Journal articles on the topic 'Bryant Foundation'

Few international agreements have provoked more controversy among historians than that concluded at Dover, on 22 May 1670, by representatives of the English and French Crowns. Its main provisions were for an offensive war against the Dutch republic of the United Provinces, leading to its destruction as a European power, and for the public profession by the English king, Charles II, of the Roman Catholic faith, which had been regarded by most English people for a hundred years as the bitterest enemy of their own church. The existence of this treaty was concealed not only from the other European states and the subjects of the respective monarchs, but from the greater number of their own ministers. The motives of Charles in making this amazing pact have remained a mystery. In the present century, they have been represented by Sir Keith Feiling as an attempt to unite Catholics and Protestant dissenters as a foundation for a stronger monarchy; by Cyril Hartmann, K. H. D. Haley, David Ogg and Lady Antonia Fraser as a decision to hitch England to the fortunes of Europe's strongest state, France; by Sir Arthur Bryant as a wish to ensure his country a share of the Spanish empire and his throne a dependable group of supporters in the form of the Catholics; by Maurice Lee and J. R. Jones as a grand design to make himself independent of his subjects in general and of parliament in particular; and by John Miller as a desire for vengeance upon the Dutch.

Born on 1962 at Kamaladi, Kathmandu, Prof Ishwar Lohani completed School Leaving Certificate from St. Xavier’s School. Lalitpur. followed by Senior Cambridge ‘O’ Level from Cambridge University 1980 and Proficiency Certificate Level from Amrit Science Campus. 1984. He did B. Muse. (Sangeet Prabhakar) in Tabala from Kalanidhi Sangit Manavidyalaya under Prayag Sangit Samiti, Allahabad. 1983. He completed M.B.B.S Degree from Madurai Medical College under Madurai Kamaraj University, Madurai, Tamilnadu, India. 1991 and MS General Surgery from PGIMER, Chandigarh, India. 1994. After completion of M.Ch. Plastic Surgery from PGIMER, Chandigarh, India in 1997, he worked initially as a Senior Medical Officer for few months and later as Senior Resident in the Dept. of Surgery, Chandigarh Medical College. He completed fellowship in Plastic Surgery as PSEF International fellow from University of Southern California, Los Angeles and California Pacific Medical Center, San Francisco May 2001 to Feb 2002 under Dr. Randy Sherman and Dr. Bryant Toth. He later did fellowship in Plastic Surgery through the Scottish Foundation for Surgery in Nepal at St. John’s Hospital, Livingstone and Canniesburn Hospital Glasgow, England from Jan 17, 2003 to Feb 28, 2003 under Dr. Auf Quaba and Dr. David Soutar. Presently working as Professor and Head of Department, Dept. of Plastic Surgery and Burns at the T.U. Teaching Hospital, Maharajgunj, Kathmandu, Nepal. He has been involved in the training of MBBS, MS (General Surgery) and MCh Plastic surgery graduates at the Maharajgung Medical Campus. He served as the President of the International College of Surgeons (ICS) Nepal Section; General Secretary of Association of Plastic Surgeons of Nepal (APSON). He has been member of Society of Surgeons of Nepal since 1996 and has contributed a lot in the activities of the society. He has presented in numerous National and International conferences and has numerous publications in international and national journals as well. He served as the Chief Editor of the Journal of Society of Surgeons of Nepal 2008 – 2014.

The prospects of creating the cluster approach as an innovative mechanism of dynamic development of the economy of the Bryansk region. The urgency of innovative-technological cluster in rail industry in order to create an innovative product and increase competitive advantages of the region.

[The author clarifies two dominant methodologies that persist in U.S. Catholic social ethics as represented by J. Bryan Hehir and Michael J. Baxter. A comparative analysis of these reformist and radicalist approaches along with their theological foundations challenges contemporary perspectives on their coexistence, and it suggests ways in which the two might mutually inform one another. The author attempts to move methodological debates beyond rigid typologies and toward a more creative, dynamic tension between each model's distinct emphases.]

An assessment of the relative speeds and payload capacities of airborne and waterborne vehicles highlights a gap that can be usefully filled by a new vehicle concept, utilizing both hydrodynamic and aerodynamic forces. A high-speed marine vehicle equipped with aerodynamic surfaces is one such concept. In 1904, Bryan & Williams (Bryan & Williams 1904 Proc. R. Soc. Lond. 73 , 100–116 (doi:10.1098/rspl.1904.0017)) published an article on the longitudinal dynamics of aerial gliders, and this approach remains the foundation of all the mathematical models studying the dynamics of airborne vehicles. In 1932, Perring & Glauert (Perring & Glauert 1932 Reports and Memoranda no. 1493) presented a mathematical approach to study the dynamics of seaplanes experiencing the planing effect. From this work, planing theory has developed. The authors propose a unified mathematical model to study the longitudinal stability of a high-speed planing marine vehicle with aerodynamic surfaces. A kinematics framework is developed. Then, taking into account the aerodynamic, hydrostatic and hydrodynamic forces, the full equations of motion, using a small perturbation assumption, are derived and solved specifically for this concept. This technique reveals a new static stability criterion that can be used to characterize the longitudinal stability of high-speed planing vehicles with aerodynamic surfaces.

This response to Bryan Cheyette’s essay “Against Supersessionist Thinking: Old and New, Jews and Postcolonialism, the Ghetto and Diaspora” favorably considers its critique of the problems of foundational and supersessionist thinking in postcolonial enquiry. It supports Cheyette’s claim that postcolonial critique needs better to accommodate the particulars of the Jewish diaspora into its field of vision. It notes how the tendency in some postcolonial critique to approach ideas of nations and diasporas as discrete counterpointed paradigms does not readily capture their complexity and entanglements, and may also contribute unwittingly to the elision of the Jewish diasporic contexts that are not easily mapped within this disciplinary dispensation. Instead, this response advocates a transpositional and productively mobile approach to thinking transfiguratively across and beyond received paradigms to help shape a postcolonial critical sensibility within which matters of Jewish diasporicity might resound more progressively.

In the January 6, 1991, issue of the Washington Post Magazine, reporter Walt Harrington wrote a profile of Bryan Stevenson. Mr. Stevenson is a 31-year-old working-class African-American from Delaware who graduated from Harvard Law School and the Kennedy School of Government. Like the typical graduate of Harvard Law School, Mr. Stevenson had the opportunity to join the worlds of six-figure corporate law or high-visibility politics. Rather than follow his colleagues, however, Mr. Stevenson works seven-day, eighty-hour weeks as director of the Alabama Capital Representation Center. He appeals death sentences, handling twenty-four death-row cases himself, supervises five other lawyers who cover about thirty cases, and raises federal government and foundation funding. He does this living a Spartan existence on a salary of $24,000, refusing even the $50,000 directorship salary offered to him.

The article concerns the material developed by the French sociologist and philosopher Bruno Latour. On the example of a number of works belonging to the field of researches called actor-network theory, the author, not setting out to consider the entire theoretical project of Latour on redefining the ontological foundations of social science, undertakes only an attempt to describe the ontology created by the French researcher. The author analyzes a number of key theoretical principles in the concept of Bruno Latour, which are intimately associated with certain ontological assumptions. Consideration of the main ontological categories and concepts involving in a number of B. Latour's texts (actor-network, irreduction, hybrid and others of the kind) is performed to show that the ontology explicated in the works of the French theorist can be regarded as flat ontology. To them, in addition to the ontology of Bruno Latura, it is often added the ontological constructions of M. Delanda, G. Harman, L. Bryant. The author refers to a comparative comparison of the ontologies of B. Latour and M. Deland, produced by the American philosopher, Graham Harman, complementing the analysis of the Laturian ontology with a set of characterizing features. Concluding the review, the author summarizes the consideration of Bruno Latour’s ontology, noting the realism, anti-essentialism and actualism of the philosophical construction of the aforementioned French researcher.

Bryan K. Saville is a doctoral student in psychology at Auburn University. He has taught statistics for the social and behavioral sciences, social psychology, introductory psychology, individual and society, and principles of behavior. His primary research interests are in the teaching of psychology, experimental social psychology, and sport psychology. In addition to coauthoring several journal articles, he recently coauthored a book chapter on the elements of master teaching. Charles L. Brewer has taught at The College of Wooster and Elmira College and is now the Kenan Professor of Psychology at Furman University. He teaches general psychology, experimental and statistical methods, learning, and history and systems. After editing Teaching of Psychology for 12 years, he was named Editor Emeritus in 1996. He has coedited several handbooks for teachers of introductory psychology, statistics, and research methods. His numerous articles and book chapters cover a wide range of topics, including the life and work of John B. Watson. His work has received numerous accolades, including the American Psychological Foundation's Distinguished Teaching Award in 1989.

Recent years have seen an increased interest in black feminism. Whether thinking of the explosion of activism, the reprinting of classics such as Heart of the Race (Bryan, Dadzie and Scafe, 2018 [1985]) and Finding a Voice (Wilson, 1978) or the numerous journalistic or scholarly inquiries into black feminist formations in Britain in the 1970s–1990s, black feminism is a topic of interest once again. Sometimes it goes under other names: POC feminism, Womanism, Fugitive Feminism—each of which offers a specific inflection of this thing I am calling black feminism. Given this context, my aim in this article is to consider how black feminism might be conceived—what kind of an object it is, but more importantly how it might be ‘used’ and utilised as a vibrant and well-honed tool in the armory with which we attempt to craft a politics of ethical freedom. I attempt to draw together work from the theoretical archive of black women’s writing with that of psychoanalyst Donald Winnicott and his theorisation of ‘object use’ and ‘play’, as foundation stones in the development of a capacity for ethical relating based on the detoxification of racism’s effects on ‘self’, ‘other’ and the intersubjective field that the space between these constitutes. In my mind, the piece is a ‘call’ hoping for a ‘response’, the chorus is ‘black feminism’.

The purpose of this work is to advance the current state of mathematical knowledge regarding fixed point theorems of functions. Such ideas have historically enjoyed many applications, for example, to the qualitative and quantitative understanding of differential, difference and integral equations. Herein, we extend an established result due to Rus [Studia Univ. Babes-Bolyai Math., 22, 1977, 40–42] that involves two metrics to ensure wider classes of functions admit a unique fixed point. In contrast to the literature, a key strategy herein involves placing assumptions on the iterations of the function under consideration, rather than on the function itself. In taking this approach we form new advances in fixed point theory under two metrics and establish interesting connections between previously distinct theorems, including those of Rus [Studia Univ. Babes-Bolyai Math., 22, 1977, 40–42], Caccioppoli [Rend. Acad. Naz. Linzei. 11, 1930, 31–49] and Bryant [Am. Math. Month. 75, 1968, 399–400]. Our results make progress towards a fuller theory of fixed points of functions under two metrics. Our work lays the foundations for others to potentially explore applications of our new results to form existence and uniqueness of solutions to boundary value problems, integral equations and initial value problems. References Almuthaybiri, S. S. and C. C. Tisdell. ``Global existence theory for fractional differential equations: New advances via continuation methods for contractive maps''. Analysis, 39(4):117–128, 2019. doi:10.1515/anly-2019-0027 Almuthaybiri, S. S. and C. C. Tisdell. ``Sharper existence and uniqueness results for solutions to third-order boundary value problems, mathematical modelling and analysis''. Math. Model. Anal. 25(3):409–420, 2020. doi:10.3846/mma.2020.11043 Banach, S. ``Sur les operations dans les ensembles abstraits et leur application aux equations integrales''. Fund. Math., 3:133–181 1922. doi:10.4064/fm-3-1-133-181 Brouwer, L. E. J. ``Ueber Abbildungen von Mannigfaltigkeiten''. Math. Ann. 71:598, 1912. doi:10.1007/BF01456812 Bryant, V. W. ``A remark on a fixed point theorem for iterated mappings'' Am. Math. Month. 75: 399–400, 1968. doi:10.2307/2313440 Caccioppoli, R. ``Un teorema generale sullesistenza de elemente uniti in una transformazione funzionale''. Rend. Acad. Naz. Linzei. 11:31–49, 1930. Goebel, K., and W. A. Kirk. Topics in metric fixed point theory. Cambridge University Press, 1990, doi:10.1017/CBO9780511526152 Leray, J., and J. Schauder. ``Topologie et equations fonctionnelles''. Ann. Sci. Ecole Norm. Sup. 51:45–78, 1934. doi:10.24033/asens.836 O'Regan, D. and R. Precup. Theorems of Leray–Schauder type and applications, Series in Mathematical Analysis and Applications, Vol. 3. CRC Press, London, 2002. doi:10.1201/9781420022209 Rus, I. A. ``On a fixed point theorem of Maia''. Studia Univ. Babes-Bolyai Math. 22:40–42, 1977. Schaefer, H. H. ``Ueber die Methode der a priori-Schranken''. Math. Ann. 129:415–416, 1955. doi:10.1007/bf01362380 Tisdell, C. C. ``When do fractional differential equations have solutions that are bounded by the Mittag-Leffler function?'' Fract. Calc. Appl. Anal. 18(3):642–650, 2015. doi:10.1515/fca-2015-0039 Tisdell, C. C. ``A note on improved contraction methods for discrete boundary value problems.'' J. Diff. Eq. Appl. 18(10):1773–1777, 2012. doi:10.1080/10236198.2012.681781 Tisdell, C. C. ``On the application of sequential and fixed-point methods to fractional differential equations of arbitrary order.'' J. Int. Eq. Appl. 24(2):283–319, 2012. doi:10.1216/JIE-2012-24-2-283 Ehrnstrom, M., Tisdell, C. C. and E. Wahlen. ``Asymptotic integration of second-order nonlinear difference equations.'' Glasg. Math. J. 53(2):223–243, 2011. doi:10.1017/S0017089510000650 Erbe, L., A. Peterson and C. C. Tisdell. ``Basic existence, uniqueness and approximation results for positive solutions to nonlinear dynamic equations on time scales.'' Nonlin. Anal. 69(7):2303–2317, 2008. doi:10.1016/j.na.2007.08.010 Tisdell, C. C. and A. Zaidi. ``Basic qualitative and quantitative results for solutions to nonlinear, dynamic equations on time scales with an application to economic modelling.'' Nonlin. Anal. 68(11):3504–3524, 2008. doi:10.1016/j.na.2007.03.043 Tisdell, C. C. ``Improved pedagogy for linear differential equations by reconsidering how we measure the size of solutions.'' Int.. J. Math. Ed. Sci. Tech. 48(7):1087–1095, 2017. doi:10.1080/0020739X.2017.1298856 Tisdell, C. C. ``On Picard's iteration method to solve differential equations and a pedagogical space for otherness.'' Int. J. Math. Ed. Sci. Tech. 50(5):788–799, 2019. doi:10.1080/0020739X.2018.1507051 Zeidler, E. Nonlinear functional analysis and its applications. Springer-Verlag, New York, 1986. doi:10.1007/978-1-4612-4838-5

This article re-examines the distinction between the libertarian approach and the egalitarian approach to the regulation of campaign finance. The conventional approach (as exemplified by the work of Owen Fiss and Ronald Dworkin) is to reconcile the competing values of liberty and equality. By contrast, this article advances the normative claim that democracies should seek to incorporate both the libertarian and the egalitarian approaches within constitutional law. I argue that instead of emphasizing one value over the other, the ideal position is one that simultaneously recognizes the values of liberty and equality despite the irreconcilable tension between them. Rather than choosing one value over the other, or reconciling these values by redefining them, I claim that it is vital to maintain the tension between liberty and equality by instantiating the conflict in law. Democracy is better served when the law contains an explicit tension between these foundational values.After setting forth this normative framework, I then apply it to the campaign finance decisions of the Supreme Courts of the United States and Canada, respectively. I make two main claims. First, I argue that although the libertarian/egalitarian distinction is usually presented as a binary choice, the laws of a given jurisdiction often simultaneously display both libertarian and egalitarian characteristics. For this reason, I claim that the libertarian/egalitarian distinction is better conceived of as a “libertarian-egalitarian spectrum.” Second, I argue that in recent years, the U.S. Supreme Court and the Supreme Court of Canada, respectively, have privileged one value—liberty or equality—at the expense of the other. The U.S. Supreme Court has over-emphasized the value of liberty (most notably in its Citizens United decision), with the result that political equality is markedly undermined. By the same token, the Supreme Court of Canada’s commitment to equality has become too one-sided in recent cases (Harper and Bryan), with the result that there are significant impairments to free speech liberties. I argue that both of these approaches are detrimental to democratic participation and governance. Finally, this article offers a preliminary proposal for how courts and legislatures can allow for the conflict between liberty and equality to be instantiated in law.

Abstract Hannah Arendt has developed a theory of the importance of judgment of taste for political manners, founded on the Kantian aesthetic theory. Nowadays this theory is considered a current theoretical reference for establishing a political way to reconcile the demands of the radicalization of deliberative democracy with the need for political inclusion (Iris Marion Young, Seyla Benhabib). Albena Azmanova in her The Scandal of Reason: A Critical Theory of Political Judgment proposes an inclusive political rhetoric. The political theory founded on judgment is based on Kant’s philosophy; it was developed by Arendt and has greatly influenced the current debate, as an alternative theory in which the moral basis of law can be more sensitive to human contexts; a universalist theory more adequate for dealing with the tragic dimension of human life. The theory of political judgment uses the concepts of reflective judgment and ‘enlarged thought’ as its main concepts. As a starting point, a theory like this considers the singular judgments of justice that each person makes. The background, therefore, is not a rational foundation of principles, but the capacity of rational beings to make judgments. This post-metaphysical theory of law, based on a theory of judgment, is a critique of legal positivism, but presents itself as an alternative to the idealistic theory of law. But this theoretical project has received some criticism related to the adequacy of Arendt’s rereading of Kantian philosophy and her attempt to approximate Kant’s reflective judgment to the Aristotelian concept of phronêsis. Some critics, such as Bryan Garsten, believe that Kant’s rhetoric of public reason diminished and displaced the prudential faculty of judgment that Arendt is to be interested in reviving. Arendt’s attempt to find a theory of judgment in Kant’s aesthetic theory is not successful, in Garsten’s view. Our purpose is to show that a critical theory of judicial judgment is not only possible, but necessary; Arendt’s theory of judgment offers an important contribution to a critical theory of judicial judgment, particularly one devoted to the construction of a legal theory that prioritizes a politics of social inclusion. This theory proposes a critical approach to the project of the procedural conception of democracy, since it can mask social exclusion. An adequate understanding of judicial argumentation cannot forget that it happens in a rhetorical context: it is not only important what a discourse says, but how it says it. The radicalization of deliberative democracy supposes a revision of the ways judicial deliberation is thought: not by reference to universal or at least general principles, but taking into consideration what is ‘critically relevant’, with a view to remedying social injustice (following Azmanova).

