) holding a severed head in his raised left hand. The second relief depicts Apollo Musagetes next to a shoot of a laurel tree(the symbol of Daphne) with a lyre in his left hand. The third relief shows Apollo Pythoctonos who, in a dynamic movement, is stringing his silver bow and shooting an arrow into the gaping mouth of a fire-breathing dragon.In his youth, Valdec produced works which embodied fear, anxiety, pessimism, restlessness and bitterness, all corresponding to the general tendencies of the fin de siècle. In 1899 he made Pessimism (Pesimizam), a work only known through its mention in the press by the critic M. Nikolić. Many other youthful works from the period between 1885 to 1889 have also been lost. These were: Passion, Christ, and Love (Muka, Krist, and Ljubav, 1896-1896) which were displayed at the Millenial Exhibitionin Budapest, Altar of the Saviour (Spasiteljev žrtvenik), Lucifer, Per Aspera ad Astra, Kiss (Cjelov), Christ Salvator (Krist Salvator), Hymn to Apollo (Apolonova himna), Apollo Phoebus (Apolon Phoebus), Ridi Pagliaccio, and Jesus (Isus). Our research has yielded photographs of theworks Per Aspera ad Astra and Christ Salvator, both of 1898. All the work from his youthful phase is in the Art Nouveau style, in harmony with the dominant stylistic trends in Vienna, Munich and central Europe, which,unsurprisingly, attracted Valdec too. In his desire to express his feelings and spiritual condition, as can be seen in the works like Per Aspera ad Astra, Valdec reveals the stamp of the Art Nouveau symbolism.Although Valdec’s earliest and a number of his early works have mostly been lost, those that have been preserved are made of plaster and bronze (now at the Collection of Plaster Casts of the Croatian Academy ofArts and Sciences in Zagreb), and belong to the most significant works of Croatian modern sculpture. The works in question are the relief sculptures Love, the Sister of Death (1897), Memento Mori (1898) and Magdalena(1898). The relief Love, the Sister of Death represents the first example of symbolism and stylization which were a novelty in modern sculpture in Croatia. The relief of Magdalena is, regardless of the fierce criticism on account of its nudity published by the priest S. Korenić in Glas koncila, a master-piece not only because it represents an excellent nude but also because of the psychological and philosophical expression it radiates. It is one of the best reliefs in Croatian sculpture in general. The relief Memento Mori features the first and only example of Valdec’s self-portrait rendered in profile, in which he depicted himself as a fool. The busts of Plato (Platon) and Aristotle (Aristotel) are considered to be first portraitscommissioned by Iso Kršnjavi. They were made in 1898 and set up on the wings of the building which housed the seat of the Department of Theology and Teaching in 10 Opatička Street, at the head of which was Kršnjavi. Valdec made the busts of these two Greek philosophers in the style of Roman naturalistic portraits.

AbstractThe archaeological study of pre-Islamic Uzbekistan (Bactria, Sogdiana) has been intensified since. World War II and this survey presents the most important recent results of this work. Bronze Age sites show a process of cultural change in Bactria, particularly the settlement of the area by farmers and the emergence in proto-cities of new urban forms of social organisation and systems of belief. The Iron Age sees the assimilation of new ethnic groups into the region, the expansion of a strong (Achaemenid) state, the development of defended cities and administrative centres and the beginnings of specialised craft industries. In the Classical period the Macedonian conquest brought about the sharp decline of existing urban centres, but the centralised states that followed were able to establish (e.g. through irrigation projects) new cities in new agricultural zones. Excavation into the lower levels of medieval cities has revealed several previously unknown ancient cities, many of which seem to have been derelict in the period before or during the Arab conquest. Bactrian cities of the Classical period have been shown to be extensive in area, well defended by strong walls and a citadel, and to have performed administrative, economic, religious as well as military functions. Cult buildings discovered show the presence of Avestan religion (although not the orthodox Zoroastrianism of Iran), cults of the Great Mother Goddess, and Buddhism (though limited to a few remarkable centres), and in the North of Sarmatian totemic cults using zoomorphic representations, finds of art, sculpture and wall-painting reveal a process in Bactria in which a native substratum was synthesized with Hellenistic, Indian and Sako-Sarmatian elements to produce work of high quality and originality. Epigraphical finds include ostraca, graffiti, inscriptions, and even papyri, representing scripts and languages from Bactrian to Pahlavi, to Greek and Latin. Finds of coins, including Greco-Bactrian and Parthian, help to date archaeological layers and produce accurate chronologies. Scholars from Uzbekistan have also contributed to the "Great Silk Road" programme, which is showing that routes crossing the region were formed in the 1st mill. B.C. and constituted a dense branched network by the end of the Classical period.

