Academic literature on the topic 'Brothers of Our Lady of Mercy'

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Journal articles on the topic "Brothers of Our Lady of Mercy"

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Suassuna, Ariano. "The Act of Our Lady of Mercy." Review: Literature and Arts of the Americas 49, no. 1-2 (July 2, 2016): 128–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08905762.2016.1256980.

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Hermkens, Anna-Karina. "Marian Movements and Secessionist Warfare in Bougainville, Papua New Guinea." Nova Religio 18, no. 4 (2014): 35–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2015.18.4.35.

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This article focuses on the enigma of Catholic Marian revolutionary movements during the decade-long conflict on the island of Bougainville, Papua New Guinea at the end of the twentieth century. These religious movements embody the legacy of a colonial history as well as people’s responses to poorly monitored resource extraction, social and economic displacement, regional factionalism, and years of fighting by Bougainvilleans against the Papua New Guinea Defence Force. At the same time, the movements’ popularity throve on leaders’ reputations for their religious knowledge and their mobilization of people based on religious faith. During the conflict Bougainville came to be seen by many residents as holy land (Me’ekamui). According to Francis Ona’s Marian Mercy Mission and Peter Kira’s Our Lady of Mercy movements, the covenant land of Bougainville had to be safeguarded from Satan, represented by Papua New Guinea and an Australian copper mining company, in the freedom struggle conceived as a Marian holy war.
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Stratton-Pruitt, Suzanne. "Our Lady of Mercy, Called the ‘Pilgrim of Quito’: Travels of a Devotion and its Image in Art." Hispanic Research Journal 20, no. 5 (September 3, 2019): 433–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682737.2019.1734340.

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Caredda, Sara. "Travelling prelates and devotional transfers. The Archbishop of Cagliari Bernardo de Cariñena (1699-1722) and the cult of Our Lady of Mercy." Manuscrits. Revista d'història moderna 41 (May 9, 2021): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/manuscrits.250.

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Silva, André Costa Aciole da. "A LITERATURA DEVOCIONAL EM LÍNGUA VERNÁCULA E A REFORMA DOS CUIDADOS COM OS ENFERMOS NO PORTUGAL TARDO-MEDIEVAL: A CARIDADE, A ASSISTÊNCIA E A MISERICÓRDIA. * LITERATURE DEVOTIONAL IN THE VERNACULAR AND CARE REFORM WITH SICK IN PORTUGAL LATE MEDIEVAL: CHARITY, ASSISTANCE AND THE MERCY." História e Cultura 5, no. 1 (March 29, 2016): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.18223/hiscult.v5i1.1778.

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Resumo:O objetivo deste artigo é demonstrar como a literatura devocional, em língua portuguesa, colaborou para a difusão de uma série de ideias associadas à caridade, assistência e misericórdia que orientaram as práticas régias e sociais de apoio aos enfermos. Dar-se-á destaque a duas instituições portuguesas criadas em fins da Idade Média: o Hospital de Todos os Santos, em Lisboa e o Hospital de Nossa Senhora do Pópulo, nas Caldas da Rainha como exemplo da reforma da assistência aos enfermos.Palavras-Chave:Assistência, enfermos, hospitais, Idade Média, Portugal, literatura devocional. Abstract: The purpose of this article is to demonstrate how the devotional literature in Portuguese, contributed to the spread of a number of ideas associated with love, care with the sicks and mercy that guided the royal and social practices of support to the sick. We will highlight the two Portuguese institutions created in the late Middle Ages: theHospital ofAll Saints inLisbon and the Hospital of Our Lady of Populo, in Caldas da Rainha as example of reform of the care of the sick.Keywords: Care, sick, hospitals, Middle Ages,Portugal, devotional literature.
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Tracz, Szymon. "Obraz Matki Boskiej Częstochowskiej z daru króla Jana Kazimierza w Rajczy." Artifex Novus, no. 3 (October 1, 2019): 34–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/an.7062.