ABSTRACT Introduction The quantum of waste generated from medical care and activities is a global matter of concern. Improper management of biomedical waste (BMW) has a grave health impact on the community, health care professionals, and the environment.1 It is mandatory by law that every medical organization that generates waste should have a system, process, and resources in place for segregating BMW within the organization for proper disposal. The present article deals with the understanding of various costs associated in BMW management process that will help the health care organization to prioritize their spending and focus on areas that require spending to achieve compliance in process of BMW management. Materials and methods Descriptive cross-sectional study was carried out, to study the compliance of BMW management at three different hospitals with respect to Bio-Medical Waste (Management and Handling) Rules, 2011. A retrospective study was conducted to analyze cost data for a 1-year time period. Cost involved in BMW management was analyzed and classified as capital and recurring costs. The study was undertaken in Udupi taluk, and the taluk comprises 11 hospitals (1 Government and 10 private hospitals). The hospitals were selected using convenient sampling as taking permission to conduct the study was difficult. Only three hospitals were permitted to carry out the study. Results and discussion Compliance was found to be better in accredited hospital than in nonaccredited hospital. This could be attributed to strict adherence to standard operating procedures and regular training of staff. Cost involved in BMW management was analyzed as capital and recurring costs. Since most of the hospital outsource final disposal, capital costs are significantly less compared to recurring costs. Among the recurring costs, maximum expenditure is on consumables like color-coded bags. Cost per bed per day for handling BMW was calculated and it was found to be higher in smaller hospitals. How to cite this article Bryal D'souza, Arun MS, Johnson B. Comparative Analysis of Cost of Biomedical Waste Management in Rural India. Int J Res Foundation Hosp Healthc Adm 2016;4(1):11-15.

The debate on the UK Government's recent Research Assessment Exercise (RAE), which has grown steadily over our past two issues (5/4 and 6/1), reaches a climax in this one. Perhaps the time has come to ask whether arq is becoming parochial in its focus on a matter that seems of concern only to the UK. However, we offer no apologies for using the RAE debate to highlight the research crisis in architecture – a crisis that is by no means confined to the UK.There are many issues under discussion. There is the simple matter of the ‘accuracy’ of the system in recognising high quality work: our correspondents (pp. 101–103) seem divided on this. Then there is the question of ‘fairness’ in the size of the financial reward: the sums available for distribution meant that many who performed well were awarded less than in the last round. And there is the ever recurring question of design as ‘research’: Bryan Lawson's contribution (pp. 109–114) surely provides the last word on this.Three correspondents widen the debate beyond the RAE. Colin Stansfield Smith (p. 104) writes of a procurement system in which architecture has become marginalised. John Worthington (p. 104) makes a plea for both the profession and the schools to look outwards. And, almost incredibly, the letter from the outgoing RIBA Vice President for Education, Alan Jones (p. 105), seems to suggest that arq's prodding may have provoked coordinated action within the Institute.The latest news is that the two incoming Vice Presidents for Education and Practice, Jack Pringle and Richard Saxon, are practitioners who are determined to bridge the gap between the profession and academia. Each is committed to promoting, supporting and disseminating research. Both see it not as a problem to be ignored but as an opportunity to be grasped. We wish them every success.There is much to be done. Real needs must be identified and matched to available means in academia and practice; valuable unpublished material uncovered; appropriate methods of dissemination developed; and a realistic implementation strategy evolved. If the RIBA could, in partnership with practice and academia, develop such a programme, it would, in the process, acquire the ability to support the architecture schools in the pursuit of their own (and the profession's) interests. It would also enable the profession to speak with the kind of authority that the RICS Foundation has given the surveyors.It is this wider agenda with which arq is concerned. If leading-edge practitioners and academics have a duty to enhance the profession's knowledge base then professional institutes have a responsibility as its guardians and sponsors. All must work together in a world in which architecture is increasingly under threat.