Rohida police station recovered an old sculpture, accidentally discovered from the cemetery of Bharja/Bhaja village. It is a broken bronze Buddhist Idol and very rare sculpture. It has exquisite Antique beauty with rust in red and corrosion in green. Sculpture of Buddha seated in Padma Asana (lotus posture) and his hand in Dhyan Mudra (meditation posture). Buddha is wearing the robe; the robe is decorated with the scene of Buddhacharita story, superimposed on the visible crust. This Sirohi district has the history of Jainism and Hinduism only, till the date there is no evidence regarding Buddhism practices in Sirohi district of Rajasthan. Sirohi is famous from its silk route in the valley, ancient Chandrawati city and Mount Abu, where thousands of temples of Jainism and Shivanism were built. Objective: what were the technique and technology used to manufacture sculpture? Where this artefact came from? What are the main characteristics & features of this sculpture? What carving scene depicted in this sculpture? Research analysis: For analysis of this sculpture we carefully look sculpture and magnify scene to compare with the stories of Buddhacharita. Moreover, check out that this sculpture is indigenous work of ancestral craftsmen or not. Also compare superimposed stories of Buddha and his life. Scientific method: Buddha sculpture is hollow in nature but very heavy in weight; Craftsman used the lost wax method to manufacture it. In ancient time the science behind manufacturing sculpture is very time consuming, first sculptors need to imagine about the subject, draft and then mould through melting, condensing, chiselling, hammering and exquisite carving. One of the oldest methods of metal casting according to Archaeo-metallurgy is bee wax method; this technique is now termed as the lost wax method. Conclusion: In the end, we like to conclude that in the history of Sirohi exploration, first time unearths the Buddhist sculpture but we have certain doubts that it mustn’t belong to Sirohi district. This idol is required for further critical research like dating and detailed mould-casting technique used in the manufacturing of this sculpture.

The Riace Bronzes are two full-size bronzes cast around the 5th century BC, located at the ‘Museo Archeologico Nazionale della Magna Grecia’ in Reggio Calabria; they truly represent significant sculptural masterpieces of Greek art in the world due to their outstanding manufacture. This paper describes the methodology for the achievement of a 3D model of the two sculptures lead by the Geomatics Laboratory of the Department of Civil, Energetic, Environmental and Material Engineering (DICEAM) of the Mediterranean University of Reggio Calabria. 3D modeling is based on the use of imaging techniques such as digital photogrammetry and computer vision. The achieved results demonstrate the effectiveness of the technique used in the cultural heritage field for the creation of a digital production and replication through 3D printing. Moreover, when considering renewed interest in the context of international museological studies, augmented reality (AR) innovation represents a new method for amplifying visitor numbers into museums despite concerns over returns on investment. Thus, in order to further valorize and disseminate archaeological heritage, we are developing an app for tourism purposes. The created app allows the user, in real time, to obtain additional information on the object of investigation, even allowing them to view the 3D model in AR.

In the last half-dozen years, the early fifth-century BC ‘Classical Revolution’ in Greek sculpture and painting has become ‘hot’ again.1 Did it develop gradually, incrementally, and logically out of the Archaic, or emerge quite suddenly (if so, when?), or involve some combination of both? Since chronology drives the debate, as usual in the study of ancient material culture, to restate some basic principles seems appropriate. I. Absolute chronologies, independently derived, should always underpin and guide relative ones. II. In a relative/gradualist chronology, the ‘latest’ feature of an artifact determines its stylistic terminus post quem, and thus its place in the series.2 Nevertheless: III. Such relative dates cannot be turned simply or unproblematically into history.3 IV. Nothing new comes out of nothing (even Athena came from the head of Zeus). Yet: V. Supposed ‘predecessors’ to a revolution on a gradualist chronology often turn out to be hesitant reactions to it when more data emerge.4 In the present case, unfortunately, the Sicyonian, Argive, Aeginetan, and Athenian bronzes celebrated in the texts are all lost, together with all contemporary wall and panel painting; no absolute chronology exists for early fifth-century East Greek sculpture;5 and West Greek sculpture clearly trails that of the mainland. So by default, our spotlight must fall largely on the marble sculpture of Athens, Aegina, and the Cyclades, and on red-figure vase-painting.

The work of Christos Mandzios, a Greek born and resident in Poland, although formally diverse, multithreaded, going beyond traditional media, disciplines and means of artistic expression, is related to the tradition of (ancient) Greek art, especially in the sense of understanding the essence of all creative activities in terms of Truth and Beauty. What can be considered a reminiscence of that bond is the presence of the human figure, taking the shape of an “anthropoid” (according to the artist’s definition), as if derived from pre-archaic times, from Cycladic or Mycenaean Bronze Age idols. Made of various materials – granite, bronze, wrapping paper, glass, bread, fire, earth, grain, grass, the “matter” of light and shadow – it becomes a carrier of existential, religious, spiritual and sometimes political meanings. In addition to permanent and ephemeral works, the sculptor undertakes para-artistic activities, usually in places marked by homelessness: in an orphanage, a prison, the Monar addiction rehabilitation centre, the Wrocław-Główny Railway Station. Apart from the series of works and performative activities entitled Realizacje Paschalne [Paschal Works], related to the symbolism and rituals of the Holy Week, the paper analyses the cycle Zjawiska Świetlne [Light Phenomena], varied in artistic means and related to the metaphysics of light. Particular attention is paid to the happenings: Wypalanie – Brama [Burning out – Gate] and Ślady [Traces], performed on the walls of Prison No. 1 in Wrocław on 11th November 1997. On the one hand, the sculptor shows a strong inclination towards formal experiments, towards constantly transgressing the boundaries of art, to functioning at the boundary of various artistic disciplines; on the other hand, he consistently treats a significant part of his oeuvre as a medium of other, non-formal values, grounded in the transcendentals of classical Christian metaphysics.