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ABSTRAKT Łaskami słynący obraz Matki Boskiej Miłosierdzia Kazimierzowskiej w Rajczy (64 x 45,8 cm), malowany jest w technice olejnej na ręcznie kutej blasze miedzianej. Niezachowaną, pierwotnie hebanową ramę z podpórką, pozwalającą umieszczać dzieło na domowym ołtarzyku, zastąpiła nowa, profilowana i złocona rama. Obraz znajduje się w głównym ołtarzu kościoła parafialnego pw. Św. Wawrzyńca, diakona i męczennika i św. Kazimierza, królewicza w Rajczy. 1 VII 2017 wizerunek został ukoronowany koroną biskupią. Obraz o najwyższej klasie artystycznej, stanowi najlepszą znaną obecnie kopię cudownego obrazu Matki Boskiej Częstochowskiej jaka powstała w drugiej ćwierci XVII w. Wizerunek namalowano bezpośrednio z oryginału, za czym przemawiają jego cechy formalne, m.in. z precyzyjnym uwzględnieniem tzw. koron władysławowskich, jakie w latach1625-1633 ufundowano dla ozdoby jasnogórskiego oryginału. Kopia najprawdopodobniej powstała w malarni jasnogórskiej, a jej autorem być może był paulin o. Jan Felicjan Ratyński. Obraz, co potwierdzają źródła historyczne, podarował do mającego się zbudować w Rajczy nowego kościoła król Jan II Kazimierz Waza (1609-1672), właściciel dóbr żywieckich. Stało się to po jego abdykacji w drodze do Francji w Żywcu 4 lipca 1669 r. Od 1684 r. wizerunek jest przechowywany w Rajczy – najpierw w drewnianym kościele, a po jego rozbiórce wobecnym nowym. Pomiędzy majem 2016, a lutym 2017 roku przeprowadzono specjalistyczną konserwację oraz badania fizyczno-chemiczne podobrazia, co zwiększyło naszą wiedzę o obrazie. Cudowny wizerunek Matki Boskiej Kazimierzowskiej poprzez swój związek z królem Janem Kazimierzem, będąc również kopią jednego z najbardziej rozpoznawalnych polskich obrazów maryjnych, zajmuje w polskiej sztuce miejsce wyjątkowe. Jego wartość artystyczno-historyczna idzie w parze wraz z wartością kultową, stanowiąc ważny punkt odniesienia dlachrześcijańskiej pobożności. SUMMARY A miraculous painting of Our Lady of Mercy of Kazimierz in Rajcza (64 x 45.8 cm) was painted in oil technique on handforged copper sheet. Unpreserved, originally an ebon frame with a support, allowing to place the masterpiece on a home altar, was replaced with a new, profiled, gilded frame. The painting is placed in the main altar of the parish church of St. Lawrence, a deacon and martyr and St. Casimir in Rajcza. On July 1, 2017 the painting was crowned with an episcopal crown. The painting recognized as of the highest artistic class is the best-known copy of a miraculous painting of Our Lady of Częstochowa that originates from the second quarter of the 17th century. There are some features such as precise mapping of the so-called crowns of Władysław IV, founded to adorn the original painting from Jasna Góra Monastery, that make scientists believe that while making the painting for the King, the artist was directly looking at the original painting of Our Lady of Częstochowa. The copy was most likely created in the Jasna Góra painting house, and its author may be a Pauline Father, JanFelicjan Ratyński. It is confirmed by historical sources that King John II Casimir Vasa (1609–1672), the owner of Żywiec estates, gave the painting to a new, soon-to-be built church in Rajcza. The King did it after his abdication, on July 4, 1669, in Żywiec when he was on the way to France. Since 1684 the painting has been placed in Rajcza, first in the wooden church, and after its removal, in a current one. Between May 2016 and February 2017 specialized conservation as well as physical and chemical tests of canvass stretcher were carried out to update the knowledge about the painting. Through its relations with King John II Casimir Vasa and the fact that it is the copy of one of the most recognizable Polish Marian paintings, the miraculous painting of Our Lady of Mercy of Kazimierz holds a unique place in Polish art. Its artistic and historical value goes hand in hand with a cultural value, constituting an important point of reference for Christian piety.
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Bosco, Michele. "«Con lágrimas de nuestros corazones». El rescate de cautivos en una redención mercedaria del siglo XVIII = The Order of Mercy and the Ransoming of Captives. Stakeholders and Economic Dynamics in a 18th Century Redemption." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie IV, Historia Moderna, no. 33 (December 2, 2020): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfiv.33.2020.22197.