Playing curriculum development based on early childhood learning is a major issue in international early childhood education discussions. This study aims to look at the concepts and practices of play-based curriculum in early childhood education institutions. The study uses qualitative methods with the CIPP model program evaluation on play-based curriculum. Data collection techniqueswere carriedout using participatory observation, document studies and interviews. Participants are early childhood educators, early childhood and parents. The results found that the play-based curriculum has not yet become the main note in the preparation and development of concepts and learning practices in early childhood. Play-based curriculum quality standards have not provided a solid and clear concept foundation in placing play in the center of learning models. Other findings the institution has not been able to use the DAP (Developmentally Appropriate Practice) approach fully, and has not been able to carry out the philosophy and ways for developing a curriculum based on play. However, quite a lot of research found good practices implemented in learning centers in early childhood education institutions, such as develop children's independence programs through habituation to toilet training and fantasy play. Keywords: Play Based Curriculum, Center Learning Model, Curriculum Quality Standards, Early Childhood Education Reference Alford, B. L., Rollins, K. B., Padrón, Y. N., & Waxman, H. C. (2016). Using Systematic Classroom Observation to Explore Student Engagement as a Function of Teachers’ Developmentally Appropriate Instructional Practices (DAIP) in Ethnically Diverse Pre- kindergarten Through Second-Grade Classrooms. 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The impact of high stakes testing: The Australian story. Assessment in Education: Principles, Policy and Practice, 19(1), 65–79. https://doi.org/10.1080/0969594X.2011.592972 Martlew, J., Stephen, C., & Ellis, J. (2011). Play in the primary school classroom? The experience of teachers supporting children’s learning through a new pedagogy. Early Years, 31(1), 71– 83. https://doi.org/10.1080/09575146.2010.529425 Mcginn, A. (2017). Play-based early childhood classrooms and the effect on pre-kindergarten social and academic achievement (University of Northern Iowa). Retrieved from https://scholarworks.uni.edu/grp Miller, E., & Almon, J. (2009). Crisis in the Kindergarten. Why children need to to Play in School. In Alliance for childhood. Retrieved from www.allianceforchildhood.org. Özerem, A., & Kavaz, R. (2013). Montessori Approach in Pre-School Education and Its Effects. Tojned The Online Journal of New Horizons in Education, 3(3), 12–25. Pendidikan, K., & Kebudayaan, D. A. N. Menteri Pendidikan Dan Kebudayaan Republik Indonesia Nomor 137 Tahun 2013 Tentang Standar Nasional Pendidikan Anak Usia Dini. , (2015). Peng, Q. (2017). Study on Three Positions Framing Kindergarten Play-Based Curriculum in China: Through Analyses of the Attitudes of Teachers to Early Linguistic Education. Studies in English Language Teaching, 5(3), 543. https://doi.org/10.22158/selt.v5n3p543 Pyle, A., & Bigelow, A. (2015). Play in Kindergarten: An Interview and Observational Study in Three Canadian Classrooms. Early Childhood Education Journal, 43(5), 385–393. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10643-014-0666-1 Pyle, A., & Danniels, E. (2017). A Continuum of Play-Based Learning: The Role of the Teacher in Play-Based Pedagogy and the Fear of Hijacking Play. Early Education and Development, 28(3), 274–289. https://doi.org/10.1080/10409289.2016.1220771 Reid, A. (2009). Is this a revolution?: A critical analysis of the Rudd government’s national education agenda. Curriculum Perspectives, 29(3), 1–13. Ridgway, A., & Quinones, G. (2012). How do early childhood students conceptualize play-based curriculum? Australian Journal of Teacher Education, 37(12), 46–56. https://doi.org/10.14221/ajte.2012v37n12.8 Rogers, S., & Evans, J. (2007). Rethinking role play in the Reception class. Educational Research, 49(2), 153–167. https://doi.org/10.1080/00131880701369677 Samuelsson, I. P., & Johansson, E. (2006). Play and learning-inseparable dimensions in preschool practice. Early Child Development and Care, 176(1), 47–65. https://doi.org/10.1080/0300443042000302654 Saracho, O. N. (2010). Children’s play in the visual arts and Literature. Early Child Development and Care. Saracho, O. N. (2013). An integrated play-based curriculum for young children. In An Integrated Play-Based Curriculum for Young Children. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203833278 Stufflebeam, D. L. (2003). The CIPP model for evaluation. 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-Peter Hulme, Stephen Greenblatt, New World Encounters. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993. xviii + 344 pp.-Nigel Rigby, Alan Riach ,The radical imagination: Lectures and talks by Wilson Harris. Liège: Department of English, University of Liège, xx + 126 pp., Mark Williams (eds)-Jonathan White, Rei Terada, Derek Walcott's poetry: American Mimicry. Boston: North-eastern University Press, 1992. ix + 260 pp.-Ray A. Kea, John Thornton, Africa and Africans in the making of the Atlantic world, 1400-1680. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992. xxxviii + 309 pp.-B.W. Higman, Barbara L. Solow, Slavery and the rise of the Atlantic system. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991. viii + 355 pp.-Sidney W. Mintz, Michael Mullin, Africa in America: Slave acculturation and resistance in the American South and the British Caribbean, 1736-1831. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. 412 pp.-Karen Fog Olwig, Corinna Raddatz, Afrika in Amerika. Hamburg: Hamburgisches Museum für Völkerkunde, 1992. 264 pp.-Lee Haring, William Bascom, African folktales in the new world. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992. xxv + 243 pp.-Frank Jan van Dijk, Dale A. Bisnauth, History of religions in the Caribbean. Kingston: Kingston Publishers, 1989. 225 pp.-Gloria Wekker, Philomena Essed, Everyday racism: Reports from women of two cultures. Alameda CA: Hunter House, 1990. xiii + 288 pp.''Understanding everyday racism: An interdisciplinary theory. Newbury Park CA: Sage, 1991. x + 322 pp.-Deborah S. Rubin, Vron Ware, Beyond the Pale: White women, racism, and history. London: Verso, 1992. xviii + 263 pp.-Michael Hanchard, Peter Wade, Blackness and race mixture: The dynamics of racial identity in Colombia. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1993. xv + 415 pp.-Rosalie Schwartz, Louis A. Pérez, Jr., Slaves, sugar, & colonial society: Travel accounts of Cuba, 1801-1899. Wilmington DE: SR Books, 1992. xxvi + 259 pp.-Susan Eckstein, Sandor Halebsky ,Cuba in transition: Crisis and transformation. With Carolee Bengelsdorf, Richard L. Harris, Jean Stubbs & Andrew Zimbalist. Boulder CO: Westview, 1992. xi + 244 pp., John M. Kirk (eds)-Michiel Baud, Andrés L. Mateo, Mito y cultura en la era de Trujillo. Santo Domingo: Librería La Trinitario/Instituto del Libro, 1993. 224 pp.-Edgardo Meléndez, Andrés Serbin, Medio ambiente, seguridad y cooperacíon regional en el Caribe. Caracas: Editorial Nueva Sociedad, 1992. 147 pp.-Dean W. Collinwood, Michael Craton ,Islanders in the stream: A history of the Bahamian people. Volume One: From Aboriginal times to the end of slavery. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1992. xxxiii + 455 pp., Gail Saunders (eds)-Gary Brana-Shute, Alan A. Block, Masters of paradise: Organized crime and the internal revenue service in the Bahamas. New Brunswick NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1991. vii + 319 pp.-Michaeline Crichlow, Patrick Bryan, The Jamaican people 1880-1902. London: Macmillan Caribbean, 1991. xiv + 300 pp.-Faye V Harrison, Lisa Douglass, The power of sentiment: Love, hierarchy, and the Jamaican family elite. Boulder CO: Westview, 1992. xviii + 298 pp.-Frank Jan van Dijk, Bob Marley, Songs of freedom: From 'Judge Not' to 'Redemption Song.' Kingston: Tuff Gong/Bob Marley Foundation / London : Island Records, 1992 (limited edition). 63 pp. + 4 compact discs.-Riva Berleant-Schiller, Veront M. Satchell, From plots to plantations: Land transactions in Jamaica, 1866-1900. Mona: University of the West Indies, 1990. xiii + 197 pp.-Hymie Rubenstein, Christine Barrow, Family, land and development in St. Lucia. Cave Hill, Barbados: Institute for social and economic studies (ISER), University of the West Indies, 1992. xii + 83 pp.-Bonham C. Richardson, Selwyn Ryan, Social and occupational stratification in contemporary Trinidad and Tobago. St. Augustine, Trinidad: ISER, 1991. xiv + 474 pp.-Bill Maurer, Roland Littlewood, Pathology and identity: The work of Mother Earth in Trinidad. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993. xxii + 322 pp.-Robert Fatton, Jr., Brian Weinstein ,Haiti: The failure of politics. New York: Praeger, 1992. ix + 203 pp., Aaron Segal (eds)-Uli Locher, Michel S. Laguerre, The military and society in Haiti. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1993. x + 223 pp.-Paul E. Brodwin, Leslie G. Desmangles, The faces of the Gods: Vodou and Roman Catholicism in Haiti. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992. xiii + 218 pp.-Marian Goslinga, Enid Brown, Bibliographical guide to Caribbean mass communication. John A. Lent (comp.). Westport CT: Greenwood Press, 1992. xi + 301 pp.''Suriname and the Netherlands Antilles: An annotated English-language bibliography. Metuchen NJ: Scarecrow Press, 1992. xi + 276 pp.-Jay B. Haviser, F.R. Effert, J.P.B. de Josselin de Jong, curator and archaeologist: A study of his early career (1910-1935). Leiden: Centre of Non-Western studies, University of Leiden, 1992. v + 119 pp.-Hans van Amersfoort, Anil Ramdas, De papegaai, de stier en de klimmende bougainvillea. Essays. Amsterdam: De Bezige Bij, 1992.-Ineke van Wetering, Deonarayan, Curse of the Devtas. Paramaribo: J.J. Buitenweg, 1992. v + 103 pp.-Ineke van Wetering, G. Mungra, Hindoestaanse gezinnen in Nederland. Leiden: Centrum voor Onderzoek Maatschappelijke Tegenstellingen, Rijksuniversiteit Leiden, 1990. 313 pp.-J.M.R. Schrils, Alex Reinders, Politieke geschiedenis van de Nederlandse Antillen en Aruba 1950-1993. Zutphen: Walburg Pers, 1993. 430 pp.-Gert Oostindie, G.J. Cijntje ,Stemmen OK, maar op wie? Delft: Eburon, 1991. 150 pp., A. Nicatia, F. Quirindongo (eds)-Genevieve Escure, Donald Winford, Predication in Caribbean English Creoles. 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Botrytis cinerea infection of wine grapes can result in a variety of symptoms. The most common symptom is botrytis bunch rot (BBR), where infected berries rot and shrivel, and eventually produce fungal sporulation. Another symptom is slip skin, where the skins of infected ripe berries slide easily from the pulp. It is hypothesised that a reduction in osmotic potential in grape berries due to late-season rainfall leads to slip skin symptom development. Hyphal growth of B. cinerea on osmotically adjusted agar was inhibited at osmotic potentials associated with near-ripe berries. Vine sheltering was used in a research vineyard to manipulate rainfall artificially and to alter berry sugar content in Vitis vinifera Sauvignon blanc vines, with the aim of increasing osmotic potential and altering symptom expression. Both BBR and slip skin symptoms were affected by the various sheltering conditions, with sheltered vines having lower BBR and higher slip skin at harvest. REFERENCES Becker T, Grimm E, Knoche M 2012. Substantial water uptake into detached grape berries occurs through the stem surface. Australian Journal of Grape and Wine Research 18: 109-114. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1755-0238.2011.00177.x Beever RE, Laracy EP 1986. Osmotic adjustment in the filamentous fungus Aspergillus nidulans. Journal of Bacteriology 168: 1358-1365. https://doi.org/10.1128/jb.168.3.1358-1365.1986 Beresford RM, Hill GN 2008. Botrytis control without fungicide residues - is it just a load of rot? New Zealand Winegrower 12: 104-106. Beresford RM, Evans KJ, Wood PN, Mundy DC 2006. Disease assessment and epidemic monitoring methodology for bunch rot (Botrytis cinerea) in grapevines. New Zealand Plant Protection 59: 355-360. Bondada BR, Matthews MA, Shackel KA 2005. Functional xylem in the post-véraison grape berry. Journal of Experimental Botany 56: 2949-2957. https://doi.org/10.1093/jxb/eri291 Choat B, Gambetta GA, Shackel KA, Matthews MA 2009. Vascular function in grape berries across development and its relevance to apparent hydraulic isolation. Plant Physiology 151: 1677-1687. https://doi.org/10.1104/pp.109.143172 Clarke SJ, Hardie WJ, Rogiers SY 2010. Changes in susceptibility of grape berries to splitting are related to impaired osmotic water uptake associated with losses in cell vitality. Australian Journal of Grape and Wine Research 16: 469-476. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1755-0238.2010.00108.x Diakou P, Moing A, Svanella L, Ollat N, Rolin DB, Gaudillere M, Gaudillere JP 1997. Biochemical comparison of two grape varieties differing in juice acidity. Australian Journal of Grape and Wine Research 3: 1-10. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1755-0238.1997.tb00122.x Grolemund G, Wickham H 2011. Dates and times made easy with lubridate. 2011 40: 25. Harris RF 1981. Effect of water potential on microbial growth and activity. In: Parr JF, Gardner WR, Elliott LF eds. Water Potential Relations in Soil Microbiology. SSSA Special Publication. Soil Science Society of America. Pp. 23-95. Hill GN, Beresford RM, Evans KJ 2010. Tools for accurate assessment of botrytis bunch rot (Botrytis cinerea) on wine grapes. New Zealand Plant Protection 63: 174-181. Hill GN, Evans KJ, Beresford RM 2014a. Use of nitrate non-utilising (nit) mutants to determine phenological stages at which Botrytis cinerea infects wine grapes causing botrytis bunch rot. Plant Pathology 63: 1316-1325. https://doi.org/10.1111/ppa.12225 Hill GN, Evans KJ, Beresford RM, Dambergs RG 2014b. Comparison of methods for the quantification of botrytis bunch rot in white wine grapes. Australian Journal of Grape and Wine Research 20: 432—441. https://doi.org/10.1111/ajgw.12101 Keller M, Smith JP, Bondada BR 2006. Ripening grape berries remain hydraulically connected to the shoot. Journal of Experimental Botany 57: 2577-2587. https://doi.org/10.1093/jxb/erl020 Loschiavo A, Scholefield P, Morrison J, Ferris M 2010. The cost of pests and diseases to the Australian winegrape industry. Australian Viticulture 14: 15-19. McCarthy MG, Coombe BG 1999. Is weight loss in ripening grape berries cv. Shiraz caused by impeded phloem transport? Australian Journal of Grape and Wine Research 5: 17-21. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1755-0238.1999.tb00146.x Mendiburu Fd 2016. agricolae: Statistical Procedures for Agricultural Research. https://CRAN.R-project.org/package=agricolae. Mundy DC, Beresford RM 2007. Susceptibility of grapes to Botrytis cinerea in relation to berry nitrogen and sugar concentration. New Zealand Plant Protection 60: 123-127. Nelson KE 1956. The effect of Botrytis infection on the tissue of Tokay grapes. Phytopathology 46: 223-229. NIWA 2017. Mean monthly rainfall (mm). https://www.niwa.co.nz/education-and-training/schools/resources/climate/meanrain (05-05-2017). Pezet R, Viret O, Perret C, Tabacchi R 2003. 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Resumo: Autor de uma obra filosófica abrangente, Alasdair MacIntyre manifesta um interesse profundo pelo tema da educação, tendo refletido, em particular, seriamente sobre a universidade. Sua concepção de universidade é fortemente influenciada por aquela defendida por John Henry Newman no século XIX, e se relaciona intimamente, tanto quanto para Newman, com a sua compreensão sobre a filosofia. Partindo de tal concepção, é possível refletir sistematicamente sobre a questão do ensino de filosofia, tanto no interior da vida universitária quanto nas relações desta última com a sociedade e a cultura em geral, inclusive com um foco particular sobre a realidade brasileira. Palavras-chave: Alasdair MacIntyre (1929-). John Henry Newman (1801-1890). Universidade. Ensino de filosofia. Abstract: Authoring a comprehensive philosophical oeuvre, Alasdair MacIntyre manifests a profound interest on the subject of education, having produced in particular a serious reflection on the theme of the university. His conception of a university is strongly influenced by that of John Henry Newman in the 19th century, and is intimately related, as much as with Newman’s, to his understanding of philosophy. Beginning with such a conception, it is possible to systematically meditate on the matter of the teaching of philosophy, within the university walls as well as at its general cultural and social boundaries, including a particular focus on Brazilian reality. Keywords: Alasdair MacIntyre (1929-). John Henry Newman (1801-1890). University. Philosophy teaching. REFERÊNCIAS ARRIOLA, Claudia Ruiz. Tradición, Universidad y Virtud: Filosofia de la Educacion Superior en Alasdair MacIntyre. Pamplona: EUNSA, 2000. ARISTÓTELES. Ethica Nicomachea. In: MCKEON, Richard (Org.). The Basic Works of Aristotle. New York: The Modern Library, 2001. ARTIGAS, Mariano. Mind of the Universe: Understanding Science and Religion. Philadelphia: Templeton Foundation, 1999. BISHOP, Jeffrey P. Waiting for St. Benedict among the Ruins: MacIntyre and Medical Practice. Journal of Medicine and Philosophy, 36 (2011), p. 107-113. BRASIL. Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação Nacional. Lei nº 9.394, 20 dez. 1996. Brasília: Diário Oficial da União, 1996. BRASIL. Lei nº 13.415, 16 fev. 2017. Brasília: Diário Oficial da União, 2017. BREWER, Kathryn Balstad. Management as a Practice: A Response to Alasdair MacIntyre. Journal of Business Ethics, 16 (1997), p. 825-833. CAVANAUGH, William T. The Myth of Religious Violence: Secular Ideology and the Roots of Modern Conflict. New York: Oxford University Press, 2009. CERLETTI, Alejandro. O ensino de filosofia como problema filosófico. Trad. Ingrid Müller Xavier. Belo Horizonte: Autêntica, 2009. CROSS, Bryan R. MacIntyre on the Practice of Philosophy and the University. American Catholic Philosophical Quaterly, 88, 4 (2014), p. 751-766. CUNHA, Luiz Antonio. A universidade temporã: o ensino superior, da Colônia à era Vargas. 3. ed. São Paulo: Ed. UNESP, 2007. DUNNE, Joseph. Arguing for Teaching as a Practice: A Reply to Alasdair MacIntyre. Journal of Philosophy of Education, 37, 2 (2003), p. 353-369. DUNNE, Joseph. Newman Now: Re-Examining the Concepts of ‘Philosophical’ and ‘Liberal’ in The Idea of a University. British Journal of Educational Studies, 54, 4 (2006), p. 412-428. DEINA, Wanderley José. Filosofia no ensino médio: considerações sobre a reforma educacional brasileira a partir do pensamento de Theodor Adorno. Sofia, 6, 3 (2017), pp. 5-25. FÓRUM NACIONAL PERMANENTE DO ENSINO RELIGIOSO. Parâmetros Curriculares Nacionais para o Ensino Religioso. 3. ed. São Paulo: Ave Maria, 1997. GALLO, Sílvio. A filosofia e seu ensino: conceito e transversalidade. Ethica, 13, 1 (2006), p. 17-35. GOMES, Laécio de Almeida. Filosofia como educação moral: a filosofia da educação em Alasdair MacIntyre. Saberes, 1, 6 (2011), p. 65-76. GOMES, Roberto. Crítica da razão tupiniquim. 11. ed. São Paulo: FTD, 1994. GONTIJO, Pedro. O ensino da filosofia no Brasil: algumas notas sobre avanços e desafios. Perspectivas, 2, 1 (2017), p. 3-17. GOVERNO DO ESTADO DO PARANÁ. Diretrizes Curriculares da Educação Básica – Ensino Religioso. Curitiba: Secretaria de Estado da Educação do Paraná, 2008. HALDANE, John. MacIntyre’s Thomist revival: What’s next? In: HALDANE, John. Faithful Reason: Essays Catholic and Philosophical. London: Routledge, 2004, p. 15-30. KERR, Clark. The Uses of a University. 5. ed. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2001. LAMBETH, Edmond B. Waiting for a New St. Benedict: Alasdair MacIntyre and the Theory and Practice of Journalism. Journal of Mass Media Ethics, 5, 2 (1990), p. 75-87. MACINTYRE, Alasdair. The Idea of an Educated Public. In: HAYDON, Graham (Org.). Education and Values: The Richard Peters Lectures. London: University of London Press, 1987, p. 15-35. MACINTYRE, Alasdair. Three Rival Versions of Moral Enquiry: Encyclopaedia, Genealogy, and Tradition. Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 1990a. MACINTYRE, Alasdair. First Principles, Final Ends and Contemporary Philosophical Issues. Milwaukee: Marquette University, 1990b. MACINTYRE, Alasdair. Justiça de quem? Qual racionalidade? Trad. Marcelo Pimenta Marques. São Paulo: Loyola, 1991. MACINTYRE, Alasdair. Dependent Rational Animals: Why Human Beings Need the Virtues. Peru (Il): Open Court, 1999. MACINTYRE, Alasdair. Depois da virtude: um estudo em teoria moral. Trad. Jussara Simões. Bauru (SP): EDUSC, 2001. MACINTYRE, Alasdair. Moral Philosophy and Contemporary Social Practice: What Holds Them Apart? In: MACINTYRE, Alasdair. The Tasks of Philosophy: Selected Essays, Volume I. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006, p. 104-122. MACINTYRE, Alasdair. God, Philosophy, Universities: A Selective History of the Catholic Philosophical Tradition. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefields, 2009a. MACINTYRE, Alasdair. The Very Idea of a University: Aristotle, Newman and Us. The New Blackfriars, 91, 1031 (2010), p. 4-19 (2010a) MACINTYRE, Alasdair. On Not Knowing Where You Are Going. Proceedings and Addresses of the American Philosophical Association, 84, 2 (2010), p. 61-74. (2010b) MACINTYRE, Alasdair; DUNNE, Joseph. Alasdair MacIntyre on Education: In Dialogue with Joseph Dunne. Journal of Philosophy of Education, 36, 1 (2002), p. 1-19. MADARIAGA CÉZAR, Manuel García de. La educación en Alasdair MacIntyre: contextos y proyectos. Tese de doutorado. 2009. Pamplona. Facultad Eclesiástica de Filosofía. Universidad de Navarra. MICHEL, Andrew A. Psychiatry After Virtue: A Modern Practice in the Ruins. Journal of Medicine and Philosophy, 36 (2011), p. 170-186. NEWMAN, John Henry. Prefácio. In: TURNER, Frank M. (Org.). Newman e a idéia de uma universidade. Trad. Gilson César Cardoso de Sousa. Bauru (SP): EDUSC, 2001a, p. 59-71. NEWMAN, John Henry. Introdutório. In: TURNER, Frank M. (Org.). Newman e a idéia de uma universidade. Trad. Gilson César Cardoso de Sousa. Bauru (SP): EDUSC, 2001b, p. 59-71. NEWMAN, John Henry. Teologia, ramo do conhecimento. In: TURNER, Frank M. (Org.). Newman e a idéia de uma universidade. Trad. Gilson César Cardoso de Sousa. Bauru (SP): EDUSC, 2001c, p. 73-89. NEWMAN, John Henry. Relação da teologia com outros ramos do conhecimento. In: TURNER, Frank M. (Org.). Newman e a idéia de uma universidade. Trad. Gilson César Cardoso de Sousa. Bauru (SP): EDUSC, 2001d, p. 91-110. NEWMAN, John Henry. Relação dos outros ramos do conhecimento com a teologia. In: TURNER, Frank M. (Org.). Newman e a idéia de uma universidade. Trad. Gilson César Cardoso de Sousa. Bauru (SP): EDUSC, 2001e, p. 111-130. NEWMAN, John Henry. Conhecimento, fim em si mesmo. In: TURNER, Frank M. (Org.). Newman e a idéia de uma universidade. Trad. Gilson César Cardoso de Sousa. Bauru (SP): EDUSC, 2001f, p. 131-148. NEWMAN, John Henry. O conhecimento em relação à capacidade profissional. In: TURNER, Frank M. (Org.). Newman e a idéia de uma universidade. Trad. Gilson César Cardoso de Sousa. Bauru (SP): EDUSC, 2001g, 169-188. OLIVE, Arabela Campos. Histórico da educação superior no Brasil. In: SOARES, Maria Susana Arrosa (Org.). A educação superior no Brasil. Brasília: Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior, 2002, pp. 31-42. PAVIANI, Jayme. Interdisciplinaridade: conceitos e distinções. 2. ed. Caxias do Sul (RS): Educs, 2008. PINHO, Rozana Isabel Brázio Valente. O ensino de filosofia no Brasil: considerações históricas e político-legislativas. Educação e Filosofia Uberlândia, 28, 56, (2014), p. 757-771. ROHDEN, Valerio (Org.). Idéias de universidade. Canoas: Ed. ULBRA, 2002. ROSSI, Paolo. O Nascimento da Ciência Moderna na Europa. Trad. Antonio Angonese. Bauru (SP): EDUSC, 2001. 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Eating habits develop during the first years of a child's life, children learn what, when, and how much to eat through direct experience with food and by observing the eating habits of others. The aim of this study is to get a clear picture of the Eating program Healthy, starting from the planning, implementation, supervision, and evaluation as a case study of nutrition education; to get information about the advantages, disadvantages and effects of implementing a healthy eating program for children. This research was conducted through a case study with qualitative data analysed using Miles and Huberman techniques. Sample of children in Ananda Islāmic School Kindergarten. The results showed the Healthy Eating program could be implemented well, the diet was quite varied and could be considered a healthy and nutritious food. The visible impact is the emotion of pleasure experienced by children, children become fond of eating vegetables, and make children disciplined and responsible. Inadequate results were found due to the limitations of an adequate kitchen for cooking healthy food, such as cooking activities still carried out by the cook himself at the Foundation's house which is located not far from the school place; use of melamine and plastic cutlery for food; the spoon and fork used already uses aluminium material but still does not match its size; does not involve nutritionists. Keywords: Early Childhood, Eating Healthy Program References: Bandura, A. (1977). Social learning theory. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall. Bandura, Albert. (2004). Health promotion by social cognitive means. Health Education and Behavior, 31(2), 143–164. https://doi.org/10.1177/1090198104263660 Battjes-Fries, M. C. E., Haveman-Nies, A., Renes, R. J., Meester, H. J., & Van’T Veer, P. (2015). Effect of the Dutch school-based education programme “Taste Lessons” on behavioural determinants of taste acceptance and healthy eating: A quasi-experimental study. 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Association of meal and snack patterns with micronutrient intakes among Greek children and adolescents: data from the Hellenic National Nutrition and Health Survey. Journal of Human Nutrition and Dietetics, 32(4), 455–467. https://doi.org/10.1111/jhn.12639 Moffitt, A. (2019). Early Childhood Educators and the Development of Family Literacy Programs: A Qualitative Case Study. ProQuest Dissertations and Theses, 96. Retrieved from http://proxy.mul.missouri.edu/login?url=https://search.proquest.com/docview/2242479347 ?accountid=14576%0Ahttps://library.missouri.edu/findit?genre=dissertations+%26+theses &title=Early+Childhood+Educators+and+the+Development+of+Family+Literacy+Progra ms%3A+ Mustonen, S., & Tuorila, H. (2010). Sensory education decreases food neophobia score and encourages trying unfamiliar foods in 8-12-year-old children. Food Quality and Preference, 21(4), 353–360. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.foodqual.2009.09.001 Myszkowska-Ryciak, J., & Harton, A. (2019). Eating healthy, growing healthy: Outcome evaluation of the nutrition education program optimizing the nutritional value of preschool menus, Poland. Nutrients, 11(10), 1–17. https://doi.org/10.3390/nu11102438 Nekitsing, C., Hetherington, M. M., & Blundell-Birtill, P. (2018). Developing Healthy Food Preferences in Preschool Children Through Taste Exposure, Sensory Learning, and Nutrition Education. Current Obesity Reports, 7(1), 60–67. https://doi.org/10.1007/s13679- 018-0297-8 Noura, M. S. pd. (2018). Child nutrition programs in kindergarten schools implemented by the governmental sector and global nutrition consulting companies: A systematic review. Current Research in Nutrition and Food Science, 6(3), 656–663. https://doi.org/10.12944/CRNFSJ.6.3.07 Oh, S. M., Yu, Y. L., Choi, H. I., & Kim, K. W. (2012). Implementation and Evaluation of Nutrition Education Programs Focusing on Increasing Vegetables, Fruits and Dairy Foods Consumption for Preschool Children. Korean Journal of Community Nutrition, 17(5), 517. https://doi.org/10.5720/kjcn.2012.17.5.517 Osera, T., Tsutie, S., & Kobayashi, M. (2016). Using Soybean Products in School Lunch for Health Education may improve Children’s Attitude and Guardians’ Knowledge in Kindergarten. Journal of Child and Adolescent Behaviour, 04(05). https://doi.org/10.4172/2375-4494.1000310 Park, B. K., & Cho, M. S. (2016). Taste education reduces food neophobia and increases willingness to try novel foods in school children. Nutrition Research and Practice, 10(2), 221–228. https://doi.org/10.4162/nrp.2016.10.2.221 Pendidikan, K., & Kebudayaan, D. A. N. Menteri Pendidikan Dan Kebudayaan Republik Indonesia Nomor 137 Tahun 2013 Tentang Standar Nasional Pendidikan Anak Usia Dini. , (2015). Prima, E., Yuliantina, I., Nurfadillah, Handayani, I., Riana, & Ganesa, R. eni. (2017). Layanan Kesehatan,Gizi dan Perawatan. Jakarta: Direktorat Pembinaan Pendidikan Anak Usia Dini Direktorat Jenderal Pendidikan Anak Usia Dini dan Pendidikan Masyarakat Kementerian Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan. Resor, J., Hegde, A. V., & Stage, V. C. (2020). Pre-service early childhood educators’ perceived barriers and supports to nutrition education. Journal of Early Childhood Teacher Education, 00(00), 1–17. https://doi.org/10.1080/10901027.2020.1740841 Rizqie Aulianaca5804p200-169314. (2011). Gizi Seimbang Dan Makanan Sehat Untuk Anak Usia Dini. Journal of Nutrition and Food Research, 2(1), 1–12. Retrieved from http://staff.uny.ac.id/sites/default/files/pengabdian/rizqie-auliana-dra-mkes/gizi-seimbang- dan-makanan-sehat-untuk-anak-usia-dini.pdf Sandell, M., Mikkelsen, B. E., Lyytikäinen, A., Ojansivu, P., Hoppu, U., Hillgrén, A., & Lagström, H. (2016). Future for food education of children. Futures, 83, 15–23. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.futures.2016.04.006 Schanzenbach, D. W., & Thorn, B. (2019). Food Support Programs and Their Impacts on Young Children. Health Affairs, (march). Retrieved from https://www.healthaffairs.org/briefs Schmitt, S. A., Bryant, L. M., Korucu, I., Kirkham, L., Katare, B., & Benjamin, T. (2019). The effects of a nutrition education curriculum on improving young children’s fruit and vegetable preferences and nutrition and health knowledge. Public Health Nutrition, 22(1), 28–34. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1368980018002586 Sekiyama, M., Roosita, K., & Ohtsuka, R. (2012). Snack foods consumption contributes to poor nutrition of rural children in West Java, Indonesia. Asia Pacific Journal of Clinical Nutrition, 21(4), 558–567. https://doi.org/10.6133/apjcn.2012.21.4.11 Sepp, H., & Ho, K. (2016). Food as a tool for learning in everyday activities at preschool exploratory study from Sweden. Food & Nurtition Research, 1, 1–7. Shor, R., & Friedman, A. (2009). Integration of nutrition-related components by early childhood education professionals into their individual work with children at risk. Early Child Development and Care, 179(4), 477–486. https://doi.org/10.1080/03004430701269218 Taylor, C. M., & Emmett, P. M. (2019). Picky eating in children: Causes and consequences. Proceedings of the Nutrition Society, 78(2), 161–169. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0029665118002586 Taylor, C. M., Steer, C. D., Hays, N. P., & Emmett, P. M. (2019). Growth and body composition in children who are picky eaters: a longitudinal view. European Journal of Clinical Nutrition, 73(6), 869–878. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41430-018-0250-7 Unusan, N. (2007). Effects of a food and nutrition course on the self-reported knowledge and behavior of preschool teacher candidates. Early Childhood Education Journal, 34(5), 323– 327. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10643-006-0116-9 Usfar, A. A., Iswarawanti, D. N., Davelyna, D., & Dillon, D. (2010). 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R. Jeffrey Neitz, Steven Chen, Frantisek Supek, Vince Yeh, Danielle Kellar, Jiri Gut, Clifford Bryant, Alejandra Gallardo-Godoy, Valentina Molteni, Steven L. Roach, Arnab K. Chatterjee, Stephanie Robertson, Adam R. Renslo, Michelle Arkin, Richard Glynne, James McKerrow, and Jair L. Siqueira-Neto. Lead Identification to Clinical Candidate Selection: Drugs for Chagas Disease J. Biomol. Screen. 2015, 20, 101–111. (Original doi: 10.1177/1087057114553103 ) In the January 2015 issue of the Journal of Biomolecular Screening, the names of two authors were not published with this article, Shilpi Khare and Monique Stinson. Their names should have appeared after Steven L. Roach, and the affiliation for both of the missing authors is the Genomics Institute of the Novartis Research Foundation (GNF), San Diego, CA, USA.

The appreciation of the reputation and achievements of the Religious Courts continued to flow from experts and credible international survey organizations. Among others, Mark Cammack[1], Daniel S. Lev[2], Markus Zimmer, Cate Summer[3], Tim Lindsey, CJ Diana Bryant, Yoshiharu Matsuura etc. Meanwhile, the survey agency, among others, The Asia Foundation[4], ACNielsen, UN Women -institute under the auspices of the United Nations-, IALDF, etc. that in essence they satisfy with the performance of the Religious Court. This condition is contradictory to the situation in their own country, even though de jure has received an additional mandate (competence) as mandated by Article 49 of Law No. 3 of 2006, but de facto skepticism and pessimism in some quarters, indirectly weaken and reduce the competence of the Religious Court. This is often done by a handful of party, unsupported by valid research data. In fact, the true increase Religious Court's competence born from the womb of reform, but already at the age of eight years of this, it still has not gained the trust and support of the maximum. Expectations of economic actors to the sharia court Religion should be coupled with efforts to strengthen the real from stakeholders to the Religious Court can maximize its role in escorting the growth of the Islamic finance industry, that will be the focus of study in this paper.[1] Guru besar Southwestern Law School, Los Angeles California USA, dalam bukunya: Islamic Law in Contemporary Indonesia; Ideas and Institutions’ (2007), ia mengatakan, Peradilan Agama merupakan kisah sukses dalam sistem hukum yang disfungsional (disfunctional legal system) di Indonesia.[2] Dia mengakui bahwa Peradilan Agama merupakan pengecualian dari persepsi publik yang kurang baik terhadap pengadilan, menurut Lev, Pengadilan Agama telah bekerja dengan baik.[3] Cate Summer dan Tim Lindsey dalam bukunya, Courting Reform: Indonesia’s Islamic Courts and Justice for the Poor, mengatakan:”.. as champion within the judicial system of justice and access to justice reform in Indonesia......”. “From this perspective, the Relegious Court can be seen as one of the most successful of Indonesia’s judicial institutions. This is in some senses, ironic, as these courts have also historically been neglected by the state...”.[4] Lihat Anonim. 2005. Citizens’ Perceptions of the Indonesian Justice Sector (Survey Report). Jakarta: The Asia Foundation. hal. 63 hasil surveynya menyatakan Peradilan Agama sebagai satu-satunya institusi penegak hukum yang memiliki performance paling baik, dibandingkan lembaga penegak hukum lainnya.