This article treats representations of victors in the Greek athletic games in the artistic and poetic media of the early classical age, and argues that fifth-century sculptors, painters and poets similarly constructed the athlete as an object designed to arouse desire in audiences for their works. After reviewing the very scanty archaeological evidence for the original victory images, I seek to recover something of the response elicited by these monuments by looking to visualizations of athletes in contemporary vase-painting and literary sources, and most particularly in the epinician odes of Pindar. Poets and painters, I suggest, both place their subjects within an erotically-charged atmosphere which replicates that surrounding actual athletes in the city gymnasia and at the games, and encourage audiences to regard the youthful bodies on display as "spectacularized" objects, sources of both aesthetic and sensual pleasure. The makers of monumental images work within the same paradigm, also prompting the viewer to transfer the sentiments aroused by the real-world athlete and victor to his re-presentation in bronze. Through an examination of the conventions used for victor images, and a close study of the so-called Motya charioteer, I propose that the sculptor deploys techniques analogous to those of artist and poet to highlight the appeal of the athlete's body, and displays the victor in a mode calculated not only to mark him as the alluring target of the gaze, but even to cast him as a potential erômenos. The concluding section of the article investigates the impetus behind this mode of representation, and seeks to place the dynamic between the viewer and the viewed within the context of the early fifth-century polis.

Victorian men placed fig leaves over those parts of classical statues they didn't want their wives and children to see. Yet it's easy for someone looking at those statues today to assume that the leaves play some part in the Roman and Greek concepts of physical beauty.A fig leaf may be the most blatant breach of an artist's original inspiration you'll encounter in a museum, but it's not likely to be the only one. Other more subtle transgressions are displayed in nearly every gallery and museum in the country—but unmasking them takes more than just a discerning eye. For instance, did the 17th-century painter see the world as quiet and subdued, or have his bright colors been muted by a 19th-century varnish? Did the classical sculptor intend his work to have an even, green patina, or has the Renaissance infatuation with antiquity allowed this corrosion to hide his varying shades of burnished bronze? Did Leonardo conceive the face of the Christ of “The Last Supper” as speaking, or silent, as his overpainters would have it?“Modern conservators really make us think about objects, says Carol Faill, administrator of college collections at Franklin & Marshall College. “There's been a consciousness raising about objects' own integrity.” Art and science are being used together as never before to gain an understanding of the physical and chemical properties of materials and their role in the fine arts.

From 1981 to 2002, in various lectures and writings, I presented my suggestion about the “Roman” conception of the Ludovisi Suicidal Gaul, without eliciting positive responses. What has prompted me to re-open this issue after the passing of so many years? Perhaps the catalyst was a major exhibition — Pergamon and the Hellenistic Kingdoms of the Ancient World — held at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York from April 18 to July 17, 2016, together with its impressive catalogue. There, an essay by M. Papini reviewed present knowledge about the victory dedications of the Attalids and the stone bases for them erected at Pergamon within the precinct of Athena Nikephoros. Although admitting that certainty was impossible and that serious difficulties existed about previously attempted reconstructions, he reproduced two drawings that showed the Ludovisi Gaul atop the large cylindrical monument as well as on the long rectangular pedestal “leaving aside [other] improbable attempts … and even more the interpretation of the marble pieces as Roman works evoking Pergamon ‘in the grand manner’.” The Ludovisi Gaul was not part of the New York exhibition. Its companion piece, the Dying Gaul collapsing on a broken trumpet, did receive a catalogue entry (by E. Polito) that reiterated the difficulty of visualizing the original placement. Yet these two Gauls (the “Trumpeter” and the Ludovisi Gaul) have joined the sculptures from the Pergamon Great Altar as virtual touchstones for our understanding of Pergamene style even though they may not be “Greek” at all, let alone Pergamene.

Colossus of Rhodes: Where It Stood and How It Was Made The author, just as Ursula Vedder, who has expressed the same opinion recently, has been long sure that the place where the Colossus of Rhodes was located was the acropolis of the town of Rhodes. The paper includes also some arguments that have not been presented by the German scholar. At first, some source information concerning the Colossus has been briefly summarized. For instance, the expression in APV, 171 (Overbeck 1543), ou gar hyper pelagos monon anthesan alla kai en ga, may be understood as confirming its location in the acropolis: “it stood not only close to the sea, but also on the earth.” In fact, there it would have loomed over the land and the sea, and, as big as it was, it could be seen from a distance. The text by Philo of Byzantium is not credible, as it was written quite late. Then the problem has been analyzed critically. As regards the legend of Colossus bestriding the entrance to the harbor, one may add to the already listed counterarguments that for static reasons a piece of sculpture shaped that way would have needed a third footing attached to the sea bottom at the harbor entrance, which would have made the ships’ access to the harbor difficult. Besides, such a pose of a god would have seemed a little indecent. A hypothesis that situates the Colossus at the end of a pier in the Mandraki Bay, preferred by many scholars, also has its weak points. Placed there, the construction site would have been too small, particularly that construction took at least twelve years, and it would have been difficult to move building materials along the narrow and long pier which under such circumstances could not be used as part of the harbor. According to Strabo (XIV, 2, 5) the harbor was accessible only to authorized personnel. Was it then a good location for a work of art intended to glorify the people of Rhodes? Even if the Colossus had been accessible there, it would have been visible only in a shortened perspective, in frog’s eye view. Still, the most important was the problem of proper display of the statue. Placed on the pier, it would have to turn its back either to the town, or to the sea, and in both cases connotations would have been unwelcome. Such details were essential for ancient Greeks. For static and constructional reasons, one must also reject a hypothesis that the Colossus put his palm over the eyes, as if examining the horizon. If it is true that the relics of the statue remained for several hundred years intact, they would have blocked access to the harbor since most probably they would have fallen into the sea. Besides, would the iron elements have resisted corrosion well enough to be recognizable? Placed on the pier, the Colossus would have