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Journal articles on the topic 'Brutus'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 26 July 2024

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1

Strunk, Thomas E. "Conspicuous by Their Presence: Brutus, Cassius, and Cato the Younger in the Writings of Tacitus." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 39, no. 2 (May 11, 2022): 346–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340369.

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Abstract Tacitus is an unlikely source for our study of Brutus, Cassius, and Cato, as they stand outside the chronological framework of Tacitus’ writings; nonetheless, they do appear a number of times throughout his works, and Tacitus portrays them with nuance and significance. As Brutus, Cassius, and Cato are rarely the precise focus for Tacitus, they are often referred to obliquely or in dialogue or speeches typically regarding treason and liberty. This paper will explore Tacitus’ depiction of Brutus, Cassius, and Cato in his major and minor works, including the oblique references to Cato, Brutus as an orator and writer, Brutus and Cassius as commanders in civil war, and lastly their memory as it pertains to liberty and treason. Tacitus’ contribution to our understanding of Brutus, Cassius, and Cato comes from both his own use of them as markers of political memory and liberty and his examination of how others used Brutus, Cassius, and Cato to make arguments for political liberty or for the basis of accusations of treason.

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2

Cheetham, Dominic. "Rhetorical Flaws in Brutus’ Forum Speech in Julius Caesar: A Carefully Controlled Weakness?" Advances in Language and Literary Studies 8, no. 3 (June 30, 2017): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.alls.v.8n.3p.126.

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In Julius Caesar Shakespeare reproduces one of the pivotal moments in European history. Brutus and Mark Antony, through the medium of their forum speeches, compete for the support of the people of Rome. In the play, as in history, Mark Antony wins this contest of language. Critics are generally agreed that Antony has the better speech, but also that Brutus’ speech is still exceptionally good. Traditionally the question of how Antony’s speech is superior is argued by examining differences between the two speeches, however, this approach has not resulted in any critical consensus. This paper takes the opening lines of the speeches as the only point of direct convergence between the content and the rhetorical forms used by Brutus and Antony and argues that Brutus’ opening tricolon is structurally inferior to Marc Antony’s. Analysis of the following rhetorical schemes in Brutus’ speech reveals further structural weaknesses. Shakespeare gives Brutus a speech rich in perceptually salient rhetorical schemes but introduces small, less salient, structural weaknesses into those schemes. The tightly structured linguistic patterns which make up the majority of Brutus’ speech give an impression of great rhetorical skill. This skilful impression obscures the minor faults or weaknesses that quietly and subtly reduce the overall power of the speech. By identifying the weaknesses in Brutus’ forms we add an extra element to the discussion of these speeches and at the same time display how subtly and effectively Shakespeare uses rhetorical forms to control audience response and appreciation.

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3

Hemelrijk, Emily. "‘Slaap je, Brutus?’." Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 131, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2018.1.heme.

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4

Johnson, Katie N. "Brutus Jones's Remains:." Eugene O'Neill Review 36, no. 1 (March 1, 2015): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/eugeoneirevi.36.1.1.

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Abstract Jules Bledsoe, one of the great African American singers, composers, actors, and activists in twentieth-century US culture, is often missing from historical reports of his time. Yet he originated the role of Joe in Show Boat, performed in the first European tour of the operatic version of The Emperor Jones, and composed and arranged important operas, spirituals, and an “Ode to America,” dedicated to President Roosevelt. In spite of these accomplishments, Jules Bledsoe has not been given the attention he deserves as an artist of talent, determination, and indomitable spirit. This article seeks to write Bledsoe back into the historical record more broadly and into O'Neill studies in particular. In so doing, I show that the role of Brutus Jones haunted Bledsoe throughout his career, from his rise to stardom abroad as an opera singer to his untimely death at the age of forty-three. In excavating the Emperor's remains, it becomes clear that Bledsoe was a key figure in the rise of modern American theater, opera, and in the struggle for racial equality.

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5

Johnson. "Brutus Jones's Remains:." Eugene O'Neill Review 36, no. 1 (2015): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/eugeoneirevi.36.1.0001.

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6

McLuckie, Craig. "Dennis Brutus: A Groundswell from the Silence Dennis Brutus (1924-2009)." Journal of the African Literature Association 4, no. 1 (January 2009): 112–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21674736.2009.11690132.

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7

Ostertag, Gary. "Two aspects of propositional unity." Canadian Journal of Philosophy 43, no. 5-6 (December 2013): 518–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00455091.2013.870725.