The study investigates nonlinear vibration of functionally graded carbon nanotube–reinforced polymer plate subjected to electro–thermo–mechanical loads resting on elastic foundations by an analytical approach. Uniform and functionally graded carbon nanotubes are used to reinforce through the thickness of the plate. Furthermore, a piezoelectric layer is perfectly bonded to the top of the plate to act as an actuator. The equations of motion are derived by the Flügge–Lur’e–Bryrne theory and then applying the Galerkin method to solve differential equations. The dynamical responses such as time history, phase plane graphs, and Poincaré map are carried out in this study. In addition, the effects of environment, materials, and geometry are scrutinized. The obtained results are also compared and validated with those of other studies.

The theoretical foundations of the boundary integral method are considered for inviscid monochromatic internal waves, and an analytical approach is presented for the solution of the boundary integral equation for oscillating bodies of simple shape: an elliptic cylinder in two dimensions, and a spheroid in three dimensions. The method combines the coordinate stretching introduced by Bryan and Hurley in the frequency range of evanescent waves, with analytic continuation to the range of propagating waves by Lighthill's radiation condition. Not only are the waves obtained for arbitrary oscillations of the body, with application to radial pulsations and rigid vibrations, but also the distribution of singularities equivalent to the body, allowing later inclusion of viscosity in the theory. Both a direct representation of the body as a Kirchhoff–Helmholtz integral involving single and double layers together, and an indirect representation involving a single layer alone, are considered. The indirect representation is seen to require a certain degree of symmetry of the body with respect to the horizontal and the vertical. As the surface of the body is approached the single- and double-layer potentials exhibit the same discontinuities as in classical potential theory.

Currently, road organizations are faced with the problem of increasing the bearing capacity of the layers of road pavement. This problem can be solved by using new design solutions, technologies and materials. The use of local road construction materials, industrial waste, stabilization and strengthening of soils in the foundations of the pavement will increase the bearing capacity of the pavement, reduce transportation costs for the delivery of materials and reduce the cost of construction. Strengthening of soils – a set of measures to improve their strength and water resistance. In the process of strengthening the soils for use in the foundations of the pavement the main task is to obtain a new building material with the desired structural and mechanical properties. The process of strengthening is a process of structure formation, new connections are created by influencing the soil structure-forming binders (cement, lime, organic binders, etc.). When stabilizing the properties of soils, mainly the content of water in the soil, use stabilizers. They usually are water-repellent additives. When strengthening the soil can use different types of modifiers: Russian and foreign. We used the modifier «Dorzem DS-1». It is a powdery substance. The use of «Dorzem DS-1» fundamentally changes the process of crystallization. The mechanism of binding of soil particles changes from «bonding» to the «plexus» – when hitting the «Dorzem DS-1» in the ground begin to form crystalline dlinnorylye of communication, which «envelop» all the elements. On the strength of they, like Kevlar thread (strong, flexible). Due to this, strong, wear-resistant structures are obtained (cement, lime, organic binders, etc.). Several years in a row on the instructions of road construction organizations of the city of Bryansk employees of the Department «Roads» BGITU conducted research to strengthen clay soils. Recently, road organizations began to prefer sandy soils. They are enough in the Bryansk region, but they are mostly fine-grained and dusty. Performing the task of LLC «Bryansk road construction company №1», we have previously been installed grain composition of sandy soil. Its density and humidity were determined. From the silty sand specimens have been fabricated reinforced soil using Portland cement grade 400, modifiers the «Palace area DS-1» and water for mixing, tested. The samples had cuboid shape with dimensions: 10х10х10 cm and 7х7х7 cm. The compressive strength was determined as the average value of four samples in a series made from a mixture of one composition. The Age of the samples during the tests was 28 days, which corresponds to the brand strength of the main mineral binder of the 1st type (Portland cement) – GOST23558-94 p. 6.1. Laboratory tests of samples from the soil treated with cement and cement plus the additive «Dorzem DS-1» showed that the greatest strength can be achieved by adding to the soil 12 % of the cement over the weight of the soil and 3 % of the additive. The strength obtained in this case is 4,882 MPa, i.e. about 5 MPa. In the manufacture of samples of hardened soil cement with one (12 % in excess of the weight of the clay) strength is much lower 3,712 MPa. This pattern is observed in other formulations of recipes. The use of additives «Dorzem DS-1» in strengthening the soil can improve the performance of water resistance and frost resistance, eliminate the formation of cracks.

This essay aims to elucidate issues related to the origin, definition and contributions of number sense to mathematical learning. We discuss the controversies involved in the origin and conceptualization of the construct, as well as the understanding of number sense that characterizes this work. We present studies that highlight the relevant role that number sense plays in the construction of initial mathematics and the relation that this construct has evidenced in children’s later mathematical performance. These findings are then related to educational actions developed by researchers in the field, showing the effectiveness of the investment in developing mathematical interventions. In conclusion, it is evidenced the controversy that characterizes the concept of number sense, which reflects the need for more research in this field. A strong predictive relationship between the construct and later mathematical knowledge is also highlighted, which has led to the realization of intervention studies in this field. Such studies have shown encouraging results for kindergarten and elementary school students who have difficulties in learning mathematics.ResumoEste ensaio tem como objetivo elucidar questões relativas à origem, definição e contribuições do senso numérico para a aprendizagem matemática. Abordam-se as controvérsias envolvidas na origem e conceituação do constructo, assim como a compreensão de senso numérico que caracteriza este trabalho. São apresentados estudos que destacam o papel relevante que o senso numérico desempenha para a construção da matemática inicial e a relação que este constructo tem evidenciado com o desempenho matemático posterior das crianças. Após, relaciona-se o que foi exposto às ações educacionais desenvolvidas por pesquisadores da área, mostrando a efetividade do investimento no desenvolvimento de intervenções matemáticas. Em conclusão, fica evidenciada a controvérsia que caracteriza a conceituação de senso numérico, o que reflete a necessidade e relevância de mais pesquisa nesta área. É destacada também a forte relação preditiva entre o constructo e o conhecimento matemático posterior, o que tem impulsionado a realização de estudos de intervenção neste campo, com resultados animadores, para alunos da Educação Infantil e dos anos iniciais do Ensino Fundamental que apresentam dificuldades de aprendizagem na matemática.ResumenEste ensayo tiene como objetivo dilucidar cuestiones relacionadas con el origen, la definición y las contribuciones del sentido numérico al aprendizaje matemático. Discutimos las controversias involucradas en el origen y la conceptualización del constructo, así como la comprensión del sentido numérico que caracteriza este trabajo. Presentamos estudios que destacan el papel relevante que juega el sentido numérico en la construcción de las matemáticas iniciales y la relación que este constructo ha evidenciado en el rendimiento matemático posterior de los niños. Estos hallazgos se relacionan luego con acciones educativas desarrolladas por investigadores en este campo, evidenciando la efectividad de los esfuerzos en el desarrollo de intervenciones matemáticas. En conclusión, queda evidenciada la controversia que caracteriza el concepto de sentido numérico, lo que refleja la necesidad de más investigación en este campo. También se destaca una fuerte relación predictiva entre este constructo y el conocimiento matemático posterior, lo que ha llevado a la realización de estudios de intervención en esta área. Dichos estudios han mostrado resultados alentadores para los alumnos de la Educación Infantil y años iniciales de la Enseñanza Fundamental que tienen dificultades para aprender matemáticas.Palavras-chave: Senso numérico, Aprendizagem da matemática, Estudos preditivos, Intervenção.Keywords: Number sense, Mathematical learning, Predictive studies, Intervention.Palabras clave: Sentido numérico, Aprendizaje matemático, Estudios Predictivos, Intervención.ReferencesANDERSSON, Ulf; LYXELL, Björn. Working memory deficit in children with mathematical difficulties: A general or specific deficit? Journal of experimental child psychology, v. 96, n. 3, p. 197-228, 2007.ANDREWS, Paul; SAYERS, Judy. Identifying opportunities for grade one children to acquire foundational number sense: Developing a framework for cross cultural classroom analyses. Early Childhood Education Journal, v. 43, n. 4, p. 257-267, 2015.ANTELL, Sue Ellen; KEATING, Daniel P. Perception of numerical invariance in neonates. 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Revista Psicologia: Teoria e Prática, v. 20, n. 1, p. 141-154, 2018.CORSO, L.; DORNELES, B. V. Senso numérico e dificuldades de aprendizagem na matemática. Revista Psicopedagogia, São Paulo, 83, 289–309, 2010.DEHAENE, Stanislas. Babies who count. In: DEHAENE, Stanislas. The Number Sense: how the mind creates mathematics. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997.DE SMEDT, Bert; GILMORE, Camilla K. Defective number module or impaired access? Numerical magnitude processing in first graders with mathematical difficulties. Journal of experimental child psychology, v. 108, n. 2, p. 278-292, 2011.DOWKER, Ann; SIGLEY, Graham. Targeted interventions for children with arithmetical difficulties. In: BJEP Monograph Series II, Number 7-Understanding number development and difficulties. British Psychological Society, p. 65-81, 2010.DYSON, Nancy I.; JORDAN, Nancy C.; GLUTTING, Joseph. A number sense intervention for low-income kindergartners at risk for mathematics difficulties. 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The paper is both an exercise in multiperspectivist analysis of metaphors and an attempt to find a theoretical foundation for the possibility of such a procedure. The concept of speculative realist “decentered thought,” which is most clearly encapsultated in Morton’s dark ecology project, implicitly presupposes a thematization and problematization of the “center” of the conceptual system - a mesh that makes the order reproduced by it a solid and stable picture of a possible world. Appealing to the theory of metaphor allows one to fix on this tension, which arises not between philosophical theory and some “external world” but between the conceptual system and the possible existence of way of ordering its instances. This also solves two problems: first, via reconfiguration of the concept of the “center” of the conceptual system by inscribing a metaphor into it; and second, by invoking and reinterpreting the Ankersmit problem to endow metaphor with the ability to act while highlighting the basic modes of its agency. This interpretation diverges from the classical - perspectivist - conceptualization of metaphor as an operator of unambiguous order in a theory and turns the systems of concepts themselves into clots of multiple and ambiguous interpretations of metaphors that always reserve the right to be something else and not the same as before. The article tests and illustrates this multiperspectivism with the conflict of metaphors involved in the transfer of the concept of Ian Bogost’s alien phenomenology to Levi Bryant’s onto-cartography system. The final part of the article elaborates a multiperspectivist stratigraphy project (an as yet non-existent branch of theory that would turn a metaphor into both an object and instrument of description and explanation) and also maps out points of uncertainty that, once overcome and clarified, would make such a stratigraphy possible. Why does the Other defeat Technology? Where has perspectivism failed? How is a history of metaphors possible if temporal regimes themselves turn out to be an effect of metaphorical operations? How can metaphors act? The article clarifies and details some answers to these and other questions.