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El presente artículo se enmarca en el dinámico debate sobre la esclavitud y el comercio de cautivos en el Mediterráneo de la época moderna. Apresados por los corsarios, miles de esclavos cristianos eran llevados a tierra de Islam y viceversa, empleados en trabajos forzosos, como remeros en las galeras, vendidos a particulares o bien eran destinados al rescate: en este caso, mercaderes especializados, institutos caritativos u órdenes religiosas se encargaban de recaudar dinero para conseguir su rescate. En los reinos de la Monarquía ibérica, esta tarea era desempeñada –y casi monopolizada– por las órdenes de la Santísima Trinidad y de Nuestra Señora de la Merced. En el presente ensayo se analiza en particular la actividad redentora de los Mercedarios, su labor de rescate de cautivos, la financiación y desarrollo práctico de las misiones de redención, entre logros y fracasos, mediante el análisis de un ejemplo concreto: una redención de cautivos efectuada por los frailes de la Merced en la ciudad de Argel a principio del siglo XVIII.AbstractThis article joins the general and dynamic debate upon slavery and captives’ trade in the Early Modern Mediterranean. Captured by corsairs, thousands of Christian slaves were taken to Islamic territories and vice-versa, employed in forced labour, as rowers in the galleys, sold to private slave-owners or destined to be rescued as well: in this case, specialized merchants, charity institutes or religious Orders were put in charge of collecting money to pay their ransom. In the reigns of the Iberian Monarchy, this task was carried out and almost monopolized by the religious orders of the Saint Trinity and Our Lady of Mercy. The present essay analyses in particular the redemptive activity of the Mercedarians, their work in the rescue of captives, the financing and practical development of redemption missions, made up of both achievements and failures, thanks to the analysis of a concrete example: the specific case-study is a redemption of captives carried out by the friars of Mercy in Algiers at the beginning of the 18th century.
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Mangion, Carmen M. "A New Internationalism: Endeavouring to ‘Build from this Diversity, Unity’, 1945–90." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 3 (May 28, 2019): 579–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419846946.

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Catholic women’s religious institutes as religio-cultural networks crossed national borders. Often, as with religious sisters who taught and nursed, their relocation was done for the sake of evangelisation and mission. Religious life was influenced by international connections but the meaning and consequences of religious internationalism shifted and came into sharp relief from the 1940s. This article examines how one religious congregation, the Dutch Sisters of Charity of Our Lady Mother of Mercy ( Zusters van Liefde) transformed their understanding of what it meant to be an international religious congregation. It examines the changing understandings of being international through the shift from uniformity to pluriformity. This led to transnational exchanges via revised practices of governance that were both consultative and participatory and emphasised a culture of ‘communication and encounter’. Religious institutes developed new understandings of internationalism which acknowledged the national diversity of their membership but this was a difficult journey weighed down as it was by mindsets that reified convent traditions and forms of cultural superiority. New understandings of internationalism acknowledged the national diversity of their membership and worked to develop unity from cultural difference through governance and interrelationships. This case study demonstrates the complexities of the processes by which Catholic international religious institutes around the world were rethinking their internationalism in response to the social consequences of post-war modernity and later, the spirit of aggiornamento of the Second Vatican Council (1962–65). It broadens our understanding of internationalist thoughts and actions, pointing to an emphasis on the national, which, rather than receding comes to the forefront particularly in the process of decentralisation. It also demonstrates that women without an explicitly feminist or political agenda also negotiated how internationalism was defined, lived and experienced. Internationalist activities did not occur in a vacuum, they were aligned to the larger social movements of the post-war Catholic and secular world.
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Nowiński, Janusz. "Cztery wczesne wizerunki Chrystusa Miłosiernego: rysunek S. Kreduszyńskiego, fresk Felicjana Szczęsnego Kowarskiego w Hołubli, obrazy Henryka Uziembły w Lądzie i Jana Wałacha w Czerwińsku." Artifex Novus, no. 1 (April 27, 2020): 62–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/an.6322.