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The paper builds upon familiar arguments against identifying the proposition that Brutus stabbed Caesar with a given sequence containing Brutus, Caesar, and the stabs relation. It identifies a further problem, one that affects not only traditional Russellian accounts of propositions, but also the recent act-theoretic approach championed by Scott Soames and Peter Hanks. The problem is that there is no clear content to the idea that the pair < Brutus, Caesar> instantiates the stabs relation. It is argued that this further problem presents a decisive objection to the act-theoretic approach to propositions.

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8

González-González, Marta. "Tragic Elements in Dion 55.2 and Brutus 36.7." Ploutarchos 14 (October 30, 2017): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0258-655x_14_2.

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According to Plutarch, the daimon which appears to Dion and announces to him his imminent death looks as a Tragic Erinys (Dion 55.2). Plutarch says also that a vision which identifies itself as “your evil daimon” appears to Brutus, just before the battle of Philippi, to announce to him his death (Brutus 36.7). We find this last motive also in Caesar. This paper focuses on the similarities between these episodes which announce the death to Dion and Brutus in a similar way, establishing intertextual links between these Lives. Secondly, I’ll pay attention to the relationship between these texts and the tragedy.

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9

Fratantuono, Lee. "Brutus: The Noble Conspirator." Classical Journal 114, no. 2 (2018): 249–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tcj.2018.0025.

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10

FOLLI, ROSE. "DENNIS BRUTUS: EROTIC REVOLUTIONARY." English Studies in Africa 39, no. 2 (January 1996): 17–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00138399608691247.

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11

Rosenkoetter, Marlene M., and Dennis Bowes. "Brutus is making rounds." Geriatric Nursing 12, no. 6 (November 1991): 277–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0197-4572(05)80264-2.

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12

Hart, David. "The Fault, Dear Brutus . . ." American Scientist 94, no. 6 (2006): 568. http://dx.doi.org/10.1511/2006.62.568.

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13

Chapman, Michael. "Dennis Brutus 1924 – 2009." Current Writing 22, no. 1 (January 2010): 2–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1013929x.2010.9678330.

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14

Lindfors, Bernth. "Dennis Brutus: Texas Poet." Journal of the African Literature Association 4, no. 1 (January 2009): 77–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21674736.2009.11690122.

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15

Dramé, Kandioura. "In Memoriam: Dennis Brutus." Journal of the African Literature Association 4, no. 1 (January 2009): 91–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21674736.2009.11690125.

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16

Chua, Kevin. "In the Shadow of David’s Brutus." Representations 121, no. 1 (2013): 107–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2013.121.1.107.

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This essay rereads Jacques-Louis David’s The Lictors Bring to Brutus the Bodies of His Sons (1789)—long interpreted in terms of revolutionary virtue—in the light of Carl Schmitt’s theories of political foundation and sovereignty. By recovering the early complexity of the figure of Brutus, the essay shows how David’s painting anticipated the constitutional debates of September 1789.

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17

Galafa, Beaton. "Retracer une camaraderie sino-africaine dans China Poems (1975) de Dennis Brutus." Journal of Sino-African Studies 2, no. 1 (April 7, 2023): 94–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.56377/jsas.v2n1.9408.

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Cette étude aborde la représentation des relations sino-africaines dans un rare recueil de poésie africain anglophone, China Poems (Poèmes de Chine) de Dennis Brutus (1975). Dans ce recueil, Brutus présente une convergence de l’Afrique et de la Chine où l’on voit se forger une véritable camaraderie ancrée dans un soutien inconditionnel à travers une lutte commune contre la marginalisation. Cet article revisite donc ce recueil et lance un discours sur la pertinence de l’imaginaire de Brutus sur l’amitié Chine-Afrique des années 1970 dans la sphère culturelle et littéraire sino-africaine contemporaine. Cet imaginaire se manifeste à travers la propagation d’une solidarité géopolitique sino-africaine, l’adoration des Chinois comme source d’inspiration pour l’Afrique et l’appréciation de la forme artistique chinoise à travers son imitation de la forme de vers Jueju. L’article se termine en situant China Poems dans les relations sino-africaines contemporaines et en mesurant son importance dans la production de nouvelles figures artistiques et littéraires. Dans cette analyse, l’étude s’appuie sur la théorie littéraire marxiste, sur une compréhension contextuelle d’écriture de Brutus et sur une revue de la littérature comme méthodologie.