BackgroundIn the centuries since Odysseus entrusted his son Telemachus to Athena, biographical, literary, and historical accounts have cemented the concept of mentorship into our collective consciousness. Early foundational research characterised mentors as individuals who help us transition through different phases of our lives. Chief among these phases is the progression from adolescence to adulthood, during which we “imagine exciting possibilities for [our lives] and [struggle] to attain the ‘I am’ feeling in this dreamed-of self and world” (Levinson 93). Previous research suggests that mentoring can positively impact a range of developmental outcomes including emotional/behavioural resiliency, academic attainment, career advancement, and organisational productivity (DuBois et al. 57-91; Eby et al. 441-76; Merriam 161-73). The growth of formal mentoring programs, such as Big Brothers-Big Sisters, has further strengthened our belief in the value of mentoring in personal, academic and career contexts (Eby et al. 441-76).In recent years, claims of mentorship uptake have become widespread, even ubiquitous, ranging from codified components of organisational mandates to casual bragging rights in coffee shop conversations (Eby et al. 441-76). Is this a sign that mentorship has become indispensable to personal and professional development, or is mentorship simply in vogue? In this paper, we examine uses of, and corresponding meanings attached to, mentorship. Specifically, we compare popular news portrayals of mentoring with meanings ascribed to mentoring relationships by academics who are part of formal mentoring programs.MethodsWe searched for articles published in the New York Times between July and December 2015. Search terms used included: mentor, mentors, mentoring or mentorship. This U.S. national newspaper was chosen for its broad focus, and large online readership. It is among the most widely read online newspapers worldwide (World Association of Newspapers and News Publishers). Our search generated 536 articles. We conducted a qualitative thematic contentan alysis to explore the nature, scope, and importance of mentorship, as depicted in these media accounts. We compared media themes identified through this analysis with those generated through in-depth interviews previously conducted with 23 academic faculty in mentoring programs at the University of Calgary (Canada). Data were extracted by two authors, and discrepancies in interpretation were resolved through discussion with a third author.The Many Faces of MentorshipIn both interviews and New York Times (NYT) accounts, mentorship is portrayed as part of the “fabric” of contemporary culture, and is often viewed as essential to career advancement. As one academic we interviewed commented: “You know the worst feeling in the world [as a new employee] is...to feel like you’re floundering and you don’t know where to turn.” In 322 NYT articles, mentorship was linked to professional successes across a variety of disciplines, with CEOs, and popular culture icons, such as rap artists and sports figures, citing mentorship as central to their achievements. Mentorship had a particularly strong presence in the arts (109 articles), sports (62 articles) business (57 articles), politics (36 articles), medicine (26 articles), and law (21 articles).In the NYT, mentorship was also a factor in student achievement and social justice issues including psychosocial and career support for refugees and youth from low socioeconomic backgrounds; counteracting youth radicalisation; and addressing gender inequality in the workplace. In short, mentorship appears to have been taken up as a panacea for a variety of social and economic ills.Mentor Identities and RolesWhile mentors in academia were supervisors or colleagues, NYT articles portrayed mentors more broadly, as family members, employers, friends and peers. Mentoring relationships typically begin with a connection which often manifests as shared experiences or goals (Merriam). One academic interviewee described mentorship in these terms: “There’s something there that you both really respect and value.” In many NYT accounts, the connection between mentors and mentees was similarly emphasized. As a professional athlete noted: “To me, it's not about collecting [mentors]...It's if the person means something to me...played some type of role in my life” (Shpigel SP.1).While most mentoring relationships develop organically, others are created through formal programs. In the NYT, 33 articles described formal programs to support career/skills development in the arts, business, and sports, and behaviour change in at-risk youth. Although many such programs relied on volunteers, we noted instances in professional sports and business where individuals were hired to provide mentorship. We also saw evidence to suggest that formal programs may be viewed as a quick fix, or palatable alternative, to more costly, or long-term organisational or societal change. For instance, one article on operational challenges at a law firm noted: “The firm's leadership...didn't want to be told that they needed to overhaul their entire organizational philosophy.... They wanted to be told that the firm's problem was work-family conflict for women, a narrative that would allow them to adopt a set of policies specifically aimed at helping women work part time, or be mentored” (Slaughter SR.1).Mutuality of the RelationshipEffective mentoring occurs when both mentors and mentees value these relationships. As one academic interviewee noted: “[My mentor] asked me for advice on certain things about where they’re going right career wise... I think that’s allowed us to have a stronger sort of mentoring relationship”. Some NYT portrayals of mentorship also suggested rich, reciprocal relationships. A dancer with a ballet company described her mentor:She doesn't talk at you. She talks with you. I've never thought about dancing as much as I've thought about it working with her. I feel like as a ballerina, you smile and nod and you take the beating. This is more collaborative. In school, I was always waiting to find a professor that I would bond with and who would mentor me. All I had to do was walk over to Barnard, get into the studio, and there she was. I found Twyla. Or she found me. (Kourlas AR.7)The mutuality of the mentorship evident in this dancer’s recollection is echoed in a NYT account of the role of fashion models in mentoring colleagues: “They were...mentors and connectors and facilitators, motivated...by the joy of discovering talent and creating beauty” (Trebay D.8). Yet in other media accounts, mentorship appeared unidirectional, almost one-dimensional: “Judge Forrest noted in court that he had been seen as a mentor for young people” (Moynihan A.21). Here, the focus seemed to be on the benefits, or status, accrued by the mentor. Importance of the RelationshipAcademic interviewees viewed mentors as sources of knowledge, guidance, feedback, and sponsorship. They believed mentorship had profoundly impacted their careers and that “finding a mentor can be one of the most important things” anyone could do. In the NYT portrayals, mentors were also recognized for the significant, often lasting, impact they had on the lives of their mentees. A choreographer said “the lessons she learned from her former mentor still inspire her — ‘he sits on my shoulder’” (Gold CT 11). A successful CEO of a software firm recollected how mentors enabled him to develop professional confidence: “They would have me facilitate meetings with clients early on in my career. It helped build up this reservoir of confidence” (Bryant, Candid Questions BU.2).Other accounts in academic interviews and NYT highlighted how defining moments in even short-term mentoring relationships can provoke fundamental and lasting changes in attitudes and behaviours. One interviewee who recently experienced a career change said she derived comfort from connecting with a mentor who had experienced a similar transition: “oh there’s somebody [who] talks my language...there is a place for me.” As a CEO in the NYT recalled: “An early mentor of mine said something to me when I was going to a new job: ‘Don't worry. It's just another dog and pony show.’ That really stayed with me” (Bryant, Devil’s Advocate BU.2). A writer quoted in a NYT article also recounted how a chance encounter with a mentor changed the course of his career: “She said... that my problem was not having career direction. ‘You should become a teacher,’ she said. It was an unusual thing to hear, since that subject had never come up in our conversations. But I was truly desperate, ready to hear something different...In an indirect way, my life had changed because of that drink (DeMarco ST.6).Mentorship was also celebrated in the NYT in the form of 116 obituary notices as a means of honouring and immortalising a life well lived. The mentoring role individuals had played in life was highlighted alongside those of child, parent, grandparent and spouse.Metaphor and ArchetypeMetaphors imbue language with imagery that evokes emotions, sensations, and memories in ways that other forms of speech or writing cannot, thus enabling us communicate complex ideas or beliefs. Academic interviewees invoked various metaphors to illustrate mentorship experiences. One interviewee spoke of the “blossoming” relationship while another commented on the power of the mentoring experience to “lift your world”. In the NYT we identified only one instance of the use of metaphor. A CEO of a non-profit organisation explained her mentoring philosophy as follows: “One of my mentors early on talked about the need for a leader to be a ‘certain trumpet’. It comes from Corinthians, and it's a very good visualization -- if the trumpet isn't clear, who's going to follow you?” (Bryant, Zigzag BU.2).By comparison, we noted numerous instances in the NYT wherein mentors were present as characters, or archetypes, in film, performing arts, and television. Archetypes exhibit attributes, or convey meanings, that are instinctively understood by those who share common cultural, societal, or racial experiences (Lane 232) For example, a NYT film review of The Assassin states that “the title character [is] trained in her deadly vocation by a fierce, soft-spoken mentor” (Scott C.4). Such characterisations rely on audiences’ understanding of the inherentfunction of the mentor role, and, like metaphors, can help to convey that which is compelling or complex.Intentionality and TrustIn interviews, academics spoke of the time and trust required to develop mentoring relationships. One noted “It may take a bit of an effort... You don’t get to know a person very well just meeting three times during the year”. Another spoke of trust and comfort as defining these relationships: “You just open up. You feel immediately comfortable”. We also found evidence of trust and intentionality in NYT accounts of these relationships. Mentees were often portrayed as seeking out and relying on mentorship. A junior teacher stated that “she would lean on mentors at her new school. You are not on that island all alone” (Rich A1). In contrast, there were few explicit accounts of intentionality and reflection on the part of a mentor. In one instance, a police officer who participated in a mentorship program for street kids mused “it's not about the talent. It was just about the interaction”. In another, an actor described her mentoring experiences as follows: “You have to know when to give advice and when to just be quiet and listen...no matter how much you tell someone how it goes, no one really wants to listen. Their dreams are much bigger than whatever fear or whatever obstacle you say may be in their path” (Syme C.5).Many NYT articles present career mentoring as a role that can be assumed by anyone with requisite knowledge or experience. Indeed, some accounts of mentorship arguably more closely resembled role model relationships, wherein individuals are admired, typically from afar, and emulated by those who aspire to similar accomplishments. Here, there was little, if any, apparent awareness of the complexity or potential impact of these relationships. Rather, we observed a casualness, an almost striking superficiality, in some NYT accounts of mentoring relationships. Examples ranged from references to “sartorial mentors” (Pappu D1) to a professional coach who shared: “After being told by a mentor that her scowl was ‘setting her back’ at work, [she] began taking pictures of her face so she could try to look more cheerful” (Bennett ST.1).Trust, an essential component of mentorship, can wither when mentors occupy dual roles, such as that of mentor and supervisor, or engage in mentoring as a means of furthering their own interests. While some academic interviewees were mentored by past and current supervisors, none reported any instance of role conflict. However in the NYT, we identified multiple instances where mentorship programs intentionally, or unintentionally, inspired divided loyalties. At one academic institution, peer mentors were “encouraged to befriend and offer mentorship to the students on their floors, yet were designated ‘mandatory reporters’ of any incident that may violate the school policy” (Rosman ST.1). In another media story, government employees in a phased-retirement program received monetary incentives to mentor colleagues: “Federal workers who take phased retirement work 20 hours a week and agree to mentor other workers. During that time, they receive half their pay and half their retirement annuity payout. When workers retire completely, their annuities will include an increase to account for the part-time service” (Hannon B.1). More extreme depictions of conflict of interest were evident in other NYT reports of mentors and mentees competing for job promotions, and mentees accusing mentors of sexual harassment and rape; such examples underscore potential for abuse of trust in these relationships.Discussion/ConclusionsOur exploration of mentorship in the NYT suggests mentorship is embedded in our culture, and is a means by which we develop competencies required to integrate into, and function within, society. Whereas, traditionally, mentorship was an informal relationship that developed over time, we now see a wider array of mentorship models, including formal career and youth programs aimed at increasing access to mentorship, and mentor-for-hire arrangements in business and professional sports. Such formal programs can offer redress to those who lack informal mentorship opportunities, and increased initiatives of this sort are welcome.Although standards of reporting in news media surely account for some of the lack of detail in many NYT reports of mentorship, such brevity may also suggest that, while mentoring continues to grow in popularity, we may have compromised substance for availability. Considerations of the training, time, attention, and trust required of these relationships may have been short-changed, and the tendency we observed in the NYT to conflate role modeling and mentorship may contribute to depictions of mentorship as a quick fix, or ‘mentorship light’. Although mentorship continues to be lauded as a means of promoting personal and professional development, not all mentoring may be of similar quality, and not everyone has comparable access to these relationships. While we continue to honour the promise of mentorship, as with all things worth having, effective mentorship requires effort. This effort comes in the form of preparation, commitment or intentionality, and the development of bonds of trust within these relationships. In short, overuse of, over-reference to, and misapplication of the mentorship label may serve to dilute the significance and meaning of these relationships. Further, we acknowledge a darker side to mentorship, with the potential for abuses of power.Although we have reservations regarding some trends towards the casual usage of the mentorship term, we are also heartened by the apparent scope and reach of these relationships. Numerous individuals continue to draw comfort from advice, sponsorship, motivation, support and validation that mentors provide. Indeed, for many, mentorship may represent an essential lifeline to navigating life’s many challenges. We, thus, conclude that mentorship, in its many forms, is here to stay.ReferencesBennett, Jessica. "Cursed with a Death Stare." New York Times (East Coast) 2 Aug. 2015, late ed.: ST.1.Bryant, Adam. "Designate a Devil's Advocate." New York Times (East Coast) 9 Aug. 2015, late ed.: BU.2.Bryant, Adam. "The Power of Candid Questions." New York Times (East Coast) 16 Aug. 2015, late ed.: BU. 2.Bryant, Adam. "Zigzag Your Way to the Top." New York Times (East Coast) 13 Sept. 2015, late ed.: BU.2.DeMarco, Peter. "One Life, Shaken and Stirred." New York Times (East Coast) 23 Aug. 2015, late ed.: ST.6.DuBois, David L., Nelson Portillo, Jean E. Rhodes, Nadia Silverhorn and Jeffery C. Valentine. "How Effective Are Mentoring Programs for Youth? A Systematic Assessment of the Evidence." Psychological Science in the Public Interest 12.2 (2011): 57-91.Eby, Lillian T., Tammy D. Allen, Brian J. Hoffman, Lisa E. Baranik, …, and Sarah C. Evans. "An Interdisciplinary Meta-analysis of the Potential Antecedents, Correlates, and Consequences of Protégé Perceptions of Mentoring." Psychological Bulletin 139.2 (2013): 441-76.Gold, Sarah. "Preserving a Master's Vision of Sugar Plums." New York Times (East Coast) 6 Dec. 2015, late ed.: CT 11.Hannon, Kerry. "Retiring, But Not All at Once." New York Times (East Coast) 22 Aug. 2015, late ed.: B.1.Kourlas, Gia. "Marathon of a Milestone Tour." New York Times Late Edition (East Coast) 6 Sept. 2015: AR.7.Lane, Lauriat. "The Literary Archetype: Some Reconsiderations." The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 13.2 (1954): 226-32.Levinson, Daniel. J. The Seasons of a Man's Life. New York: Ballantine, 1978.Merriam, Sharan. "Mentors and Protégés: A Critical Review of the Literature." Adult Education Quarterly 33.3 (1983): 161-73.Moynihan, Colin. "Man's Cooperation in Terrorist Cases Spares Him from Serving More Time in Prison." 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All history of this area and the general talk and all of that is that 1973 was a turning point and the Aquarius Festival is credited with having turned this region around in so many ways, but I think that is a myth ... and I have to honour the truth; and the truth is that old Dicke Donelly came and did a Welcome to Country the night before the festival. (Joseph in Joseph and Hanley)In 1973 the Australian Union of Students (AUS) held the Aquarius Arts and Lifestyle Festival in a small, rural New South Wales town called Nimbin. The festival was seen as the peak expression of Australian counterculture and is attributed to creating the “Rainbow Region”, an area with a concentration of alternative life stylers in Northern NSW (Derrett 28). While the Aquarius Festival is recognised as a founding historical and countercultural event, the unique and important relationships established with Indigenous people at this time are generally less well known. This article investigates claims that the 1973 Aquarius Festival was “the first event in Australian history that sought permission for the use of the land from the Traditional Owners” (Joseph and Hanley). The diverse international, national and local conditions that coalesced at the Aquarius Festival suggest a fertile environment was created for reconciliatory bonds to develop. Often dismissed as a “tree hugging, soap dodging movement,” the counterculture was radically politicised having sprung from the 1960s social revolutions when the world witnessed mass demonstrations that confronted war, racism, sexism and capitalism. Primarily a youth movement, it was characterised by flamboyant dress, music, drugs and mass gatherings with universities forming the epicentre and white, middle class youth leading the charge. As their ideals of changing the world were frustrated by lack of systematic change, many decided to disengage and a migration to rural settings occurred (Jacob; Munro-Clarke; Newton). In the search for alternatives, the counterculture assimilated many spiritual practices, such as Eastern traditions and mysticism, which were previously obscure to the Western world. This practice of spiritual syncretism can be represented as a direct resistance to the hegemony of the dominant Western culture (Stell). As the new counterculture developed, its progression from urban to rural settings was driven by philosophies imbued with a desire to reconnect with and protect the natural world while simultaneously rejecting the dominant conservative order. A recurring feature of this countercultural ‘back to the land’ migration was not only an empathetic awareness of the injustices of colonial past, but also a genuine desire to learn from the Indigenous people of the land. Indigenous people were generally perceived as genuine opposers of Westernisation, inherently spiritual, ecological, tribal and communal, thus encompassing the primary values to which the counterculture was aspiring (Smith). Cultures converged. One, a youth culture rebelling from its parent culture; the other, ancient cultures reeling from the historical conquest by the youths’ own ancestors. Such cultural intersections are rich with complex scenarios and politics. As a result, often naïve, but well-intended relations were established with Native Americans, various South American Indigenous peoples, New Zealand Maori and, as this article demonstrates, the Original People of Australia (Smith; Newton; Barr-Melej; Zolov). The 1960s protest era fostered the formation of groups aiming to address a variety of issues, and at times many supported each other. Jennifer Clarke says it was the Civil Rights movement that provided the first models of dissent by formulating a “method, ideology and language of protest” as African Americans stood up and shouted prior to other movements (2). The issue of racial empowerment was not lost on Australia’s Indigenous population. Clarke writes that during the 1960s, encouraged by events overseas and buoyed by national organisation, Aborigines “slowly embarked on a political awakening, demanded freedom from the trappings of colonialism and responded to the effects of oppression at worst and neglect at best” (4). Activism of the 1960s had the “profoundly productive effect of providing Aborigines with the confidence to assert their racial identity” (159). Many Indigenous youth were compelled by the zeitgeist to address their people’s issues, fulfilling Charlie Perkins’s intentions of inspiring in Indigenous peoples a will to resist (Perkins). Enjoying new freedoms of movement out of missions, due to the 1967 Constitutional change and the practical implementation of the assimilation policy, up to 32,000 Indigenous youth moved to Redfern, Sydney between 1967 and 1972 (Foley, “An Evening With”). Gary Foley reports that a dynamic new Black Power Movement emerged but the important difference between this new younger group and the older Indigenous leaders of the day was the diverse range of contemporary influences. Taking its mantra from the Black Panther movement in America, though having more in common with the equivalent Native American Red Power movement, the Black Power Movement acknowledged many other international struggles for independence as equally inspiring (Foley, “An Evening”). People joined together for grassroots resistance, formed anti-hierarchical collectives and established solidarities between varied groups who previously would have had little to do with each other. The 1973 Aquarius Festival was directly aligned with “back to the land” philosophies. The intention was to provide a place and a reason for gathering to “facilitate exchanges on survival techniques” and to