been invisible to the crews of ships approaching the town from the west and the same would have been true had it been situated at the present location of the palace of the Great Masters of the Knights Hospitaller. The placement of the statue in the sanctuary of Helios at the present corner of Sofouli and Khimaras streets is also improbable, since the area is really small and the Colossus would not have made a prominent component of the town skyline. Hence, the acropolis must have been the most convenient place, just as in other Greek towns, particularly in Athens where it was the site of the city patron’s worship. Some scholars argue that the temple in the acropolis was dedicated to Apollo, but when the Colossus was constructed Apollo was commonly identified with Helios who was the most important patron of the island. The statue, with his face turned to the east – the town and the sea – might have stood near that temple (ill. 1-2), towering over it. From the west, the steep rock of the acropolis practically made it impossible to watch the Colossus from the western shore, while from the sea it was visible only as a silhouette, an orientation point for the approaching ships (ill. 3), particularly if it was gilded like the statue of Athena Promachos in Athens. This can actually be the origin of the legend that the Colossus of Rhodes was also a lighthouse. Situated in the acropolis, the statue would have been visible both from the town and the sea on both sides of the island. If the damaged Colossus remained intact for centuries, it was because removing it from the acropolis was much more difficult than removing from the wharf. The noun “colossus” originally meant “something towering” (cf. Colossae and Colophon, towns upon hills). The other part of the paper focuses on the technology of construction. Some scholars were too eager to draw from Philo’s description conclusions about the Colossus’ structure and the building methods applied. If the statue had stood at the end of the pier, most likely it would not have been hilled up since the area was too small. Due to the pressure of dirt, boarding such an embankment (A. Gabriel’s claim) would have required 40-45 meter long struts for which there was no room. Moreover, with each subsequent raising of the embankment the struts would have to be multiplied and made much longer, which would have been both costly and technologically challenging. With each new layer of dirt, founding furnaces would have to be removed (as, according to Gabriel, they were located on the embankment) and then put back. A high embankment would have required the use of gigantic ladders, unstable and dangerous. What is more, it would have made it impossible to control the form of the work in progress. All that would have been irrational, while ancient Greeks do not really deserve such a charge. In the author’s opinion, the Colossus was erected within a wooden scaffolding. Founding particular elements of the statue on site was rather unlikely. An external dirt coat would not have helped since there was no clay core inside it, which would have made the alloy’s cooling speed radically unequal. Partial casting is also unlikely as it would have required a 1:1 model (30-35 meters high). Had the model been smaller, errors in calculating detailed measurements would have been inevitable. The author believes that the Colossus of Rhodes was made of hammered bronze sheets riveted to the inner metal skeleton. Such a technique made vertical transportation easier and allowed the constructors to correct the process of montage by bending the sheets whenever necessary. It cannot be excluded that the heads of the rivets and lines of contact between the sheets were masked with solders that did not require much alloy, although in higher sections of the statue the wind would have cooled it quite rapidly. The noun “colossus” did not originally imply a gigantic size but only a slightly archaic look of the sculpture so that the Colossus of Rhodes might have been somewhat similar to very ancient and artistically primitive stiff statues of Helios. On the other hand, it might have alluded to the mythic Telchins who were the first to make statues of gods. (For static reasons, contrapposto was out of the question in the statues of that size, besides it would have been impossible to fill its interior with stones.) Another aspect of making the Colossus look archaic was the use of a modified technique of sphyrelaton. In the author’s opinion, the base of the statue and maybe its higher parts as well, up to the level of ankles, contained carefully sized and braced blocks of stone. They were drilled through to hold the lower ends of the metal internal skeleton made according to the schema of a spatial grid, perhaps used on that occasion for the first time in history. Such a fixture protected the Colossus from the wind pressure so effectively that it remained standing for dozens of years, being vulnerable to earthquakes. The fallen Colossus must have looked like a debris of rods and tin, while the stones from the fixture could be seen in the “abyss” (Plinius), below the level of the ankles, where the structure was actually bent (it must have been bent there rather than at the level of the knees, since looking inside the ruin was easy: the ankles were situated about two meters above the base.) The third footing point might have been camouflaged with some attribute (a spear or a torch). It cannot be excluded that originally Chares had been planning a statue half the final size, similar to the previously known colossal pieces of sculpture, but the pride of the people of Rhodes, emulating Athenians, made them want a Colossus twice as big (Sextus Empiricus, pros mathem., VII, 107 n.). Making the statue look archaic and using an old technology plus some innovations allowed Chares to make their extravagant wish come true. The archaic look might have been achieved thanks to a reference to some old statue of Helios, which perhaps could be found in the neighboring temple. The torso might have been topped with the head, cast separately, although the trouble with placing it so high makes one doubt it.

"The ancient city of Per-Medyed, located in the 19th nome of Upper Egypt, was called Oxyrhynchus in Greek times. During the GraecoRoman period, the main female divinity of this locality was the goddess Taweret , who was associated with the arrival of the flood and was represented by two fishes, the oxyrhynchus (Mormyridae family), with whom she was linked, and the lepidot. On this site, the oxyrhynchus fish always appears adorned with a Hathor crown, the symbol of feminine divinity, and closely related to the goddess Taweret. Iconographically, it is represented in tombs, temples, cartonnage, stelae, sarcophagi and also in small bronze sculptures, which very often appear arranged on a sledge. Although these statuettes are usually anepigraphic, sometimes they have a demotic inscription on the plinth, on which the sledge rests, which always alludes to the goddessTaweret , for the purpose of protection and rebirth to a new life. The oldest attestations we have of the cult of this oxyrhynchus fish in Oxyrhynchus, comes from classical authors such as Strabo, Herodotus or Plutarch. The papyri found on the site mention the existence of one main temple as well as a secondary temple dedicated to Taweret, and another one, dedicated to the oxyrhynchus, and they even refer to a congregation of priests who fulfilled the specific rituals of this cult."