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18

Gago Gómez de Luna, Mikel. "La relación entre Julio César y Décimo Bruto de cara a los idus de marzo: la visión de Sir Ronald Syme y su recepción historiográfica = The relationship between Julius Caesar and Decimus Brutus with regard to the Ides of March: the view of Sir Ronald Syme and its historiographical reception." REVISTA DE HISTORIOGRAFÍA (RevHisto) 31 (September 23, 2019): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/revhisto.2019.4880.

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Resumen: El objetivo de este trabajo es estudiar la relación entre J. César y D. Bruto en relación con los idus de marzo en la obra de R. Syme, así como la recepción de la visión del historiador oxoniense en esta materia. A tal fin, comenzaremos realizando una contextualización del tema sobre el que versa el escrito acusando la existencia de un cambio ostensible en el interés de Syme sobre César a partir de 1960. Seguidamente, efectuaremos un análisis de los trabajos del investigador neozelandés en los que se interesó por la cuestión César-Décimo. Y, en fin, estudiaremos los principales estudios que, tras Syme, han retomado el aspecto de la relación entre el dictador y Décimo. Syme reivindica un mayor peso en el cometido de Décimo en la trama criminal de los idus de marzo, y, a su juicio, la hipótesis de atribuir la paternidad de Décimo a César explica mejor el favor que aquel disfruto por parte de este durante toda su carrera. Las contribuciones de Syme allanarán el camino a futuras investigaciones, ora para suscribir sus tesis, ora para discrepar de ellas.Palabras clave: Ronald Syme, Julio César, Décimo Bruto, Historiografía, Historia de Roma.Abstract: The aim of this paper is to study the relationship between J. Caesar and D. Brutus in regard to the Ides of March in the work of R. Syme and the reception of his views on this matter. To this end, we will start contextualizing the subject of the work, noting the existence of an appreciable change in Syme’s interest in Caesar from 1960. Then, the analysis will take up the work of Syme, in which he addresses the issue of Caesar-Brutus. Finally, a review will take in the main works that, after Syme, have resumed the work on this relationship between Caesar and Brutus. Syme claimed Brutus to have played a more significant role in the criminal plot of the Ides of March, and he thinks that the hypothesis of attributing the paternity of Brutus to Caesar explains better the favour that Brutus enjoyed under Caesar throughout his career. Syme’s contributions will pave the way for future researchs, sometimes to concur with his thesis, sometimes to disagree with them.Key words: Ronald Syme, Julius Caesar, Decimus Brutus, Historiography, Roman History.

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19

Grimsted, David A., and Stephen M. Archer. "Junius Brutus Booth: Theatrical Prometheus." Journal of Southern History 60, no. 1 (February 1994): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2210741.

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20

Sajko, Brian Paul, and Stephen M. Archer. "Junius Brutus Booth: Theatrical Prometheus." Theatre Journal 45, no. 2 (May 1993): 273. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3208946.

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21

Bond, Patrick. "Dennis Brutus: A memorial statement." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 47, no. 1 (October 23, 2017): 126–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/tl.v47i1.3350.

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22

Clarke, E. M., S. Jha, and W. Marrero. "Verifying security protocols with Brutus." ACM Transactions on Software Engineering and Methodology 9, no. 4 (October 2000): 443–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/363516.363528.

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23

Lindfors, Bernth. "Dennis Brutus in the dock." Journal of the African Literature Association 11, no. 3 (September 2, 2017): 295–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21674736.2018.1424388.

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24

Saarinen, Markku-Juhani O. "The BRUTUS automatic cryptanalytic framework." Journal of Cryptographic Engineering 6, no. 1 (December 7, 2015): 75–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s13389-015-0114-1.

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25

Brutus, Dennis. "Two Poems by Dennis Brutus." Moderna Språk 100, no. 2 (December 1, 2006): 223. http://dx.doi.org/10.58221/mosp.v100i2.9178.

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26

Rudolph, Julia. "Rape and Resistance: Women and Consent in Seventeenth-Century English Legal and Political Thought." Journal of British Studies 39, no. 2 (April 2000): 157–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386215.