experience “living in harmony with the natural environment.” without being destructive to the land (Dunstan, “A Survival Festival”). Early documents in the archives, however, reveal no apparent interest in Australia’s Indigenous people, referring more to “silken Arabian tents, mediaeval banners, circus, jugglers and clowns, peace pipes, maypole and magic circles” (Dunstan, “A Survival Festival”). Obliterated from the social landscape and minimally referred to in the Australian education system, Indigenous people were “off the radar” to the majority mindset, and the Australian counterculture similarly was slow to appreciate Indigenous culture. Like mainstream Australia, the local counterculture movement largely perceived the “race” issue as something occurring in other countries, igniting the phrase “in your own backyard” which became a catchcry of Indigenous activists (Foley, “Whiteness and Blackness”) With no mention of any Indigenous interest, it seems likely that the decision to engage grew from the emerging climate of Indigenous activism in Australia. Frustrated by student protestors who seemed oblivious to local racial issues, focusing instead on popular international injustices, Indigenous activists accused them of hypocrisy. Aquarius Festival directors, found themselves open to similar accusations when public announcements elicited a range of responses. Once committed to the location of Nimbin, directors Graeme Dunstan and Johnny Allen began a tour of Australian universities to promote the upcoming event. While at the annual conference of AUS in January 1973 at Monash University, Dunstan met Indigenous activist Gary Foley: Gary witnessed the presentation of Johnny Allen and myself at the Aquarius Foundation session and our jubilation that we had agreement from the village residents to not only allow, but also to collaborate in the production of the Festival. After our presentation which won unanimous support, it was Gary who confronted me with the question “have you asked permission from local Aboriginal folk?” This threw me into confusion because we had seen no Aboriginals in Nimbin. (Dunstan, e-mail) Such a challenge came at a time when the historical climate was etched with political activism, not only within the student movement, but more importantly with Indigenous activists’ recent demonstrations, such as the installation in 1972 of the Tent Embassy in Canberra. As representatives of the counterculture movement, which was characterised by its inclinations towards consciousness-raising, AUS organisers were ethically obliged to respond appropriately to the questions about Indigenous permission and involvement in the Aquarius Festival at Nimbin. In addition to this political pressure, organisers in Nimbin began hearing stories of the area being cursed or taboo for women. This most likely originated from the tradition of Nimbin Rocks, a rocky outcrop one kilometre from Nimbin, as a place where only certain men could go. Jennifer Hoff explains that many major rock formations were immensely sacred places and were treated with great caution and respect. Only a few Elders and custodians could visit these places and many such locations were also forbidden for women. Ceremonies were conducted at places like Nimbin Rocks to ensure the wellbeing of all tribespeople. Stories of the Nimbin curse began to spread and most likely captivated a counterculture interested in mysticism. As organisers had hoped that news of the festival would spread on the “lips of the counterculture,” they were alarmed to hear how “fast the bad news of this curse was travelling” (Dunstan, e-mail). A diplomatic issue escalated with further challenges from the Black Power community when organisers discovered that word had spread to Sydney’s Indigenous community in Redfern. Organisers faced a hostile reaction to their alleged cultural insensitivity and were plagued by negative publicity with accusations the AUS were “violating sacred ground” (Janice Newton 62). Faced with such bad press, Dunstan was determined to repair what was becoming a public relations disaster. It seemed once prompted to the path, a sense of moral responsibility prevailed amongst the organisers and they took the unprecedented step of reaching out to Australia’s Indigenous people. Dunstan claimed that an expedition was made to the local Woodenbong mission to consult with Elder, Uncle Lyle Roberts. To connect with local people required crossing the great social divide present in that era of Australia’s history. Amy Nethery described how from the nineteenth century to the 1960s, a “system of reserves, missions and other institutions isolated, confined and controlled Aboriginal people” (9). She explains that the people were incarcerated as a solution to perceived social problems. For Foley, “the widespread genocidal activity of early “settlement” gave way to a policy of containment” (Foley, “Australia and the Holocaust”). Conditions on missions were notoriously bad with alcoholism, extreme poverty, violence, serious health issues and depression common. Of particular concern to mission administrators was the perceived need to keep Indigenous people separate from the non-indigenous population. Dunstan described the mission he visited as having “bad vibes.” He found it difficult to communicate with the elderly man, and was not sure if he understood Dunstan’s quest, as his “responses came as disjointed raves about Jesus and saving grace” (Dunstan, e-mail). Uncle Lyle, he claimed, did not respond affirmatively or negatively to the suggestion that Nimbin was cursed, and so Dunstan left assuming it was not true. Other organisers began to believe the curse and worried that female festival goers might get sick or worse, die. This interpretation reflected, as Vanessa Bible argues, a general Eurocentric misunderstanding of the relationship of Indigenous peoples with the land. Paul Joseph admits they were naïve whites coming into a place with very little understanding, “we didn’t know if we needed a witch doctor or what we needed but we knew we needed something from the Aborigines to lift the spell!”(Joseph and Hanley). Joseph, one of the first “hippies” who moved to the area, had joined forces with AUS organisers. He said, “it just felt right” to get Indigenous involvement and recounted how organisers made another trip to Woodenbong Mission to find Dickee (Richard) Donnelly, a Song Man, who was very happy to be invited. Whether the curse was valid or not it proved to be productive in further instigating respectful action. Perhaps feeling out of their depth, the organisers initiated another strategy to engage with Australian Indigenous people. A call out was sent through the AUS network to diversify the cultural input and it was recommended they engage the services of South African artist, Bauxhau Stone. Timing aligned well as in 1972 Australia had voted in a new Prime Minister, Gough Whitlam. Whitlam brought about significant political changes, many in response to socialist protests that left a buoyancy in the air for the counterculturalist movement. He made prodigious political changes in support of Indigenous people, including creating the Aboriginal Arts Board as part of the Australian Council of the Arts (ACA). As the ACA were already funding activities for the Aquarius Festival, organisers were successful in gaining two additional grants specifically for Indigenous participation (Farnham). As a result We were able to hire […] representatives, a couple of Kalahari bushmen. ‘Cause we were so dumb, we didn’t think we could speak to the black people, you know what I mean, we thought we would be rejected, or whatever, so for us to really reach out, we needed somebody black to go and talk to them, or so we thought, and it was remarkable. This one Bau, a remarkable fellow really, great artist, great character, he went all over Australia. He went to Pitjantjatjara, Yirrkala and we arranged buses and tents when they got here. We had a very large contingent of Aboriginal people come to the Aquarius Festival, thanks to Whitlam. (Joseph in Joseph and Henley) It was under the aegis of these government grants that Bauxhau Stone conducted his work. Stone embodied a nexus of contemporary issues. Acutely aware of the international movement for racial equality and its relevance to Australia, where conditions were “really appalling”, Stone set out to transform Australian race relations by engaging with the alternative arts movement (Stone). While his white Australian contemporaries may have been unaccustomed to dealing with the Indigenous racial issue, Stone was actively engaged and thus well suited to act as a cultural envoy for the Aquarius Festival. He visited several local missions, inviting people to attend and notifying them of ceremonies being conducted by respected Elders. Nimbin was then the site of the Aquarius Lifestyle and Celebration Festival, a two week gathering of alternative cultures, technologies and youth. It innovatively demonstrated its diversity of influences, attracted people from all over the world and was the first time that the general public really witnessed Australia’s counterculture (Derrett 224). As markers of cultural life, counterculture festivals of the 1960s and 1970s were as iconic as the era itself and many around the world drew on the unique Indigenous heritage of their settings in some form or another (Partridge; Perone; Broadley and Jones; Zolov). The social phenomenon of coming together to experience, celebrate and foster a sense of unity was triggered by protests, music and a simple, yet deep desire to reconnect with each other. Festivals provided an environment where the negative social pressures of race, gender, class and mores (such as clothes) were suspended and held the potential “for personal and social transformation” (St John 167). With the expressed intent to “take matters into our own hands” and try to develop alternative, innovative ways of doing things with collective participation, the Aquarius Festival thus became an optimal space for reinvigorating ancient and Indigenous ways (Dunstan, “A Survival Festival”). With philosophies that venerated collectivism, tribalism, connecting with the earth, and the use of ritual, the Indigenous presence at the Aquarius Festival gave attendees the opportunity to experience these values. To connect authentically with Nimbin’s landscape, forming bonds with the Traditional Owners was essential. Participants were very fortunate to have the presence of the last known initiated men of the area, Uncle Lyle Roberts and Uncle Dickee Donnely. These Elders represented the last vestiges of an ancient culture and conducted innovative ceremonies, song, teachings and created a sacred fire for the new youth they encountered in their land. They welcomed the young people and were very happy for their presence, believing it represented a revolutionary shift (Wedd; King; John Roberts; Cecil Roberts). Images 1 and 2: Ceremony and talks conducted at the Aquarius Festival (people unknown). Photographs reproduced by permission of photographer and festival attendee Paul White. The festival thus provided an important platform for the regeneration of cultural and spiritual practices. John Roberts, nephew of Uncle Lyle, recalled being surprised by the reaction of festival participants to his uncle: “He was happy and then he started to sing. And my God … I couldn’t get near him! There was this big ring of hippies around him. They were about twenty deep!” Sharing to an enthusiastic, captive audience had a positive effect and gave the non-indigenous a direct Indigenous encounter (Cecil Roberts; King; Oshlak). Estimates of the number of Indigenous people in attendance vary, with the main organisers suggesting 800 to 1000 and participants suggesting 200 to 400 (Stone; Wedd; Oshlak: Joseph; King; Cecil Roberts). As the Festival lasted over a two week period, many came and left within that time and estimates are at best reliant on memory, engagement and perspectives. With an estimated total attendance at the Festival between 5000 and 10,000, either number of Indigenous attendees is symbolic and a significant symbolic statistic for Indigenous and non-indigenous to be together on mutual ground in Australia in 1973. Images 3-5: Performers from Yirrkala Dance Group, brought to the festival by Stone with funding from the Federal Government. Photographs reproduced by permission of photographer and festival attendee Dr Ian Cameron. For Indigenous people, the event provided an important occasion to reconnect with their own people, to share their culture with enthusiastic recipients, as well as the chance to experience diverse aspects of the counterculture. Though the northern NSW region has a history of diverse cultural migration of Italian and Indian families, the majority of non-indigenous and Indigenous people had limited interaction with cosmopolitan influences (Kijas 20). Thus Nimbin was a conservative region and many Christianised Indigenous people were also conservative in their outlook. The Aquarius Festival changed that as the Indigenous people experienced the wide-ranging cultural elements of the alternative movement. The festival epitomised countercultural tendencies towards flamboyant fashion and hairstyles, architectural design, fantastical art, circus performance, Asian clothes and religious products, vegetarian food and nudity. Exposure to this bohemian culture would have surely led to “mind expansion and consciousness raising,” explicit aims adhered to by the movement (Roszak). Performers and participants from Africa, America and India also gave attending Indigenous Australians the opportunity to interact with non-European cultures. Many people interviewed for this paper indicated that Indigenous people’s reception of this festival experience was joyous. For Australia’s early counterculture, interest in Indigenous Australia was limited and for organisers of the AUS Aquarius Festival, it was not originally on the agenda. The counterculture in the USA and New Zealand had already started to engage with their Indigenous people some years earlier. However due to the Aquarius Festival’s origins in the student movement and its solidarities with the international Indigenous activist movement, they were forced to shift their priorities. The coincidental selection of a significant spiritual location at Nimbin to hold the festival brought up additional challenges and countercultural intrigue with mystical powers and a desire to connect authentically to the land, further prompted action. Essentially, it was the voices of empowered Indigenous activists, like Gary Foley, which in fact triggered the reaching out to Indigenous involvement. While the counterculture organisers were ultimately receptive and did act with unprecedented respect, credit must be given to Indigenous activists. The activist’s role is to trigger action and challenge thinking and in this case, it was ultimately productive. Therefore the Indigenous people were not merely passive recipients of beneficiary goodwill, but active instigators of appropriate cultural exchange. After the 1973 festival many attendees decided to stay in Nimbin to purchase land collectively and a community was born. Relationships established with local Indigenous people developed further. Upon visiting Nimbin now, one will see a vibrant visual display of Indigenous and psychedelic themed art, a central park with an open fire tended by local custodians and other Indigenous community members, an Aboriginal Centre whose rent is paid for by local shopkeepers, and various expressions of a fusion of counterculture and Indigenous art, music and dance. While it appears that reconciliation became the aspiration for mainstream society in the 1990s, Nimbin’s early counterculture history had Indigenous reconciliation at its very foundation. The efforts made by organisers of the 1973 Aquarius Festival stand as one of very few examples in Australian history where non-indigenous Australians have respectfully sought to learn from Indigenous people and to assimilate their cultural practices. It also stands as an example for the world, of reconciliation, based on hippie ideals of peace and love. They encouraged the hippies moving up here, even when they came out for Aquarius, old Uncle Lyle and Richard Donnelly, they came out and they blessed the mob out here, it was like the hairy people had come back, with the Nimbin, cause the Nimbynji is the little hairy people, so the hairy people came back (Jerome). References Barr-Melej, Patrick. “Siloísmo and the Self in Allende’s Chile: Youth, 'Total Revolution,' and the Roots of the Humanist Movement.” Hispanic American Historical Review 86.4 (Nov. 2006): 747-784. Bible, Vanessa. Aquarius Rising: Terania Creek and the Australian Forest Protest Movement. BA (Honours) Thesis. University of New England, Armidale, 2010. Broadley, Colin, and Judith Jones, eds. Nambassa: A New Direction. Auckland: Reed, 1979. Bryant, Gordon M. Parliament of Australia. Minister for Aboriginal Affairs. 1 May 1973. Australian Union of Students. Records of the AUS, 1934-1991. National Library of Australia MS ACC GB 1992.0505. Cameron, Ian. “Aquarius Festival Photographs.” 1973. Clarke, Jennifer. Aborigines and Activism: Race, Aborigines and the Coming of the Sixties to Australia. Crawley: University of Western Australia Press, 2008. Derrett, Ross. Regional Festivals: Nourishing Community Resilience: The Nature and Role of Cultural Festivals in Northern Rivers NSW Communities. PhD Thesis. Southern Cross University, Lismore, 2008. Dunstan, Graeme. “A Survival Festival May 1973.” 1 Aug. 1972. Pamphlet. MS 6945/1. Nimbin Aquarius Festival Archives. National Library of Australia, Canberra. ---. E-mail to author, 11 July 2012. ---. “The Aquarius Festival.” Aquarius Rainbow Region. n.d. Farnham, Ken. Acting Executive Officer, Aboriginal Council for the Arts. 19 June 1973. Letter. MS ACC GB 1992.0505. Australian Union of Students. Records of the AUS, 1934-1991. National Library of Australia, Canberra. Foley, Gary. “Australia and the Holocaust: A Koori Perspective (1997).” The Koori History Website. n.d. 20 May 2013 ‹http://www.kooriweb.org/foley/essays/essay_8.html›. ---. “Whiteness and Blackness in the Koori Struggle for Self-Determination (1999).” The Koori History Website. n.d. 20 May 2013 ‹http://www.kooriweb.org/foley/essays/essay_9.html›. ---. “Black Power in Redfern 1968-1972 (2001).” The Koori History Website. n.d. 20 May 2013 ‹http://www.kooriweb.org/foley/essays/essay_1.html›. ---. “An Evening with Legendary Aboriginal Activist Gary Foley.” Conference Session. Marxism 2012 “Revolution in the Air”, Melbourne, Mar. 2012. Hoff, Jennifer. Bundjalung Jugun: Bundjalung Country. Lismore: Richmond River Historical Society, 2006. Jacob, Jeffrey. New Pioneers: The Back-to-the-Land Movement and the Search for a Sustainable Future. Pennsylvania: Penn State Press, 1997. Jerome, Burri. Interview. 31 July 2012. Joseph, Paul. Interview. 7 Aug. 2012. Joseph, Paul, and Brendan ‘Mookx’ Hanley. Interview by Rob Willis. 14 Aug. 2010. Audiofile, Session 2 of 3. nla.oh-vn4978025. Rob Willis Folklore Collection. National Library of Australia, Canberra. Kijas, Johanna, Caravans and Communes: Stories of Settling in the Tweed 1970s & 1980s. Murwillumbah: Tweed Shire Council, 2011. King, Vivienne (Aunty Viv). Interview. 1 Aug. 2012. Munro-Clarke, Margaret. Communes of Rural Australia: The Movement Since 1970. Sydney: Hale and Iremonger, 1986. Nethery, Amy. “Aboriginal Reserves: ‘A Modern-Day Concentration Camp’: Using History to Make Sense of Australian Immigration Detention Centres.” Does History Matter? Making and Debating Citizenship, Immigration and Refugee Policy in Australia and New Zealand. Eds. Klaus Neumann and Gwenda Tavan. Canberra: Australian National University Press, 2009. 4. Newton, Janice. “Aborigines, Tribes and the Counterculture.” Social Analysis 23 (1988): 53-71. Newton, John. The Double Rainbow: James K Baxter, Ngati Hau and the Jerusalem Commune. Wellington: Victoria University Press, 2009. Offord, Baden. “Mapping the Rainbow Region: Fields of Belonging and Sites of Confluence.” Transformations 2 (March 2002): 1-5. Oshlak, Al. Interview. 27 Mar. 2013. Partridge, Christopher. “The Spiritual and the Revolutionary: Alternative Spirituality, British Free Festivals, and the Emergence of Rave Culture.” Culture and Religion: An Interdisciplinary Journal 7 (2006): 3-5. Perkins, Charlie. “Charlie Perkins on 1965 Freedom Ride.” Youtube, 13 Oct. 2009. Perone, James E. Woodstock: An Encyclopedia of the Music and Art Fair. Greenwood: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2005. Roberts, John. Interview. 1 Aug. 2012. Roberts, Cecil. Interview. 6 Aug. 2012. Roszak, Theodore. The Making of a Counter Culture: Reflections on the Technocratic Society and Its Youthful Opposition. New York: University of California Press,1969. 