Michał Tyszkiewicz was an outstanding collector of antiquities and a pioneer of Polish archaeological excavations in Egypt conducted in late 1861 and early 1862, which yielded a generous donation of 194 Egyptian antiquities to the Paris Louvre. Today Tyszkiewicz’s name features engraved on the Rotunda of Apollo among the major Museum’s donors. Having settled in Rome for good in 1865, Tyszkiewicz conducted archaeological excavations there until 1870. He collected ancient intaglios, old coins, ceramics, silverware, golden jewellery, and sculptures in bronze and marble. His collection ranked among the most valuable European ones created in the 2nd half of the 19th century. Today, its elements are scattered among over 30 major museums worldwide, e.g. London’s British Museum, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek in Copenhagen, New York’s Metropolitan Museum of Art, or the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston. The latest investigation of M. Tyszkiewicz’s correspondence to the German scholar Wilhelm Froehner demonstrated that Tyszkiewicz widely promoted the development of archaeology and epigraphy; unique pieces from his collections were presented at conferences at Rome’s Academia dei Lincei or at the Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres in Paris, and published by Italian, French, Austrian, and German scholars. He was considered an expert in glyptic, and today’s specialists, in recognition of his merits, have called a certain group of ancient cylinder seals the ‘Tyszkiewicz Seals’, an Egyptian statue in black basalt has been named the ‘Tyszkiewicz Statue’, whereas an unknown painter of Greek vases from the 5th century BC has been referred to as the ‘Painter Tyszkiewicz’.

El objeto de este trabajo es el estudio del simbolismo de las aves en el ámbito tartésico y fenicio-púnico en la península ibérica durante el Bronce Final y el Hierro I. Se han recogido y analizado aquellas piezas con representaciones de aves, así como los restos orgánicos de éstas, si bien esto último no ha dado muchos frutos debido a las dificultades que existen tanto para su conservación como para la posterior identificación de especies. En total se han podido determinar ánades, gallos, palomas, flamencos, cisnes, lechuzas y halcones, todas ellas representadas en el Mediterráneo oriental y cuya iconografía se vincula al mundo funerario, al tránsito al Más Allá y a las divinidades. Gran parte de esa iconografía llegó a la península de mano de los fenicios, si bien su acogida y aceptación entre la población local fue variable. Palabras clave: aves, simbolismo, tartesios, fenicios, púnicosTopónimos: península ibéricaPeriodo: Hierro I. ABSTRACTThe aim of this paper is to study the symbolism of birds in Tartessian and Phoenician-Punic cultures within the Iberian Peninsula during the late Bronze and early Iron Age. To this end, items with any sort of symbolism connected with birds have been analysed. Organic remains have also been examined, although the latter did not make a relevant contribution to the study due to problems of conservation of the organic remains and subsequent identification of species. I have identified ducks, roosters, pigeons, flamingos, swans, owls and hawks, all located around the East Mediterranean basin and related to funerary contexts, the journey to the hereafter and deities. Most of this iconography reached the Iberian Peninsula via Phoenician culture, albeit its acceptance among the local population varied. Keywords: birds, symbolism, Tartesian, Phoenicians, PunicPlace names: Iberian PeninsulaPeriod: Iron Age REFERENCIASAlmagro Gorbea, M. J. (1986), Orfebrería fenicio-púnica, Madrid.Almagro Gorbea, M. (1977), El Bronce Final y el Periodo Orientalizante en Extremadura (Bibliotheca Praehistorica Hispana, 14), Madrid.— (dir.) (2008), La necrópolis de Medellín. II Estudio de los hallazgos, (Bibliotheca Archaeologica Hispana, 26-2), Madrid.Almagro Gorbea, M. y Torres, M. (2006), “Plástica sirio-fenicia en occidente: la sirena de Villaricos y el origen de la plástica ibérica”, Madrider Mitteilungen, 47, pp. 59-82.— (2009), “Los escarabeos fenicios de Portugal. Un estado de la cuestión”, Estudos Arqueológicos de Oeiras, 17, pp. 521-554.Akimova, L. I., Kunze, M. y V. Kästner, V. (1988), Die Welt der Etrusker. Archäeologische Denkmäler aus Museen der sozialististischen Länder, Berlin.Arnold, D. (1995), An Egyptian Bestiary, New York.Arruda, A. M. (2016), “À vol d´oiseau. Pássaros, passarinhos e passarocos na Idade do Ferro do Sul de Portugal”, en Terra e Água. Escolher sementes, invocar a Deusa. Estudos em homenagem a Victor S. Gonçalves, Lisboa, pp. 403-423.Aubet, M. E. (1978), “Los marfiles fenicios del Bajo Guadalquivir. I, Cruz del Negro”, Boletín del seminario de Arte y Arqueología, 44, pp. 15-88.