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Wizerunek Chrystusa Miłosiernego jest dzisiaj znany i propagowany w dwóch wersjach malarskich. Pierwsza, to obraz namalowany w Wilnie w 1934 przez Eugeniusza Kazimirowskiego pod kierunkiem św. Faustyny Kowalskiej, która udzielała malarzowi szczegółowych wskazówek odnośnie do wyglądu powstającego wizerunku Chrystusa. Druga, bardziej znana wersja, to obraz Jezusa Miłosiernego Adolfa Hyły, namalowany w 1944 r. do kaplicy Zgromadzenia Matki Bożej Miłosierdzia w Krakowie-Łagiewnikach. Procesowi kształtowania się kultu Miłosierdzia Bożego, zwłaszcza w jego początkach podczas II wojny światowej i bezpośrednio po niej, towarzyszyło wiele przedstawień Chrystusa Miłosiernego. Przedstawienia te bardzo często odbiegały od wzorcowego wizerunku opisanego przez św. siostrę Faustynę Kowalską i obrazu namalowanego według jej wskazówek przez Kazimirowskiego. W tym opracowaniu zostały zaprezentowane cztery wczesne przykłady ilustracji wizerunku Chrystusa Miłosiernego, związane z rodzącym się kultem Miłosierdzia Bożego i dokumentujące proces kształtowania się ikonografii tematu. Rysunek S. Kreduszyńskiego (il. 1) i akwarela Aleksandra Maja (il. 2) dokumentują kult wizerunku Jezusa Miłosiernego podczas II wojny światowej, a zwłaszcza w czasie Powstania Warszawskiego. Świadectwem popularności wizerunku Jezusa Miłosiernego w czasie wojny jest też fresk Felicjana Szczęsnego-Kowarskiego w kościele parafialnym w Hołubli z 1943 r. (il. 4, 5). Obraz krakowskiego malarza Henryka Uziembły z 1942 r., obecnie w kościele parafialnym w Lądzie (il. 6), jest pierwszym przedstawieniem Chrystusa Miłosiernego na tle pejzażu, wyraźnie odbiegającym od wizji siostry Faustyny zilustrowanej w obrazie Kazimirowskiego. Na obrazie Uziembły wzorował się Adolf Hyła malując w 1944 r. obraz dla sióstr w Krakowie-Łagiewnikach (il. 7). W 1952 r. malarz dokonał korekty obrazu, zamalowując pejzażowe tło. Obraz Jana Wałacha, namalowany w 1952 r. do kaplicy salezjańskiego nowicjatu w Czerwińsku, ukazuje Chrystusa Miłosiernego unoszącego się nad światem (il. 8). W takiej postaci obraz nawiązuje do wizji jaką św. siostra Faustyna otrzymała w 1935 r. podczas nabożeństwa przy Ostrej Bramie w Wilnie, gdy po raz pierwszy został publicznie ukazany obraz Chrystusa Miłosiernego. Four Early Effigies of Merciful Jesus: drawing by S. Kreduszyński, fresco by Felicjan Szczęsny Kowarski in Hołubla, painting by Henryk Uziembło in Ląd, and that by Jan Wałach in Czerwińsk. The effigy of Merciful Jesus, epitomizing Divine Mercy, is today known and promoted in two painterly versions. The first was that executed in Vilnius in 1934 by Eugeniusz Kazimirowski under the guidance of St Faustina Kowalska, who gave the painter detailed information on the appearance of the effigy while it was being created. The second, a more popular version, is the painting of Merciful Jesus by Adolf Hyła executed in 1944 for the chapel of the Congregation of the Sisters of Our Lady of Mercy at Cracow-Łagiewniki. The process of the formation of the cult of Divine Mercy, particularly at its early stage, during WW II and immediately afterwards, was accompanied by numerous effigies of Merciful Jesus, some of them often distanced from the model described by St Sister Faustina Kowalska and the work painted under her guidance by Kazimirowski. The study presents four early examples of the effigy of Merciful Jesus related to the emerging cult of Divine Mercy and documenting the process of the topic’s iconography formation. Kreduszyński’s drawing (Fig.1) and Maj’s water-colour (Fig. 2) are records of the cult of Divine Mercy during WW II, and particularly during the Warsaw Uprising. The popularity of the effigy of Merciful Jesus during the war is testified by Felicjan Szczęsny-Kowarski’s 1943 fresco in the Parish Church at Hołubla (Figs. 4,5). The 1942 work of the Cracow painter Henryk Uziembło, currently in the Ląd Parish Church (Fig. 6), is the first effigy of Merciful Jesus against landscape, clearly distant from the vision of Sister Faustina illustrated in Kazimirowski’s painting. It was Uziembło’s work that served as the model for Adolf Hyła who executed the effigy for the Cracow-Łagiewniki Sisters in 1944 (Fig. 7). Painting over the landscaped background, the artist corrected his work in 1952. In turn, Jan Wałach’s 1952 painting for the Salesian novitiate chapel in Czerwińsk shows Merciful Jesus rising above the world (Fig. 8). In this form, it echoes the vision St Sister Faustina had in 1935 during the Mass at the Vilnius Gate of Dawn when the effigy of Merciful Jesus was first presented to the public.
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Banić, Silvija. "Damast i vez iz druge polovine 15. stoljeća na misnom ornatu u Franjevačkom samostanu u Hvaru." Ars Adriatica, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.432.