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During the Exclusion crisis, the figure of a tyrant rapist, a ruler undone by his own lust and cruelty, briefly appeared on the London stage. Early in December 1680, Nathaniel Lee's Lucius Junius Brutus was performed by the Duke's Company in the Dorset Garden Theater. Lee's play recounted the tale of the rape of Lucretia and the subsequent actions taken by Brutus in resistance to this act of tyranny. This theatrical production was by all accounts a success, yet the play was banned from the stage after only six days; the order of the Lord Chamberlain stated objections to its “very Scandalous Expressions & Reflections upon ye Government.” Lee's Brutus was, however, soon available in print, published by Richard and Jacob Tonson in June of 1681. Like other Exclusion publications, Brutus offered a powerful argument against tyranny and arbitrary government, and the play was evidently construed as an attack on the Stuart monarchy. Many modern commentators have specifically noted the anti-Catholic overtones of Lee's drama and have read it within the context of the Popish Plot scare. Yet the central theme of Lee's play is, of course, the association between tyranny and rape: it is the tyrant's violation of woman (not of religion) that justifies resistance. In Lee's drama, just as in Livy's history, the chaste and honorable Roman matron Lucretia is raped by “the lustful bloody Sextus,” a prince of the proud and tyrannical house of Tarquin. In both stories, Lucretia's rape and her subsequent suicide set off a train of revolutionary events: Brutus seizes the bloody knife from Lucretia's twice-violated body and, holding it to his lips, vows with his fellow Romans never to suffer Tarquin “nor any other king to reign in Rome.”

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27

Berkman, Karin. "‘Remember Sharpeville’: Radical Commemoration in the Poetry of the Exiled South African Poets, Dennis Brutus and Keorapetse Kgositsile." English in Africa 47, no. 1 (October 2, 2020): 25–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/eia.v47i1.2.

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The Sharpeville Massacre of 1960 has been widely seen as a watershed moment, marking a fundamental shift in the nature of the resistance to apartheid. Its effect on cultural production was monumental: in the face of a massive government crackdown, almost every black writer and artist of note was forced into exile. The poets who write within the long shadow of the massacre must negotiate its legacy and the fraught question of its commemoration.This article takes as its point of focus two poems by Dennis Brutus and Keorapetse Kgositsile that address the place of Sharpeville in cultural memory. I consider the distinctiveness of the poetics of mourning and commemoration that they fashion in relation to South Africa’s most renowned elegy for the victims of Sharpeville, Ingrid Jonker’s “The Child.” I suggest that Brutus’ anti-poetic, subverted elegy “Sharpeville” re-stages commemoration as an act of resistance that is prospective rather than retrospective. In considering Kgositsile’s poem “When Brown is Black,” I examine Kgositsile’s transnational framing of Sharpeville and its location on a continuum of racial suffering, drawing attention to the significance of the links that Kgositsile forges between Malcolm X and “the brothers on Robben Island,” (42) and between Sharpeville and the Watts riots in Los Angeles in 1965. This paper suggests that for both Brutus and Kgositsile commemoration is framed as a mode of activism. Keywords: Sharpeville, Ingrid Jonker, Dennis Brutus, Keorapetse Kgositsile, cultural memory, commemoration, elegy

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28

Sanna, Maria Virginia. "BRUTO, QUINTO MUCIO E L’ABORTO PROVOCATO EX LEGE AQUILIA." Revista Jurídica da FA7 15, no. 1 (June 9, 2018): 161–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.24067/rjfa7;15.1:541.

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Este artigo pretende debater a teoria da doutrina dominante de acordo com o terceiro capítulo da lex Aquilia considerando apenas a “ceterae res”. Na interpretação mais antiga da lex, de fato, Brutus não estende o “rumpere” aos escravos e “pecudes”, mas estende a noção de “rumpere”, antes relacionada aos escravos e "pecudes", ao aborto. Brutus usa a expressão “quasi rupto” porque não existe um contato “corpore” com o feto, uma coisa ruptum, enquanto Q. Mucius usa “rumpere” porque, segundo ele, há um contato “corpore” com o equa, uma coisa ruptum.

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29

Wassholm, Johanna, and Anu Koskivirta. "Brutus Lagercrantz (1857–1929) – sankariksi kohotettu virkamies." Viipurin Suomalaisen Kirjallisuusseuran toimitteita, no. 21 (September 21, 2019): 204–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.47564/vskst.94660.

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30

Binot, Jean-Marc, and Denis Lefebvre. "Brutus, des résistants et des frères." Humanisme N° 278, no. 3 (September 1, 2007): 16–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/huma.278.0016.

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31

Sedley, David. "The Ethics of Brutus and Cassius." Journal of Roman Studies 87 (November 1997): 41–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/301367.