— (1981-82), “Los marfiles fenicios del Bajo Guadalquivir (y III): Bencarrón, Santa Lucía y Setefilla”, Pyrenae, 17-18, pp. 231-287.Blázquez, J. M. (1983), Primitivas religiones ibéricas. Religiones prerromanas, Madrid.Blázquez, J. M. y Jordá, F. (1978), Historia del Arte Hispánico. I: La Antigüedad, Madrid.Blázquez, J. M., Luzón, J. M., Gómez, F. y Clauss, K. (1970), Las cerámicas del Cabezo de San Pedro (Huelva Arqueológica, 1), Madrid.Belén, M. y Escacena, J. L. (2002), “La imagen de la divinidad en el mundo tartésico”, en Ex oriente lux. Las religiones orientales antiguas en la península ibérica (Spal monografías, 21), Sevilla, pp. 159-184.Bendala, M. (1988), Los albores de Grecia. Historias del Viejo Mundo (Historia 16, 9), Madrid.Buero, M. (1984), “Los motivos naturalistas en la cerámica pintada del Bronce Final del suroeste peninsular”, Habis, 15, pp. 345-364.Carriazo, J. de M. (1969), “El cerro del Carambolo”, en Tartessos y sus problemas. V Symposium Internacional de Prehistoria Peninsular. Jerez de la Frontera. Barcelona, pp. 311-340.Celestino, S. y Blanco, J. L. (2006), “Edad del Hierro: Del Periodo Orientalizante al mundo prerromano”, en La joyería en los orígenes de Extremadura: el espejo de los dioses, Mérida, pp. 116-125.Celestino, S. y Salgado, J. A. (2007), “Fenicios e indígenas a través del tesoro de Aliseda”, en Las aguas primigenias. El Próximo Oriente Antiguo como fuente de civilización. Actas del IV Congreso Español de Antiguo Oriente Próximo (Zaragoza, 17 al 21 de octubre de 2006), Zaragoza, pp. 587-601.Celestino, S. y Rodríguez González, E. (2017), “De lo invisible a lo visible. La Transición entre el Bronce Final y la Primera Edad del Hierro en el valle medio del Guadiana”, en Territorios comparados: Los valles del Guadalquivir, el Tajo y el Guadiana en época tartésica (Anejos de AEspA, 80), Mérida, pp. 183-212.Coldstream, J. N. (2003), Geometric Greece, 900-700 BC, London-New York.Corzo, R. (1988), Los fenicios, señores del mar. Historias del Viejo Mundo (Historia 16, 8), Madrid.— (1991): Arte fenicio y púnico. Cuadernos de arte español (Historia 16, 9), Madrid.De Deus, M. y Correira, J. (2005), “Corte Margarida. Mais uma necrópole orientalizante no Baixo Alentejo”, en El Periodo Orientalizante. Actas del III Simposio Internacional de Arqueología de Mérida: Protohistoria del Mediterráneo Occidental, Mérida, pp. 615-618.Díez, F. (2017), “Cuerpos imaginarios: poder y descorporeización en el paso al más allá imaginado en las lécitos áticas de fondo blanco”, Res Publica, 20.3, pp. 493-506.Diogo, C. y Kesser, C. (2018), “The Iconography of Death: continuity and change in the Prothesis ritual through iconographical techniques, motifs, and gestures depicted in Greek pottery”, Classica, 31.1, pp. 61-87.Fantar, M. H. (1970), Eschatologie phénicienne et punique. Tunis.Fernández Flores, A. y Rodríguez Azogue, A. (2007), Tartessos desvelado. La colonización fenicia del suroeste peninsular y el origen y ocaso de Tartessos, Córdoba.Frankfort, H. (2010), Arte y arquitectura del Oriente Antiguo, Madrid.Garrido, J. P. (1970), Excavaciones en la necrópolis de “La Joya”, Huelva (1ª y 2ª campañas) (Excavaciones Arqueológicas en España, 71), Madrid.González Prats, A. (1983), Estudio arqueológico del poblamiento antiguo de la sierra de Crevillente (Alicante) (Anejos de la Revista Lucentum, 1), Alicante.Grosman, L. y Munro, N. D. (2016), “A Natufian ritual event”, Current Anthropology, 57.3, pp. 311-331.Guerrero, V. M. (1986), “El impacto de la colonización púnica en la cultura talayótica de Mallorca”, en Los Fenicios en la peninsula ibérica, Sabadell, pp. 339-375.Hachmann, R. (1983), Frühe Phöniker im Libanon. 20 Jahre deutsche Ausgrabungen in Kāmid el-Lōz. Mainz.Hernández Carrasquilla, F. y Jonsson, L. (1994), “Las aves”, en Castillo de doña Blanca. Archaeo-environmental investigations in the Bay of Cádiz, Spain (750-500 B.C.) (BAR International Series, 593), Oxford, pp. 81-90.Horn, F. (2005), “Les terres cuites d´origine orientale de la peninsule iberique (VIIIᵉ-VIᵉ s. av. J.-C.)”, en El Periodo Orientalizante. Actas del III Simposio Internacional de Arqueología de Mérida: Protohistoria del Mediterráneo Occidental (Anejos de AEspA, 35) vol 2. Mérida, pp. 1405-1415.Ikram, S. (2012), “An eternal aviary: Bird mummies from Ancient Egypt”, en Between heaven and Earth. Birds in Ancient Egypt (Oriental Institute Museum Publications, 35), Chicago, pp. 41-48.Jiménez Ávila, J. (2002), La toréutica orientalizante en la peninsula ibérica (Bibliotheca Archaeologica Hispana, 16), Madrid.Jiménez Guijarro, J., Sánchez Marco, A. y García Díez, M. (2011), “Nuevo examen de los grabados paleolíticos de El Pendo (Cantabria, España). Consideraciones sobre las aves del arte paleolítico de la península ibérica”, Trabajos de Prehistoria, 68.1, pp. 147-158.Karageorghis, V. y Des Gagniers, J. (1974), La Céramique Chypriote de Style Figuré. Âge du Fer (1050-500 AV. J.-C.) (Biblioteca di antichità cipriote, 2.1), Roma.Lacalle, R. (2019), Los símbolos de la Prehistoria. Mitos y creencias del Paleolítico Superior y del Megalitismo europeo, Córdoba.Le Meaux, H. (2010), L´iconographie orientalisante de la Péninsule Ibérique. Questions de styles et d´échanges (VIIIᵉ-VIᵉ siècles av. J.