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The sacristy of the Franciscan church of Our Lady of Mercy in Hvar houses a set of liturgical vestments consisting of four parts - two stoles, a maniple and a chasuble. All parts are made from green silk damask, while only the chasuble was decorated with embroidery which forms a Tau cross on the front and a Latin cross at the back of the chasuble. While the cross-arms are filled with a series of large and small knotted rings - the former framing the busts of saints and the latter heraldic features - the strip around the neckline of the chasuble is embroidered with a hunting scene. Although these embroidered details have not been overlooked (a number of photographs have been published and the embroidery has been dated to the fourteenth century), the green damask did not attract attention. This article presents an analysis of this liturgical vestment which starts with a detailed examination of the damask fabric, and continues with its identification, description and comparison with a selection of similar examples. The suggested place of its provenance is Florence and the proposed date is the last quarter of the fifteenth century. These conclusions are followed by the analysis of the embroidered parts, for which a local provenance is suggested. The article confirms that the embroidery has been preserved on its original green silk damask background. On the basis of its construction and the preserved selvedge, it is concluded that the fabric was produced around the same time as the above analysed and dated damask. Due to the fact that it has not been possible to decipher the pattern of the damask underneath the embroidery, a key feature for a more precise dating, the suggested date for this fabric is somewhat wider - the second half of the fifteenth century. The archaic nature of the embroidered saints, which has been the reason for the fourteenth-century date, is interpreted as a possible imitation of an older embroidery.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Brothers of Our Lady of Mercy"

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Pérez, Teresita de Jesús. "The confirmation of teens theological and pastoral dimensions /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1999. http://www.tren.com.

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Books on the topic "Brothers of Our Lady of Mercy"

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Maes, A. Glorieux en zijn volgelingen: Een bibliografie over leven en werk van Stephanus Modestus Glorieux, de Broeders van O.L. Vrouw van Lourdes en de Zusters van Barmhartigheid. Oostakker: Commissie Archief Glorieux, 2000.

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Michalenko, Sophia. Mercy my mission : life of Sister Faustina H. Kowalska. Stockbridge, Mass: Marian Press, 1987.

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Foundation, Riehle. I am your Jesus of mercy: Lessons and messages to the world from Our Lord and Our Lady. Milford, Ohio: Riehle Foundation, 1989.

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Duvall, Chanson. Our lady of dreams: A prophecy for the new age. 2nd ed. Toluca Lake, CA: Beaux Reves Reves Pub., 2009.

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Our Lady of Dreams: A prophecy for the new age : a novel. Cambria, CA: Beaux Rêves Pub., 2007.

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Veen, Annemiek van der. We agreed to be different: Sisters of Charity of Our Lady Mother of Mercy 1960-2000. Hilversum: Verloren, 2005.

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Veen, Annemiek van der. We agreed to be different: Sisters of Charity of Our Lady Mother of Mercy 1960-2000. Hilversum: Verloren, 2005.

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The frontier mission and social transformation in western Honduras: The Order of Our Lady of Mercy, 1525-1773. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1995.