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Among that select band of philosophers who have managed to change the world, and not just to interpret it, it would be hard to find a pair with a higher public profile than Brutus and Cassius — brothers-in-law, fellow-assassins, and Shakespearian heroes. Yet curiously little is understood of the connection, if any, between the fact that they were philosophers and their joint decision to form the conspiracy against Caesar. It may not even be widely known that they were philosophers.What work has been done on this question has been focused on Cassius' Epicureanism, thanks above all to a famous review published by Momigliano in 1941 which included a seminal survey of the evidence for politicized Epicureans. I shall myself have less to say on that topic than on the richer, and less explored, evidence for Brutus. For the present, we may note that at the time of the assassination, March 44 B.C., Cassius had been an Epicurean for just three or four years; that he had already prior to that been actively engaged in philosophy; but that his previous allegiance is unknown. His conversion to Epicureanism seems to have been timed to reflect his decision in 48 B.C. to withdraw from the republican struggle and to acquiesce in Caesar's rule, expressing his hopes for peace and his revulsion from civil bloodshed. This sounds in tune with a familiar Epicurean policy: minimal political involvement, along with approval of any form of government that provides peaceful conditions. We may, therefore, plausibly link Cassius' withdrawal to his new-found Epicureanism. In which case it becomes less likely that his subsequent resumption of the political initiative in fomenting conspiracy against Caesar was itself dictated purely by his Epicureanism. Yet he did remain an Epicurean to the end.6 At its weakest then, the question which we must address might simply be how, when he became convinced that Caesar must be eliminated, he managed to reconcile that decision with his Epicureanism. I shall have a suggestion to make about Cassius' Epicurean justification, but it will emerge incidentally during the examination of the evidence for Brutus, who is the real hero of this paper.

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32

S V, Poornima. "An Invogue Myth of Dear Brutus." International Research Journal on Advanced Science Hub 2, Special Issue ICIES 9S (November 3, 2020): 70–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.47392/irjash.2020.162.

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33

Lewis, Simon. "Dennis Brutus (1924–2009): An appreciation." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 47, no. 1 (October 23, 2017): 122–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/tl.v47i1.3347.

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34

Wolff-Wilkinson, L. "THE FAULT DEAR BRUTUS ... A MANIFESTO." Theater 23, no. 2 (March 1, 1992): 12–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01610775-23-2-12.

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35

Lessing, Lauren. "Theatrical Mayhem in Junius Brutus Stearns’s." American Art 28, no. 3 (September 2014): 76–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/679697.

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36

RAATH, ANDRIES, and SHAUN DE FREITAS. "REBELLION, RESISTANCE, AND A SWISS BRUTUS?" Historical Journal 48, no. 1 (March 2005): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04004200.

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Early sixteenth-century Germany and Switzerland witnessed, amongst their peasants, a growing dissatisfaction with economic exploitation and the increasing power of political rulers. The Protestant Reformation at the time had a profound influence on the moulding of this dissatisfaction into a right to demand the enforcement of divine justice. The Swiss reformer, Huldrych Zwingli, provided parallels for the demands of the peasants, while the German reformers, Martin Luther and Philip Melanchthon, criticized the rebellious methods of the peasantry. Against this background the young Swiss reformer, Heinrich Bullinger, responded more positively towards the claims of the peasants by opposing the views of the Lutheran reformers in his play ‘Lucretia and Brutus’. In this drama, Bullinger propounds the first steps towards the development of his federal theory of politics by advancing the idea of oath-taking as the mechanism for transforming the monarchy into a Christian republic. The idea of oath-taking was destined to become a most important device in early modern politics, used to combat tyranny and to promote the idea of republicanism.

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37

Sedley, David. "The Ethics of Brutus and Cassius." Journal of Roman Studies 87 (November 1997): 41–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435800058068.

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38

Harrow, Ken. "Dennis Brutus as I Knew Him." Journal of the African Literature Association 4, no. 1 (January 2009): 88–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21674736.2009.11690124.

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39

Lewis, Simon. "Dennis Brutus (1924-2009): An Appreciation." Journal of the African Literature Association 4, no. 1 (January 2009): 100–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21674736.2009.11690129.

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40

Crettez, Bertrand, and Régis Deloche. "An analytic narrative of Caesar’s death: Suicide or not? That is the question." Rationality and Society 30, no. 3 (March 21, 2018): 332–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1043463118759669.