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Boxing is a purely masculine activity and it inhabits a purely masculine world. […] Boxing is for men, and it is about men, and is men. (Joyce Carol Oates) IntroductionWriting about boxing is an intimate, private, and unusual activity. Although a decade has passed since I first “stepped into the ring” (sparring or fighting), I have not engaged with boxing in academic terms. I undertook a doctoral degree from 2012 to 2016, during which I competed and won amateur titles in three different countries. Boxing, in a sense, shadowed my research. My fieldwork, researching heritage foods networks, brought me to various locales, situating my body in reference to participants and academics as well as my textual analysis. My daily interactions and reflections in the boxing gym, though, were marginalised to give priority to my doctorate. In a mirrored journey to Wacquant’s “carnal ethnography of the skilled body” (Habitus 87), I boxed as a hobby. It was a means to escape my life as a doctoral student, my thesis, and the library. Research belonged to the realm of academia; boxing, to the realm of the physical. In this paper, I seek to implode this self-imposed distinction.Practising the “noble art,” as boxing is commonly called, profoundly altered not only my body but also my way of seeing the world, myself, and others. I explore these themes through an autoethnographic account of my experience in the ring. Focusing on sparring, rather than competing, I explore conceptualisations of my face as a material, as well as part of my body, and also as a surface for violence and apprenticeship. Reflecting upon a decade of sparring, the analysis presented in this paper is grounded in the phenomenological tradition whereby knowledge is not an abstract notion that exists over and above felt experience: it is sensed and embodied through practice.I delve into the narratives of my personal “social logic of a bodily craft” of boxing (Wacquant, Habitus 85). More specifically, I reflect upon my experiences of getting hit in the face by men in the ring, and the acclimatisation required, evolving from feelings of intrusion, betrayal, and physical pain to habit, and at times, excitement. As a surface for punching, my face became both material and immaterial. It was a tool that had to be tuned to varying degrees of pain to inform me of my performance as well as my opponent’s. Simultaneously, it was a surface that was abstracted and side-lined in order to put myself purposefully in harm’s way as one does when stepping into the ring. Through reflecting on my face, I consider how the sport offered new embodied experiences through which I became keenly aware of my body as a delineated target for—as well as the source of—violence. In particular, my body boundaries were profoundly reconfigured in the ring: sparring partners demonstrated their respect by hitting me, validating both my body and my skill as a boxer. In this manner, I discuss the spatiality of the ring as eliciting transitions of felt and abstracted pain as well as shaping my self-image as a re-gendered boxer in the ring and out. Throughout my account, I briefly engage with Wacquant’s discussion of “pugilistic habitus” (Body 99) and his claims that boxing is the epitome of masculine valour. In the final section, I conclude with deliberations upon the new bodily awareness(es) I gained through the sport, and the re-materiality I experienced as a strong woman.Methodological and Conceptual FrameworksThe analysis in this paper is based on the hybrid narrative of ethnography and autobiography: autoethnography. In the words of Tami Spry, autoethnography is “a self-narrative that critiques the situatedness of self and others in social context” (710). As such, I take stock in hindsight (Bruner; Denzin) of the evolution of my thoughts on boxing, my stance as a boxer, and the ways the ring has affected my sense of self and my body.Unlike Wacquant's “carnal ethnography” (Habitus 83) whose involvement with boxing was foregrounded in an academic context where he wrote detailed field-notes and conducted participant observation, my involvement was deliberately non-academic until I began to write this paper. Based on hindsight, the data collected through this autoethnography are value-inflected in ways that differ from other modes of data collection. But I have sought to recreate a dialectic between perceptual experience and cultural practices and patterns, in a manner aligned with Csordas’s paradigm of embodiment. My method is to “retrospectively and selectively write about epiphanies that stem from, or are made possible by, being part of a culture” (Ellis et al. 276) of boxing. These epiphanies, as sensed and embodied knowledge, were not solely conceptual moments but also physical realisations that my body performed, such as understanding—and executing—a well-timed slip to the side to avoid a punch.Focusing on my embodied experiences in the ring and out, I have sought to uncover “somatic modes of attention:” the “culturally elaborated ways of attending to and with one’s body in surroundings that include the embodied presence of others” (Csordas 138). The aim of this engagement is to convey my self-representation as a boxer in the ring, which emerged in part through the inter-subjectivity of interacting with other boxers whilst prioritising representations of my face. As such, my personal narrative is enmeshed with insights gleaned during embodied epiphanies I had in the ring, interweaving storytelling with theory.I have chosen to use the conventions of storytelling (Ellis and Ellingson) to explore the defining moments that shaped the image I hold of myself as a boxer. My personal narrative—where I view myself as the phenomenon—seeks “to produce aesthetic and evocative thick descriptions of personal and interpersonal experience” (Ellis et al. 287) whilst striving to remain accessible to a broader audience than within academia (Bochner). Personal narratives offer an understanding of the “self or aspect of a life as it intersects with a cultural context, connect to other participants as co-researchers, and invite readers to enter the author's world and to use what they learn there to reflect on, understand, and cope with their own lives” (Ellis 14; see also Ellis et al. 289).As the focus of my narrative is my face, I used my body, in Longhurst et al.’s words, as the “primary tool through which all interactions and emotions filter in accessing subjects and their geographies” (208). As “the foundation of the entire pugilistic regimen”, the body is the site of an intimate self-awareness, of the “body-sense” (Heiskanen 26). Taking my body as the starting point of my analysis, my conceptual framework is heavily informed by Thrift’s non-representational theory, enabling me to inquire into the “skills and knowledges [people] get from being embodied beings” (127), and specifically, embodied boxers. The analysis presented here is thus based on an “epistemic reflexivity” (Wacquant, Habitus 89) and responds to what Wacquant coins the “pugilistic habitus” (Body 99): a set of acquired dispositions of the boxer. Bourdieu believes that people are social agents who actively construct social reality through “categories of perception, appreciation and action” (30). The boxing habitus needs to be grasped with one’s body: it intermingles “cognitive categories, bodily skills and desires which together define the competence and appetence specific to the boxer” (Wacquant, Habitus 87). Through this habitus, I construct an image of myself not only as a boxer, but also as a re-gendered being, directly critiquing Wacquant’s arguments of the “pugilist” as fundamentally male.Resistance to Female BoxingMischa Merz’s manuscript on her boxing experience is the most accurate narrative I have yet read on female boxing, as a visceral as well as incorporeal experience, which led Merz to question and reconsider her own identity. When Merz published her manuscript in 2000, six years before I put the gloves on, the boxing world was still resisting the presence of women in the ring. In the UK, licenses for boxing were refused to women until 1998, and in New South Wales, Australia, it was illegal for women to compete until December 2008. It was not until 2012 that female boxing became internationally recognised as a sport in its own right. During the London Olympics, after a sulphurous debate on whether women should be made to box in skirts to “differentiate” them from men, women were finally allowed to compete in three weight categories, compared to ten for men.When I first started training in 2006 at the age of 21, I was unaware of the long list of determined and courageous women who had carved their way—and facilitated mine—into the ring, fighting for their right to practise a sport considered men’s exclusive domain. By the time I started learning the “sweet science” (another popular term used for boxing), my presence was accepted, albeit still unusual. My university had decreed boxing a violent sport that could not be allowed on campus. As a result, I only started boxing when I obtained a driving licence, and could attend training sessions off-campus. My desire to box had been sparked five years before, when I viewed Girlfight, a film depicting a young woman’s journey into the ring. Until then, I had never imagined a woman could box, let alone be inspirational in the use of her strength, aggression, and violence; to be strong was, for me, to be manly—which, as a woman, translated as monstrous or a perversion. I suddenly recognised in boxing a possibility to rid myself of the burden of what I saw as my bulk, and transform my body into a graceful pugilist—a fighter.First Sparring SessionTwo months after I had first thrown a punch in my coach’s pad—the gear coaches wear to protect their hands when a boxer is punching them to train—I was allowed into the ring to spar. Building up to this moment, I had anticipated and dreaded my first steps in the ring as the test of my skill and worthiness as a boxer. This moment would show my physical conditioning: whether I had trained and dieted correctly, if I was strong or resilient enough to fight. More crucially, it would lay bare my personality, the strength of my character, the extent of my willpower and belief in myself: it would reveal, in boxing terminology, if I had “heart.” Needless to say I had fantasised often about this moment. It was my initiation into the art of being punched and I hoped I would prove myself a hardened individual, capable of withstanding pain without flinching or retreating.The memory of the first punch to my face—my nose, to be exact—remains clear and vivid. My sparring partner was my coach, a retired boxer who hit me repeatedly in the head during the entirety of my first round. Getting hit in the face for the first time is a profound moment of rupture. Until then, my face had been a bodily surface reserved for affective gestures by individuals of trust: kisses of greeting on the cheeks or caresses from lovers. Only once had I been slapped, in an act of aggression that had left me paralysed with shock and feeling violated. Now in the ring, being punched in the face by a man I trusted, vastly more experienced and stronger than I, provoked a violent reaction of indignation and betrayal. Feelings of deceit, physical intrusion, and confusion overwhelmed me; pain was an entirely secondary concern. I had, without realising, assumed my coach would “go easy” on me, softening his punches and giving me time to react adequately to his attacks as we had practised on the pads. A couple of endless minutes later, I stepped out of the ring, breathless and staring at the floor to hide my tears of humiliation and overwhelming frustration.It is a common experience amongst novices, when first stepping into the ring, to forget everything they have been taught: footwork, defence, combinations, chin down, guard up … etc. They often freeze, as I did, with the first physical contact. Suddenly and concretely, with the immediacy of pain, they become aware of the extent of the danger they have purposely placed themselves in. The disturbance I felt was matched in part by my belief that I was essentially a coward. In an act condemned by the boxing community, I had turned my face away from punches: I tried to escape the ring instead of dominating it. Merz succinctly describes this experience in the boxing realm: “aspects of my character were frequently tossed in my face for assessment. I saw gaping holes in my tenacity, my resilience, my courage, my athleticism” (49). That night, I felt an unfamiliar sting as I took my jumper off, noticing a slight yet painful bruise on the bridge of my nose. It reminded me of my inadequacy and, I believed at the time, a fundamental failure of character: I lacked heart.My Face: A Tool for Sensing and Ignoring PainTo get as accustomed as a punching bag to repeated hits without flinching I had to mould my face into a mask of impassivity, revealing little to my opponent. My face also became a calibrated tool to measure my opponent’s skill, strength, and intent through the levels of pain it would experience. If an opponent repeatedly targeted my nose, I knew the sparring session was not a “friendly encounter.” Most often though, we would nod at each other in acknowledgement of the other’s successful “contact,” such as when their punches hurt my body. The ring is the only space I know and inhabit where the display of physical violence can be interpreted as a “friendly gesture” (Merz 12).Boxers, like most athletes, are carefully attuned to measuring the degrees of pain they undergo during a fight and training, whilst accomplishing the paradoxical feat—when they are hit—of setting aside that pain lest it be a distraction. In other words, boxers’ bodies are both material and immaterial: they are sites for accessing sensory information, notably pain levels, as well as tools that—at times detrimentally—have learned to abstract pain in the effort to ignore physical limitations, impediments or fatigue. Boxers with “heart,” I believe, are those who inhabit this duality of material and immaterial bodies.I have systematically been questioned whether I fear bruising or scarring my face. It would seem illogical to many that a woman would voluntarily engage in an activity that could blemish her appearance. Beyond this concern lies the issue, as Merz puts it, that “physical prowess and femininity seem to be so fundamentally incompatible” (476). My face used to be solely a source of concern as a medium of beautification and the platform from which I believed the world judged my degree of attractiveness. It also served as a marker of distinction: those I trusted intimately could touch my face, others could not. Throughout my training, my face evolved and also became an instrument that I conditioned and used strategically in the ring. The bruises I received attested to my readiness to exchange punches, a mark of valour I came to relish more than looking “nice.”Boxing has taught me how to feel my body in new ways. I no longer inhabit an “absent body” (Leder). I intimately know the border between my skin and the world, aware of exactly how far my body extends into that world and how much “punishment” (getting hit) it can withstand: boxing—which Oates (26) observed as a spectator rather than boxer—“is an act of consummate self-determination—the constant re-establishment of the parameters of one’s being.” A strong initial allure of boxing was the strict discipline it gave to my eating habits, an anchor—and at times, a torture—for someone who suffered from decade-long eating disorders. Although boxing plagued me with the need to “make weight”—to fight in a designated weight category—I no longer sought to be as petite as I could manage. As a female boxer, I was reminded of my gender, and my “unusual” body, as I am uncommonly big, strong, and heavy compared to most female fighters. I still find it difficult to find women to spar with, let alone fight. Unlike in the world outside the gym, though, my size is something I continuously learn to value as an advantage in the ring, a tool for affirmation, and significantly, a means of acceptance by, and equality with, men.The Ring: A Place of Re-GenderingAs sparring became routine, I had an epiphany: what I had taken as an act of betrayal from my coach was actually one of respect. Opponents who threw “honest” (painful) punches esteemed me as a boxer. I have, to this day, very rarely sparred with women. I often get told that I punch “like a guy,” an ability with which I have sought to impress coaches and boxers alike. As such, I am usually partnered with men who believe, as they have told me, that hitting a “girl”—and even worse, hitting a girl in the face—is simply unacceptable. Many have admitted that they fear hurting me, though some have quickly wanted to after a couple of exchanges. I have found that their views of “acceptable” violence seem unchanged after a session, as I believe they have come to view me as a boxer first and as a woman second.It would be disingenuous to omit that boxing attracted me as much for the novelty status I have gained within and outside of it. I have often walked a thin line between revelling in the sense of belonging that boxing provides me—anchored in a feeling that gender no longer matters—and the acute sense of feeling special because I am a woman performing as a man in what is still considered a man’s world. I have wavered between feeling as though I am shrugging off the very notion of gender in the ring, to deeply reconsidering what my gender means to me and the world, embracing a more fluid and performative understanding of gender than I had before (Messner; Young).In a way, my sense of self is shaped conflictingly by the ways in which boxers behave towards me in the ring, and how others see me outside of the boxing gym. As de Bruin and de Haan suggest, my body, in its active dimension, is open to the other and grounds inter-subjectivity. This inter-subjectivity of embodiment—how other bodies constitute my own sensory and perceptual experience of being-in-the-world—remains ambivalent. It has led me to feel at times genderless—or rather, beyond gender—in the ring and, because of this feeling, I simultaneously question and continuously re-explore more vividly what can be understood as “female masculinity” (Halberstam). As training progressed, I increasingly felt that:If women are going to fight, we have to be reminded, at every chance available, time and again, that they are still feminine or capable, at least, of wearing the costume of femininity, being hobbled by high heels and constrained by tight dresses. All female athletes in a way are burdened with having to re-iterate this same public narrative. (Merz)As I learned to box, I also learned to delineate myself alongside the ring: as I questioned notions of gender inside, I consequently sought to reaffirm a specific and static idea of gender through overt femininity outside the ring, as other female athletes have also been seen to do (Duncan). During my first years of training, I was the only woman at the gyms I trained in. I believed I had to erase any physical reminders of femininity: my sport clothes were loose fitting, my hair short, and I never wore jewellery or make-up. I wanted to be seen as a boxer, not a woman: my physical attractiveness was, for once, irrelevant. Ironically, I could not conceive of myself as a woman in the ring, and did not believe I could be seen as a woman in the ring. Outside the gym, I increasingly sought to reassert a stereotypical feminine appearance, taking pleasure in subverting another set of beliefs. People are usually hesitant to visualise a woman in a skirt, without a broken nose, as a competitive fighter with a mouth guard and headgear. As Wacquant succinctly put it, “I led a sort of Dr. Jekyll-and-Mr. Hyde existence” (Habitus 86), which crystallised when one of my coaches failed to recognise me on three occasions outside the gym, in my “normal” clothes.I have now come to resent profoundly the marginal, sensationalised status that being a boxer denotes for a woman. This is premised on particular social norms surrounding gender, which dictate that if a woman boxes, she is not “your usual” woman. I have striven to re-gender my experience, especially in light of the recent explosion of interest in female boxing, where new norms are being established. As I have trained around the world, including in Cuba, France, and the USA, and competed in the UK, Mexico, and Belgium, I have valued the tacit connection between those who practice the “noble art.” Boxing fashions a particular habitus (Bourdieu), the “pugilistic habitus” (Wacquant, Body 12). Stepping into the ring, and being able to handle getting hit in the face, constitutes a common language that boxers around the world, male and female, understand, value, and share; a language that transcends the tacit everyday embodiments of gender and class. Boxing is habitually said to give access to an upward mobility (Wacquant, Habitus; Heiskanen). In my case, as a white, educated, middle-class woman, boxing has given me access to cross-class associations: I have trained alongside men who had been shot in Coventry, were jobless in Cuba, or dealt with drug gangs in Mexico. The ring is an equalising space, where social, gender—and in my experience, ethnic—divides can be smoothed down to leave the pugilistic valour, the property of boxing excellence, as the main metric of appreciation.The freedom I have found in the ring is one that has allowed my gendered identity to be thought of in new and creative ways that invite continuous revision. I have discovered myself not solely through the prism of a gendered lens, but as an emotive athlete, and as a person desperate to be accepted despite—or because of—her physical strength. I find myself returning to Merz’s eloquence: “boxing cannot help but make you question who you really are. You cannot hide from yourself in a boxing ring. It might seem a crazy path to self-knowledge, but to me it has been the most rich, rewarding, and perhaps, the only true one” (111). Using Wacquant’s own words to disprove his theory that boxing is fundamentally a virile activity that reaffirms specific notions of masculinity, to become a boxer is to “efface the distinction between the physical and the spiritual [...] to defy the border between reason and passion” (Body 20). In my view, it is to implode the oppositional definitions that have kept males inside the ring and females, out. The ring, in ways unrivalled elsewhere, has shown me that I am not reducible, as the world has at times convinced me, to my strength or my gender. I can, and indeed do, coalesce and transcend both.ConclusionAfter having pondered the significance of the ring to my life, I now begin to understand Merz’s journey as “so much more than a mere dalliance on the dark side of masculine culture” (21). When I box, I am always boxing against myself. The ring is the ultimate space of revelation, where one is starkly confronted with one’s own weaknesses and fears. As a naked mirror, the ring is also a place for redemption, where one can overcome flaws, and uncover facets of who one is. Having spent almost as much time at university as I have boxing, it was in the ring that I learned that “thinking otherwise entails being otherwise, relating to oneself, one’s body, and ambient beings in a new way” (Sharp 749). Through the “boxing habitus,” I have simultaneously developed a boxer’s body and habits as well as integrated new notions of gender. As an exercise in re-gendering, sparring has led me to reflect more purposefully on the multiplicity of meanings that gender can espouse, and on the possibilities of negotiating the world as both strong and female. Practising the “noble art” has given me new tools with which to carve out, within the structures of the society I inhabit, liberating possibilities of being a pugilistic woman. However, I have yet to determine if women have fashioned a space within the ring for themselves, or if they still need to reaffirm a gendered identity in the eyes of others to earn the right to get hit in the face.References Bochner, Arthur P. “It’s about Time: Narrative and the Divided Self.” Qualitative Inquiry 3.4 (1997): 418–438.Bourdieu, Pierre. The Logic of Practice. Stanford, California: Stanford UP, 1990.Bruner, Jerome. “The Autobiographical Process.” The Culture of Autobiography: Constructions of Self-Representation. Ed. Robert Folkenflik. Vol. 6. Stanford UP, 1993. 38–56.Csordas, Thomas. “Somatic Modes of Attention.” Cultural Anthropology 8.2 (1993): 135–156.De Bruin, Leon, and Sanneke de Haan. “Enactivism and Social Cognition: In Search of the Whole Story.” Cognitive Semiotics 4.1 (2009): 225–50.Denzin, Norman K. Interpretive Biography. London: Sage, 1989.Duncan, Margaret C. “Gender Warriors in Sport: Women and the Media.” Handbook of Sports and Media. Eds. Arthur A. Raney and Jennings Bryant. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 2006. 231–252.Ellis, Carolyn. The Ethnographic I: A Methodological Novel about Autoethnography. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 2004.Ellis, Carolyn, Tony E. Adams, and Arthur P. Bochner. “Autoethnography: An Overview.” Historical Social Research/Historische Sozialforschung (2011): 273–90.Ellis, Carolyn, and Laura Ellingson. “Qualitative Methods.” Encyclopedia of Sociology. Eds. Edgar F. Borgatta and Rhonda JV Montgomery. Macmillan Library Reference, 2000. 2287–96.Halberstam, Judith. Female Masculinity. Durham: Duke UP, 1998.Heiskanen, Benita. The Urban Geography of Boxing: Race, Class, and Gender in the Ring. Vol. 13. Routledge, 2012.Girlfight. Dir. Karyn Kusama. Screen Gems, 2000.Leder, Drew. The Absent Body. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1990.Longhurst, Robyn, Elsie Ho, and Lynda Johnston. “Using ‘the Body’ as an Instrument of Research: Kimch’i and Pavlova.” Area 40.2 (2008): 208–17.Messner, Michael. Out of Play: Critical Essays on Gender and Sport. New York: SUNY Press, 2010.Merz, Mischa. Bruising: A Boxer’s Story. Sydney: Pan Macmillan, 2000.Oates, Joyce Carol. On Boxing. Garden City, New York: Harper Collins, 1987.Sharp, Hasana. “The Force of Ideas in Spinoza.” Political Theory 35.6 (2007): 732–55.Spry, Tami. “Performing Autoethnography: An Embodied Methodological Praxis.” Qualitative Inquiry 7.6 (2001): 706–32.Thrift, Nigel. “The Still Point: Resistance, Expressive Embodiment and Dance.” Geographies of Resistance (1997): 124–51.Wacquant, Loïc. Body & Soul. New York: Oxford UP, 2004.———. “Habitus as Topic and Tool: Reflections on Becoming a Prizefighter.” Qualitative Research in Psychology 8.1 (2011): 81–92.Young, Iris Marion. Throwing like a Girl and Other Essays in Feminist Philosophy and Social Theory. Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana UP, 1990.