-C.) (Bibliothèque de la Casa de Velázquez, 47), Madrid.Liseau, C., Blasco, C., Ríos, P., Vega, J., Menduiña, R., Francisco, J., Baena, J., Herrera, T., Petri, A. y Gómez, J.L. (2008), “Un espacio compartido por vivos y muertos: el poblado calcolítico de fosos de Camino de las Yeseras (San Fernando de Henares, Madrid)”, Complutum, 19.1, pp. 97-120.López García, P., López Sáez, J. A. y Hernández, A. (2005), “El paleoambiente del suroeste peninsular en la protohistoria”, en El Periodo Orientalizante. Actas del III Simposio Internacional de Arqueología de Mérida: Protohistoria del Mediterráneo Occidental (Anejos de AEspA, 35) vol 1. Mérida, pp. 383-403.López Grande M. J. y Trello, J. (2001-2002), “Pervivencias iconográficas egipcias en las imágenes de damas sagradas del ámbito fenicio-púnico”, en Actas del II Congreso internacional de mundo púnico (Cartagena, 2000). El Mundo púnico: religión, antropología y cultura material, Murcia, pp. 337-352.Maluquer de Motes, J. (1958), Excavaciones Arqueológicas en el Cerro del Berrueco (Salamanca) (Acta Salamanticensia. Filosofía y Letras, XIV.1), Salamanca.— (1981), El santuario protohistórico de Zalamea de La Serena, Badajoz 1978-1981 (Programa de Investigaciones Protohistóricas, IV), Barcelona.— (1983), El santuario protohistórico de Zalamea de La Serena, Badajoz 1981-1982 (Programa de Investigaciones Protohistóricas, V), Barcelona.Marín, M. C. (2013), “La diosa astral ibérica y sus antecedentes orientales”, en Ritual, Religion and Reasons. Studies in the Ancient World in Honour of Paolo Xella, Münster, pp. 561-580.Marín, M. C. y Jiménez, A. M. (2014), Imagen y culto en la Iberia prerromana II. Nuevas lecturas sobre los pebeteros en forma de cabeza femenina (Spal Monografías, 18), SevillaMonge Soares, R., Baptista, L., Pinheiro, R., Rodrigues, L. y Vale, N. (2017), “A necrópole da I Idade do Ferro do Monte do Bolor 1-2 (São Brissos, Beja)”, en Sidereum Ana III. El río Guadiana y Tartessos, Mérida, pp. 263-301.Miguel Azcárraga, B. (2015), “Bronces púnicos en la isla de Ibiza”, en J. Jiménez (ed.), Phoenician Bronzes in Mediterranean (Bibliotheca Archaeologica Hispana, 45). Madrid, pp. 453-478.Miguel Naranjo, P. (2020), Definición y caracterización de las cerámicas a mano con decoración pintada del sur de la península ibérica en época tartésica. Oxford.Molina, F. (1986), “Almuñécar a la luz de los nuevos hallazgos fenicios”, en Los Fenicios en la peninsula ibérica. Sabadell, pp. 193-216.Moscati, S. (ed.) (1988), I Fenici. Milano.Murillo, J. F. (1994), La cultura tartésica en el Guadalquivir Medio (Ariadna, 13-14), Córdoba.Neri, S. (2010), Il tornio e il penello. Ceramica depurata di tradizione geometrica di época orientalizante in Etruria meridionale (Officina etruscologia, 2). Roma.Nauert, J. P. (1965), “The Hagia Triada sarcophagus. An iconographical study”, Antike Kunst, 8.2, pp. 91-98.Nicolás, J. C. (2017), “Gallos, labrys y campanillas, elementos simbólicos de la religión púnico-peninsular”, en El Oriente de Occidente. Fenicios y púnicos en el área ibérica. VIII edición del coloquio internacional del CEFYP en Alicante, Alicante, pp. 433-464.Olmos, R. y Fernández Miranda, M. (1987), “El timiaterio de Albacete”, Archivo Español de Arqueología, 60, pp. 211-219.Padró, J. (1981), “Las divinidades egipcias en la Hispania romana y sus precedentes”, Simposio de la religión romana en Hispania, Madrid, pp. 335-344.Pachón, J. A. y Carrasco, J. (2005), Las cerámicas polícromas orientalizantes y del Bronce Final desde la perspectiva granadina. Granada.Pellicer, M. (2007), La necrópolis Laurita (Almuñécar, Granada) en el contexto de la colonización fenicia (Cuadernos de Arqueología Mediterránea, 15), Barcelona.Perdigones, L., Muñoz, A. y Pisano, G. (1990), La necrópolis fenicio-púnica de Cádiz, (Studia Punica, 7), Roma.Pérez Blasco, M.F. (2012), “El kalathos del gallo: una decoración simbólica singular en un vaso de Lucentum”, MARQ. Arqueología y Museos, 5, pp.133-153.Peyras, J. (1999), Aspects de Hermès-Mercure dans l´Afrique Mineure, en J. Peyras y G. Tirologos (eds.). L´Afrique du Nord Antique. Cultures et paysages, Paris, pp. 127-150.Plaza, L. de la, Martínez, J. M. y Vaquero, J. I. (2019), Guía para identificar los personajes de la mitología clásica, Madrid.Prados, F. (2008), Arquitectura púnica. Los monumentos funerarios (Anejos de Archivo Español de Arqueología, 44), Madrid.Regoli, P. (1991), I brucuaprofumi a testa femminile dal Nuraghe Lugherras (Paulilatino) (Studia Punica, 8), Roma.Rodríguez Díaz, A., Pavón, I. y Duque, D. M. (2015), “El Tesoro de Aliseda: aproximación a su contexto arqueológico y a su tiempo histórico”, en El tiempo del Tesoro de La Aliseda. II. Aproximación a su contexto arqueológico, Cáceres, pp. 205-224.Rodríguez González, E. y Celestino, S. (2019), “Primeras evidencias de un banquete: análisis arquitectónico y material de la estancia S-1 del yacimiento de Casas del Turuñuelo (Guareña, Badajoz)”, Cuadernos de Prehistoria y Arqueología de la Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, 45, pp. 