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Espinoza, Angela María Caballero. Viaje a territorio prójimo: La fiesta de la Virgen de la Merced en Cota-Cota : identidad social y estrategias de etnicidad urbanas en una comunidad compuesta por tres generaciones. La Paz: UMSA, 2004.

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Walford, Stephen. Heralds of the Second Coming: Our Lady, the Divine Mercy, and the Popes of the Marian Era from Blessed Pius IX to Benedict XVI. Tacoma: Angelico Press, 2013.

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Book chapters on the topic "Brothers of Our Lady of Mercy"

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"THE ORDER OF OUR LADY OF MERCY IN NORTHERN CENTRAL AMERICA." In The Frontier Mission and Social Transformation in Western Honduras, 47–58. BRILL, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004319950_005.

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Lienhard, John H. "War and Other Ways to Kill People." In The Engines of Our Ingenuity. Oxford University Press, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195135831.003.0012.

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We humans are a hardy lot. It eventually takes the cellular deterioration of old age to set most of us up for death, which then occurs by cancer, heart disease, pneumonia, or other illness. Death by natural causes is almost always the result of a protracted assault on our bodies. We are hard to kill. But now and then we undertake the technological problem of killing one another intentionally. That is seldom easy to do, and it has to play out against the universal human commandment “Thou shalt not kill.” So the problem is not only a difficult one technologically, it is also one that calls up all manner of creative tactics of self-justification. The motivation for killing takes many forms—the greater good of society as expressed in war and capital punishment, mercy killing, personal gain (often expressed in crime against another person), revenge, anger, or suicide. I expect we all have sanctioned killing by one or more of these means at one time or another, by either words or deeds. We have created little original technology for the purpose of killing one another. However, a great deal of our existing technology has been adapted to that purpose. Weapons for hunting have repeatedly been elaborated into weapons of crime or war. Lisa Meitner, whose 1939 paper described the energy release of nuclear fission, clearly thought she had identified the ultimate peacetime power source. Asked what use the Wrights’ new airplane would be, Orville Wright unhesitatingly shot back, “Sport!” While war was far from the Wright brothers’ minds in the process of invention, their first big commercial sale was to the United States Army. The peculiar relation between creativity and killing comes home to me in my reaction to an event in the late days of World War II, when the war finally came closest to my quiet home in Minnesota. Since Tokyo was more than six thousand miles away, the mutual slaughter of Japanese and the Allies had largely been carried out in the Pacific Ocean. Then in January 1945 we learned about Japan’s secret weapon. She was trying to ignite our mainland with incendiary bombs.
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Hardin, Garrett. "The Necessity of Immigration Control." In Living within Limits. Oxford University Press, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195078114.003.0032.

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Abstract:
Every American schoolchild knows about the Statue of Liberty and the accompanying poem, "Give me your tired, your poor, / Your huddled masses yearning to be free . . .". Implicitly, our children are doubly deceived. In the first place the official name of the statue is "Liberty Enlightening the World"—that is, bringing light to the world, educating it: not inviting the whole world to come in. In the second place there is the implication that the poetry on the base expresses official policy. It does not. Emma Lazarus's words were added to the base seventeen years after the statue was erected, and without the blessing of Congress, much less of the multitudes of Americans who might be asked to make room for all the huddled masses. It is only human to want to share with the needy, but the sharing impulse must be curbed to some extent, for the goods of this world are limited. Whenever either matter or energy is redistributed, the consequence is a zero-sum game: that which one person (or group) gains is lost by others. Information, however, is different: sharing it can lead to a plus-sum game. When I give you a bit of information I do not thereby lose it. Indeed, after absorbing this information you may send it back to me in improved form. We both gain. The lady in New York Harbor promises only to enlighten the world, not to feed and clothe it. She proposes to make other people more independent, not less. Only America has a statue that is presumed to welcome immigrants; other nations know better. Their traditions are exclusionary. Or so it seemed until 1989, when political troubles in eastern Europe led to massive movements of people, thus forcing a reassessment of policies. From now on, more and more people throughout the world will be asking Cain's question: "Am I my brother's keeper?" They will have to remember that the singular brother has expanded to become hundreds of millions of brothers and sisters—who are continuing to increase. In the face of exponential growth, a zero-sum game can end fatally in a commons. Yet the opposite extreme, complete isolationism, has its dangers too.
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