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On the Ides of March, 44 BC, in the Senate House of Pompey in Rome, Julius Caesar was assassinated by conspirators, the most famous of those being Brutus. Are there objectively valid reasons to confirm the possibility of a suicidal wish on the part of Caesar raised by Suetonius? By building and solving a two-player non-cooperative game that models the historical strategic aspects of the relationship between Caesar and Brutus, our article shows that there is no need to subscribe to the suicide thesis to explain Caesar’s death. We formulate our conclusion via the solution concept of mixed-strategy Nash equilibrium.

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41

Wilmanowicz, Maciej. "Sovereignty and Decentralization – two competing perspectives on the crisis of the French monarchy in the 16th century." Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 73, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 145–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/cph.2021.1.7.

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The purpose of this paper is to analyze two significant treatises concerning the constitutional structure of the 16th century French monarchy, namely Jean Bodin’s Les Six livres de la République and Vindiciae, contra tyrannos written under the pseudonym of Brutus. The texts were answers to an ongoing institutional crisis of the monarchy, especially in light of the strictly connected issues of decentralization and the weakness of the royal administrative apparatus. The paper portrays how the tension between the royal administration and the complicated structure of the local networks of power not only rendered it impossible for both Bodin and Brutus not to take a stance on the matter but also how it influenced the shape of their theories. An analysis of how Brutus and Bodin tried to incorporate the complex institutional realities of the French kingdom into their own theories sheds some light on the authors’ attitude towards the functioning of the local centres of power, their theoretical disabling or using them on purpose; it also points to how much the actual decentralization of the state influenced the shape of the theories of both authors.

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42

Svanberg, Jan. "Kung fotboll." Budkavlen 82 (June 13, 2023): 150–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.37447/bk.130658.

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43

Skrempou, Natalia. "Constructing leadership through translating im/politeness." Translation and Translanguaging in Multilingual Contexts 6, no. 1 (February 17, 2020): 92–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ttmc.00046.skr.

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Abstract The use of im/politeness in political discourse has attracted relatively little attention in im/politeness scholarship (Tracy 2017). The study examines how the character of a leader may be intra-/cross-culturally reshaped, in translated drama, through the use of im/politeness strategies. To this end, the study examines the use of im/politeness strategies in two Greek versions (Belies 1997; Karthaios 2004) of William Shakespeare’s play Julius Caesar. Etic and emic approaches to the data show differences in the way the character of Brutus is portrayed, by the translators’ manipulating im/politeness strategies in his discourse. The study uses the ‘horizontal’ dimension of intimacy/distance and the ‘vertical’ dimension of power (Spencer-Oatey 1996) to show that the first translation (Karthaios 2004) shows Brutus to be making use of a less impressive persuasive strategy when addressing the public, the second translation (Belies 1997) seems to show Brutus’ potential to express intimacy towards the public, which made the persuasive force of his discourse more convincing. The study shows that im/politeness is a significant tool in the hands of translators who shape the identity of the leader and that translated versions of a playtext can fruitfully show preferred patterns of behaviour which may be pointing to cultural patterns of interaction.

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Hörsch, Nicoline. "De Pierre à Brutus. Évolution ou révolution ?" Nouvelle revue d'onomastique 13, no. 1 (1989): 43–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/onoma.1989.1017.

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Alamichel, M. F. "Brutus et les Troyens: une histoire européenne." Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire 84, no. 1 (2006): 77–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rbph.2006.5007.

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Le Blanc, Paul. "Dennis Brutus: Poet and Revolutionary (1924–2009)." Critique 38, no. 2 (May 2010): 335–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03017601003668852.

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TOBIN, J. J. M. "ANTONY, BRUTUS, AND CHRIST'S TEARS OVER JERUSALEM." Notes and Queries 45, no. 3 (1998): 324–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/45.3.324.

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TOBIN, J. J. M. "ANTONY, BRUTUS, AND CHRIST'S TEARS OVER JERUSALEM." Notes and Queries 45, no. 3 (September 1, 1998): 324–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/45-3-324.

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Abrahams, Cecil. "Hamba kahle Comrade Dennis Brutus (1924-2009)." Journal of the African Literature Association 4, no. 1 (January 2009): 86–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21674736.2009.11690123.

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Phillips, Darryl. "Brutus: The Noble Conspirator by Kathryn Tempest." Classical World 112, no. 2 (2019): 115–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2019.0018.

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