179-202.Ruiz, L. A. (2004), “Appendice. El huevo de avestruz: símbolos, epigrafía y contextos culturales”, en Le uova di struzzo dipinte nella cultura punica (Bibliotheca Archaeologica Hispana, 22 Studia Hispano-Phoenicia, 3), Madrid, pp. 111-118.Russell, N. y McGowan, K. J. (2003), “Dance of the Cranes: Crane symbolism at Çatalhöyük and beyond”, Antiquity, 77.297, pp. 445-455.Salvador, R. M. y Pereira, J. (2017), “A Paisagem funerária a oeste de Beja no período orientalizante. As necrópoles de Carlota (São Brissos) e Cinco Reis 8 (Santiago Maior)”, en Sidereum Ana III. El río Guadiana y Tartessos, Mérida, pp. 333-352.Santos, F., Antunes, S., De Deus, M. y Grillo, C. (2017), “A Necrópole de Palhais (Beringel, Beja)”, en Sidereum Ana III. El río Guadiana y Tartessos, Mérida, pp. 227-261.Schmidt, K. (2010), “Göbekli Tepe- The Stone Age Sanctuaries. New results of ongoing excavations with a special focus on sculptures and high reliefs”, Documenta Praehistorica, 37, pp. 239-256.Schmitz, Ph. (2009), “The owl in Phoenician Mortuary practice”, JANER, 9.1, pp. 51-85.Soave, L. (2017), Simboli nell´arte. Breve guida per scoprire i significati nascoti nelle opere. Modena.Torres, M. (2002), Tartessos (Bibliotheca Archaeologica Hispana, 14), Madrid.— (2017), “El paisaje funerario en las necrópolis tartésicas”, en Arquitecturas funerarias y Memoria: la gestión de las necrópolis en Europa occidental (ss. X-III a. C.), Madrid, pp. 359-398.Townsend, E. (1974), Götterkult (Archaeologia Homerica, 3), Göttingen.Valero, M. A. (2005), “El mosaico del Cerro Gil. Iniesta, Cuenca”, en El Periodo Orientalizante. Actas del III Simposio Internacional de Arqueología de Mérida: Protohistoria del Mediterráneo Occidental (Anejos de AEspA, 35) vol 1. Mérida, pp. 619-634.Vaquero, A. (2012), “Los amuletos de la «Tumba Nº 5» de la necrópolis orientalizante de Les Casetes (Villajoyosa, Alicante)”, Lucentum, 31, pp. 91-114.Vives-Ferrándiz, J. (2007), “La vida social de la vajilla de bronce etrusca en el este de la península ibérica. Notas para un debate”, Revista d´Arqueología de Ponent, 16-17, pp. 318-342.VV.AA. (1979), Mer Égée. Gréce des Îles, Paris.

In the ‘Museo Archeologico Nazionale della Magna Grecia' in Reggio Calabria (south Italy) are located two full-size bronzes cast around the 5th century BC: The Riace Bronzes; thanks to their outstanding manufacture, they truly represent significant sculptural masterpieces of Greek art in the world. This paper describes the methodology used by the Geomatics Laboratory of the DICEAM of the Mediterranean University of Reggio Calabria to achieve a 3D model of the two sculptures. The 3D modelling is based on the use of imaging techniques, such as digital photogrammetry and computer vision. The achieved results demonstrate the effectiveness of the technique used in the cultural heritage field for the creation of a digital production and replication through 3d printing. Moreover considering that in the renewed interest in the context of international museological studies, Augmented Reality innovation represents a new method for amplifying visitor numbers into museums despite concerns over returns on investment, the procedure to develop a touristic app is described. In fact the enhancement of cultural heritage through the use of 3D acquisition and modeling tools represents one of the fields of study that will see rapid development in the near future. Thus, in order to further valorize and disseminate archaeological heritage, we are developing an app for tourism purposes. The created app allows the user, in real time, to obtain additional information on the object of investigation, even allowing them to view the 3D model in AR. Moreover, the app combines AR and VR technologies with the opportunities offered by 3D printing,

A biopassivation method has been proposed as a new ecological and sustainable solution for preserving copper-based artefacts using selected microorganisms. This technology is based on the natural capacity of some fungi to form copper oxalates on the corroded surface of copper alloys. Existing unstable and pulverulent corrosion products are converted into an insoluble and chemically stable biopatina that provides the treated surfaces with a stabilization of the corrosion process and an aesthetically attractive green color. This treatment allows to stabilize the active corrosion induced for example by copper chlorides and to prevent green staining of surrounding materials (stone pedestal, wall…) due the leaching and loss of pulverulent and water-soluble corrosion products (i.e. copper sulfates). The behavior and performance of the proposed treatment have been followed during natural aging procedures, which have shown that this method stabilizes the corrosion process while having less chromatic variation compared to more traditional protective systems. The application protocol was then validated on real cases such as outdoor sculptures and archaeological objects. Based on these results, a ready-to-use kit is now proposed to conservators.