Permaculture is a creative design process that is based on ethics and design principles. It guides us to mimic the patterns and relationships we can find in nature and can be applied to all aspects of human habitation, from agriculture to ecological building, from appropriate technology to education and even economics. (permacultureprinciples.com)This paper considers permaculture as an example of counterculture in Australia. Permaculture is a neologism, the result of a contraction of ‘permanent’ and ‘agriculture’. In accordance with David Holmgren and Richard Telford definition quoted above, we intend permaculture as a design process based on a set of ethical and design principles. Rather than describing the history of permaculture, we choose two moments as paradigmatic of its evolution in relation to counterculture.The first moment is permaculture’s beginnings steeped in the same late 1960s turbulence that saw some people pursue an alternative lifestyle in Northern NSW and a rural idyll in Tasmania (Grayson and Payne). Ideas of a return to the land circulating in this first moment coalesced around the publication in 1978 of the book Permaculture One: A Perennial Agriculture for Human Settlements by Bill Mollison and David Holmgren, which functioned as “a disruptive technology, an idea that threatened to disrupt business as usual, to change the way we thought and did things”, as Russ Grayson writes in his contextual history of permaculture. The second moment is best exemplified by the definitions of permaculture as “a holistic system of design … most often applied to basic human needs such as water, food and shelter … also used to design more abstract systems such as community and economic structures” (Milkwood) and as “also a world wide network and movement of individuals and groups working in both rich and poor countries on all continents” (Holmgren).We argue that the shift in understanding of permaculture from the “back to the land movement” (Grayson) as a more wholesome alternative to consumer society to the contemporary conceptualisation of permaculture as an assemblage and global network of practices, is representative of the shifting dynamic between dominant paradigms and counterculture from the 1970s to the present. While counterculture was a useful way to understand the agency of subcultures (i.e. by countering mainstream culture and society) contemporary forms of globalised capitalism demand different models and vocabularies within which the idea of “counter” as clear cut alternative becomes an awkward fit.On the contrary we see the emergence of a repertoire of practices aimed at small-scale, localised solutions connected in transnational networks (Pink 105). These practices operate contrapuntally, a concept we borrow from Edward Said’s Culture and Imperialism (1993), to define how divergent practices play off each other while remaining at the edge, but still in a relation of interdependence with a dominant paradigm. In Said’s terms “contrapuntal reading” reveals what is left at the periphery of a mainstream narrative, but is at the same time instrumental to the development of events in the narrative itself. To illustrate this concept Said makes the case of novels where colonial plantations at the edge of the Empire make possible a certain lifestyle in England, but don’t appear in the narrative of that lifestyle itself (66-67).In keeping with permaculture design ecological principles, we argue that today permaculture is best understood as part of an assemblage of design objects, bacteria, economies, humans, plants, technologies, actions, theories, mushrooms, policies, affects, desires, animals, business, material and immaterial labour and politics and that it can be read as contrapuntal rather than as oppositional practice. Contrapuntal insofar as it is not directly oppositional preferring to reframe and reorientate everyday practices. The paper is structured in three parts: in the first one we frame our argument by providing a background to our understanding of counterculture and assemblage; in the second we introduce the beginning of permaculture in its historical context, and in third we propose to consider permaculture as an assemblage.Background: Counterculture and Assemblage We do not have the scope in this article to engage with contested definitions of counterculture in the Australian context, or their relation to contraculture or subculture. There is an emerging literature (Stickells, Robinson) touched on elsewhere in this issue. In this paper we view counterculture as social movements that “undermine societal hierarchies which structure urban life and create, instead a city organised on the basis of values such as action, local cultures, and decentred, participatory democracy” (Castells 19-20). Our focus on cities demonstrates the ways counterculture has shifted away from oppositional protest and towards ways of living sustainably in an increasingly urbanised world.Permaculture resonates with Castells’s definition and with other forms of protest, or what Musgrove calls “the dialectics of utopia” (16), a dynamic tension of political activism (resistance) and personal growth (aesthetics and play) that characterised ‘counterculture’ in the 1970s. McKay offers a similar view when he says such acts of counterculture are capable of “both a utopian gesture and a practical display of resistance” (27). But as a design practice, permaculture goes beyond the spectacle of protest.In this sense permaculture can be understood as an everyday act of resistance: “The design act is not a boycott, strike, protest, demonstration, or some other political act, but lends its power of resistance from being precisely a designerly way of intervening into people’s lives” (Markussen 38). We view permaculture design as a form of design activism that is embedded in everyday life. It is a process that aims to reorient a practice not by disrupting it but by becoming part of it.Guy Julier cites permaculture, along with the appropriate technology movement and community architecture, as one of many examples of radical thinking in design that emerged in the 1970s (225). This alignment of permaculture as a design practice that is connected to counterculture in an assemblage, but not entirely defined by it, is important in understanding the endurance of permaculture as a form of activism.In refuting the common and generalized narrative of failure that is used to describe the sixties (and can be extended to the seventies), Julie Stephens raises the many ways that the dominant ethos of the time was “revolutionised by the radicalism of the period, but in ways that bore little resemblance to the announced intentions of activists and participants themselves” (121). Further, she argues that the “extraordinary and paradoxical aspects of the anti-disciplinary protest of the period were that while it worked to collapse the division between opposition and complicity and problematised received understandings of the political, at the same time it reaffirmed its commitment to political involvement as an emancipatory, collective endeavour” (126).Many foresaw the political challenge of counterculture. From the belly of the beast, in 1975, Craig McGregor wrote that countercultures are “a crucial part of conventional society; and eventually they will be judged on how successful they transform it” (43). In arguing that permaculture is an assemblage and global network of practices, we contribute to a description of the shifting dynamic between dominant paradigms and counterculture that was identified by McGregor at the time and Stephens retrospectively, and we open up possibilities for reexamining an important moment in the history of Australian protest movements.Permaculture: Historical Context Together with practical manuals and theoretical texts permaculture has produced its foundation myths, centred around two father figures, Bill Mollison and David Holmgren. The pair, we read in accounts on the history of permaculture, met in the 1970s in Hobart at the University of Tasmania, where Mollison, after a polymath career, was a senior lecturer in Environmental Psychology, and Holmgren a student. Together they wrote the first article on permaculture in 1976 for the Organic Farmer and Gardener magazine (Grayson and Payne), which together with the dissemination of ideas via radio, captured the social imagination of the time. Two years later Holmgren and Mollison published the book Permaculture One: A Perennial Agricultural System for Human Settlements (Mollison and Holmgren).These texts and Mollison’s talks articulated ideas and desires and most importantly proposed solutions about living on the land, and led to the creation of the first ecovillage in Australia, Max Lindegger’s Crystal Waters in South East Queensland, the first permaculture magazine (titled Permaculture), and the beginning of the permaculture network (Grayson and Payne). In 1979 Mollison taught the first permaculture course, and published the second book. Grayson and Payne stress how permaculture media practices, such as the radio interview mentioned above and publications like Permaculture Magazine and Permaculture International Journal were key factors in the spreading of the design system and building a global network.The ideas developed around the concept of permaculture were shaped by, and in turned contributed to shape, the social climate of the late 1960s and early 1970s that captured the discontent with both capitalism and the Cold War, and that coalesced in “alternative lifestyles groups” (Metcalf). In 1973, for instance, the Aquarius Festival in Nimbin was not only a countercultural landmark, but also the site of emergence of alternative experiments in living that found their embodiment in experimental housing design (Stickells). The same interest in technological innovation mixed with rural skills animated one of permaculture’s precursors, the “back to the land movement” and its attempt “to blend rural traditionalism and technological and ideological modernity” (Grayson).This character of remix remains one of the characteristics of permaculture. Unlike movements based mostly on escape from the mainstream, permaculture offered a repertoire, and a system of adaptable solutions to live both in the country and the city. Like many aspects of the “alternative lifestyle” counterculture, permaculture was and is intensely biopolitical in the sense that it is concerned with the management of life itself “from below”: one’s own, people’s life and life on planet earth more generally. This understanding of biopolitics as power of life rather than over life is translated in permaculture into malleable design processes across a range of diversified practices. These are at the basis of the endurance of permaculture beyond the experiments in alternative lifestyles.In distinguishing it from sustainability (a contested concept among permaculture practitioners, some of whom prefer the notion of “planning for abundance”), Barry sees permaculture as:locally based and robustly contextualized implementations of sustainability, based on the notion that there is no ‘one size fits all’ model of sustainability. Permaculture, though rightly wary of more mainstream, reformist, and ‘business as usual’ accounts of sustainability can be viewed as a particular localized, and resilience-based conceptualization of sustainable living and the creation of ‘sustainable communities’. (83)The adaptability of permaculture to diverse solutions is stressed by Molly Scott-Cato, who, following David Holmgren, defines it as follows: “Permaculture is not a set of rules; it is a process of design based around principles found in the natural world, of cooperation and mutually beneficial relationships, and translating these principles into actions” (176).Permaculture Practice as Assemblage Scott Cato’s definition of permaculture helps us to understand both its conceptual framework as it is set out in permaculture manuals and textbooks, and the way it operates in practice at an individual, local, regional, national and global level, as an assemblage. Using the idea of assemblage, as defined by Jane Bennett, we are able to understand permaculture as part of an “ad hoc grouping”, a “collectivity” made up of many types of actors, humans, non humans, nature and culture, whose “coherence co-exists with energies and countercultures that exceed and confound it” (445-6). Put slightly differently, permaculture is part of “living” assemblage whose existence is not dependent on or governed by a “central power”. Nor can it be influenced by any single entity or member (445-6). Rather, permaculture is a “complex, gigantic whole” that is “made up variously, of somatic, technological, cultural, and atmospheric elements” (447).In considering permaculture as an assemblage that includes countercultural elements, we specifically adhere to John Law’s description of Actor Network Theory as an approach that relies on an empirical foundation rather than a theoretical one in order to “tell stories about ‘how’ relationships assemble or don’t” (141). The hybrid nature of permaculture design involving both human and non human stakeholders and their social and material dependencies can be understood as an “assembly” or “thing,” where everything not only plays its part relationally but where “matters of fact” are combined with “matters of concern” (Latour, "Critique"). As Barry explains, permaculture is a “holistic and systems-based approach to understanding and designing human-nature relations” (82). Permaculture principles are based on the enactment of interconnections, continuous feedback and reshuffling among plants, humans, animals, chemistry, social life, things, energy, built and natural environment, and tools.Bruno Latour calls this kind of relationality a “sphere” or a “network” that comprises of many interconnected nodes (Latour, "Actor-Network" 31). The connections between the nodes are not arbitrary, they are based on “associations” that dissolve the “micro-macro distinctions” of near and far, emphasizing the “global entity” of networks (361-381). Not everything is globalised but the global networks that structure the planet affect everything and everyone. In the context of permaculture, we argue that despite being highly connected through a network of digital and analogue platforms, the movement remains localised. In other words, permaculture is both local and global articulating global matters of concern such as food production, renewable energy sources, and ecological wellbeing in deeply localised variants.These address how the matters of concerns engendered by global networks in specific places interact with local elements. A community based permaculture practice in a desert area, for instance, will engage with storing renewable energy, or growing food crops and maintaining a stable ecology using the same twelve design principles and ethics as an educational business doing rooftop permaculture in a major urban centre. The localised applications, however, will result in a very different permaculture assemblage of animals, plants, technologies, people, affects, discourses, pedagogies, media, images, and resources.Similarly, if we consider permaculture as a network of interconnected nodes on a larger scale, such as in the case of national organisations, we can see how each node provides a counterpoint that models ecological best practices with respect to ingrained everyday ways of doing things, corporate and conventional agriculture, and so on. This adaptability and ability to effect practices has meant that permaculture’s sphere of influence has grown to include public institutions, such as city councils, public and private spaces, and schools.A short description of some of the nodes in the evolving permaculture assemblage in Sydney, where we live, is an example of the way permaculture has advanced from its alternative lifestyle beginnings to become part of the repertoire of contemporary activism. These practices, in turn, make room for accepted ways of doing things to move in new directions. In this assemblage each constellation operates within well established sites: local councils, public spaces, community groups, and businesses, while changing the conventional way these sites operate.The permaculture assemblage in Sydney includes individuals and communities in local groups coordinated in a city-wide network, Permaculture Sydney, connected to similar regional networks along the NSW seaboard; local government initiatives, such as in Randwick, Sydney, and Pittwater and policies like Sustainable City Living; community gardens like the inner city food forest at Angel Street or the hybrid public open park and educational space at the Permaculture Interpretive Garden; private permaculture gardens; experiments in grassroot urban permaculture and in urban agriculture; gardening, education and landscape business specialising in permaculture design, like Milkwood and Sydney Organic Gardens; loose groups of permaculturalists gathering around projects, such as Permablitz Sydney; media personalities and programs, as in the case of the hugely successful garden show Gardening Australia hosted by Costa Georgiadis; germane organisations dedicated to food sovereignty or seed saving, the Transition Towns movement; farmers’ markets and food coops; and multifarious private/public sustainability initiatives.Permaculture is a set of practices that, in themselves are not inherently “against” anything, yet empower people to form their own lifestyles and communities. After all, permaculture is a design system, a way to analyse space, and body of knowledge based on set principles and ethics. The identification of permaculture as a form of activism, or indeed as countercultural, is externally imposed, and therefore contingent on the ways conventional forms of housing and food production are understood as being in opposition.As we have shown elsewhere (2014) thinking through design practices as assemblages can describe hybrid forms of participation based on relationships to broader political movements, disciplines and organisations.Use Edges and Value the Marginal The eleventh permaculture design principle calls for an appreciation of the marginal and the edge: “The interface between things is where the most interesting events take place. These are often the most valuable, diverse and productive elements in the system” (permacultureprinciples.com). In other words the edge is understood as the site where things come together generating new possible paths and interactions. In this paper we have taken this metaphor to think through the relations between permaculture and counterculture. We argued that permaculture emerged from the countercultural ferment of the late 1960s and 1970s and intersected with other fringe alternative lifestyle experiments. In its contemporary form the “counter” value needs to be understood as counterpoint rather than as a position of pure oppositionality to the mainstream.The edge in permaculture is not a boundary on the periphery of a design, but a site of interconnection, hybridity and exchange, that produces adaptable and different possibilities. Similarly permaculture shares with forms of contemporary activism “flexible action repertoires” (Mayer 203) able to interconnect and traverse diverse contexts, including mainstream institutions. Permaculture deploys an action repertoire that integrates not segregates and that is aimed at inviting a shift in everyday practices and at doing things differently: differently from the mainstream and from the way global capital operates, without claiming to be in a position outside global capital flows. In brief, the assemblages of practices, ideas, and people generated by permaculture, like the ones described in this paper, as a counterpoint bring together discordant elements on equal terms.ReferencesBarry, John. The Politics of Actually Existing Unsustainability: Human Flourishing in a Climate-Changed, Carbon Constrained World. 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Introduction I have this somewhat diffuse concern that at some point, I am in an appointment procedure ... and people say: ‘He has to ... be on social media, [and] have followers ..., because otherwise he can’t say anything about the field of research, otherwise he won’t identify with it … and we need a direct connection to legitimise our discipline in the population!’ And this is where I think: ‘For God’s sake! No, I really don’t want that.’ (Postdoc) Social media such as Facebook or Twitter have become an integral part of many people’s everyday lives and have introduced severe changes to the ways we communicate with each other and about ourselves. Presenting ourselves on social media and creating different online personas has become a normal practice (Vorderer et al. 270). While social media such as Facebook were at first mostly used to communicate with friends and family, they were soon also used for work-related communication (Cardon and Marshall). Later, professional networks such as LinkedIn, which focus on working relations and career management and special interest networks, such as the academic social networking sites (ASNS) Academia.edu and ResearchGate, catering specifically to academic needs, emerged. Even though social media have been around for more than 15 years now, academics in general and German academics in particular are rather reluctant users of these tools in a work-related context (König and Nentwich 175; Lo 155; Pscheida et al. 1). This is surprising as studies indicate that the presence and positive self-portrayal of researchers in social media as well as the distribution of articles via social networks such as Academia.edu or ResearchGate have a positive effect on the visibility of academics as well as the likelihood of their articles being read and cited (Eysenbach; Lo 192; Terras). Gruzd, Staves, and Wilk even assume that the presence in online media could become a relevant criterion in the allocation of scientific jobs. Science is a field where competition for long-term positions is high. In 2017, only about 17% of all scientific personnel in Germany had permanent positions, and of these 10% were professors (Federal Statistical Office 32). Having a professorship is therefore the best shot at obtaining a permanent position in the scientific field. However, the average vocational age is 40 (Zimmer et al. 40), which leads to a long phase of career-related uncertainty. Directing attention to yourself by acquiring knowledge in the use of social media for professional self-representation might offer a career advantage when trying to obtain a professorship. At the same time, social media, which have been praised for giving a voice to the unheard, become a tool for the exclusion of scholars who might not want or be able to use these tools as part of their work and career-related communication, and might remain unseen and unheard. The author obtained current data on this topic while working on a project on Mediated Scholarly Communication in Post-Normal and Traditional Science under the project lead of Corinna Lüthje. The project was funded by the German Research Foundation (DFG). In the project, German-speaking scholars were interviewed about their work-related media usage in qualitative interviews. Among them were users and non-users of social media. For this article, 16 interviews with communication scholars (three PhD students, six postdocs, seven professors) were chosen for a closer analysis, because of all the interviewees they described the (dis)advantages of career-related social media use in the most detail, giving the deepest insights into whether social media contribute to a social exclusion of academics or not. How to Define Social Exclusion (in Academia)? The term social exclusion describes a separation of individuals or groups from mainstream society (Walsh et al.). Exclusion is a practice which implies agency. It can be the result of the actions of others, but individuals can also exclude themselves by choosing not to be part of something, for example of social media and the communication taking part there (Atkinson 14). Exclusion is an everyday social practice, because wherever there is an in-group there will always be an out-group. This is what Bourdieu calls distinction. Symbols and behaviours of distinction both function as signs of demarcation and belonging (Bourdieu, Distinction). Those are not always explicitly communicated, but part of people’s behaviour. They act on a social sense by telling them how to behave appropriately in a certain situation. According to Bourdieu, the practical sense is part of the habitus (Bourdieu, The Logic of Practice). The habitus generates patterns of action that come naturally and do not have to be reflected by the actor, due to an implicit knowledge that is acquired during the course of (group-specific) socialisation. For scholars, the process of socialisation in an area of research involves the acquisition of a so-called disciplinary self-image, which is crucial to building a disciplinary identity. In every discipline it contains a dominant disciplinary self-image which defines the scientific perspectives, practices, and even media that are typically used and therefore belong to the mainstream of a discipline (Huber 24). Yet, there is a societal mainstream outside of science which scholars are a part of. Furthermore, they have been socialised into other groups as well. Therefore, the disciplinary mainstream and the habitus of its members can be impacted upon by the societal mainstream and other fields of society. For example, societally mainstream social media, such as Twitter or Facebook, focussing on establishing and sustaining social connections, might be used for scholarly communication just as well as ASNS. The latter cater to the needs of scholars to not just network with colleagues, but to upload academic articles, share and track them, and consume scholarly information (Meishar-Tal and Pieterse 17). Both can become part of the disciplinary mainstream of media usage. In order to define whether and how social media contribute to forms of social exclusion among communication scholars, it is helpful to first identify in how far their usage is part of the disciplinary mainstream, and what their including features are. In contrast to this, forms of exclusion will be analysed and discussed on the basis of qualitative interviews with communication scholars. Including Features of Social Media for Communication Scholars The interviews for this essay were first conducted in 2016. At that time all of the 16 communication scholars interviewed used at least one social medium such as ResearchGate (8), Academia.edu (8), Twitter (10), or Facebook (11) as part of their scientific workflow. By 2019, all of them had a ResearchGate and 11 an Academia.edu account, 13 were on Twitter and 13 on Facebook. This supports the notion of one of the professors, who said that he registered with ResearchGate in 2016 because "everyone’s doing that now!” It also indicates that the work-related presence especially on ResearchGate, but also on other social media, is part of the disciplinary mainstream of communication science. The interviewees figured that the social media they used helped them to increase their visibility in their own community through promoting their work and networking. They also mentioned that they were helpful to keep up to date on the newest articles and on what was happening in communication science in general. The usage of ResearchGate and Academia.edu focussed on publications. Here the scholars could, as one professor put it, access articles that were not available via their university libraries, as well as “previously unpublished articles”. They also liked that they could see "what other scientists are working on" (professor) and were informed via e-mail "when someone publishes a new publication" (PhD student). The interviewees saw clear advantages to their registration with the ASNS, because they felt that they became "much more visible and present" (postdoc) in the scientific community. Seven of the communication scholars (two PhD students, three postdocs, two professors) shared their publications on ResearchGate and Academia.edu. Two described doing cross-network promotion, where they would write a post about their publications on Twitter or Facebook that linked to the full article on Academia.edu or ResearchGate. The usage of Twitter and especially Facebook focussed a lot more on accessing discipline-related information and social networking. The communication scholars mentioned that various sections and working groups of professional organisations in their research field had accounts on Facebook, where they would post news. A postdoc said that she was on Facebook "because I get a lot of information from certain scientists that I wouldn’t have gotten otherwise". Several interviewees pointed out that Twitter is "a place where you can find professional networks, become a part of them or create them yourself" (professor). On Twitter the interviewees explained that they were rather making new connections. Facebook was used to maintain and intensify existing professional relationships. They applied it to communicate with their local networks at their institute, just as well as for international communication. A postdoc and a professor both mentioned that they perceived that Scandinavian or US-American colleagues were easier to contact via Facebook than via any other medium. One professor described how he used Facebook at international conferences to arrange meetings with people he knew and wanted to meet. But to him Facebook also catered to accessing more personal information about his colleagues, thus creating a new "mixture of professional respect for the work of other scientists and personal relationships", which resulted in a "new kind of friendship". Excluding Features of Social Media for Communication Scholars While everyone may create an Academia.edu, Facebook, or Twitter account, ResearchGate is already an exclusive network in itself, as only people working in a scientific field are allowed to join. In 2016, eight of the interviewees and in 2019 all of them had signed up to ResearchGate. So at least among the communication scholars, this did not seem to be an excluding factor. More of an issue was for one of the postdocs that she did not have the copyright to upload her published articles on the ASNS and therefore refrained from uploading them. Interestingly enough, this did not seem to worry any of the other interviewees, and concerns were mostly voiced in relation to the societal mainstream social media. Although all of the interviewees had an account with at least one social medium, three of them described that they did not use or had withdrawn from using Facebook and Twitter. For one professor and one PhD student this had to do with the privacy and data security issues of these networks. The PhD student said that she did not want to be reminded of what she “tweeted maybe 10 years ago somewhere”, and also considered tweeting to be irrelevant in her community. To her, important scientific findings would rather be presented in front of a professional audience and not so much to the “general public”, which she felt was mostly addressed on social media. The professor mentioned that she had been on Facebook since she was a postdoc, but decided to stop using the service when it introduced new rules on data security. On one hand she saw the “benefits” of the network to “stay informed about what is happening in the community”, and especially “in regards to the promotion of young researchers, since some of the junior research groups are very active there”. On the other she found it problematic for her own time management and said that she received a lot of the posted information via e-mail as well. A postdoc mentioned that he had a Facebook account to stay in contact with young scholars he met at a networking event, but never used it. He would rather connect with his colleagues in person at conferences. He felt people would just use social media to “show off what they do and how awesome it is”, which he did not understand. He mentioned that if this “is how you do it now … I don't think this is for me.” Another professor described that Facebook "is the channel for German-speaking science to generate social traffic”, but that he did not like to use it, because “there is so much nonsense ... . It’s just not fun. Twitter is more fun, but the effect is much smaller", as bigger target groups could be reached via Facebook. The majority of the interviewees did not use mainstream social media because they were intrinsically motivated. They rather did it because they felt that it was expected of them to be there, and that it was important for their career to be visible there. Many were worried that they would miss out on opportunities to promote themselves, network, and receive information if they did not use Twitter or Facebook. One of the postdocs mentioned, for example, that she was not a fan of Twitter and would often not know what to write, but that the professor she worked for had told her she needed to tweet regularly. But she did see the benefits as she said that she had underestimated the effect of this at first: “I think, if you want to keep up, then you have to do that, because people don’t notice you.” This also indicates a disciplinary mainstream of social media usage. Conclusion The interviews indicate that the usage of ResearchGate in particular, but also of Academia.edu and of the societal mainstream social media platforms Twitter and Facebook has become part of the disciplinary mainstream of communication science and the habitus of many of its members. ResearchGate mainly targets people working in the scientific field, while excluding everyone else. Its focus on publication sharing makes the network very attractive among its main target group, and serves at the same time as a symbol of distinction from other groups (Bourdieu, Distinction). Yet it also raises copyright issues, which led at least one of the participants to refrain from using this option. The societal mainstream social media Twitter and Facebook, on the other hand, have a broader reach and were more often used by the interviewees for social networking purposes than the ASNS. The interviewees emphasised the benefits of Twitter and Facebook for exchanging information and connecting with others. Factors that led the communication scholars to refrain from using the networks, and thus were excluding factors, were data security and privacy concerns; disliking that the networks were used to “show off”; as well as considering Twitter and Facebook as unfit for addressing the scholarly target group properly. The last statement on the target group, which was made by a PhD student, does not seem to represent the mainstream of the communication scholars interviewed, however. Many of them were using Twitter and Facebook for scholarly communication and rather seemed to find them advantageous. Still, this perception of the disciplinary mainstream led to her not using them for work-related purposes, and excluding her from their advantages. Even though, as one professor described it, a lot of information shared via Facebook is often spread through other communication channels as well, some can only be received via the networks. Although social media are mostly just a substitute for face-to-face communication, by not using them scholars will miss out on the possibilities of creating the “new kind of friendship” another professor mentioned, where professional and personal relations mix. The results of this study show that social media use is advantageous for academics as they offer possibilities to access exclusive information, form new kinds of relations, as well as promote oneself and one’s publications. At the same time, those not using these social media are excluded and might experience career-related disadvantages. As described in the introduction, academia is a competitive environment where many people try to obtain a few permanent positions. By default, this leads to processes of exclusion rather than integration. Any means to stand out from competitors are welcome to emerging scholars, and a career-related advantage will be used. If the growth in the number of communication scholars in the sample signing up to social networks between 2016 to 2019 is any indication, it is likely that the networks have not yet reached their full potential as tools for career advancement among scientific communities, and will become more important in the future. Now one could argue that the communication scholars who were interviewed for this essay are a special case, because they might use social media more actively than other scholars due to their area of research. Though this might be true, studies of other scholarly fields show that social media are being applied just the same (though maybe less extensively), and that they are used to establish cooperations and increase the amount of people reading and citing their publications (Eysenbach; Lo 192; Terras). The question is whether researchers will be able to avoid using social media when striving for a career in science in the future, which can only be answered by further research on the topic. References Atkinson, A.B. “Social Exclusion, Poverty and Unemployment.” Exclusion, Employment and Opportunity. Eds. A.B. Atkinson and John Hills. London: London School of Economics and Political Science, 1998. 1–20. Bourdieu, Pierre. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard UP, 1984. ———. The Logic of Practice. Stanford, California: Stanford UP, 1990. 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