Journal articles on the topic 'Buchbinderei'

Im Februar des Jahres 2001 erhielt die Württembergische Landesbibliothek die Gelegenheit, die Einbandsammlung des Stuttgarter Fachbuchverlegers Max Hettler zu erwerben. Hettler, der sich auch als Herausgeber des „Allgemeinen Anzeigers für Buchbindereien“ einen Namen gemacht hat, hinterließ eine vielseitige Auswahl von rund 370 Sammlerstücken, die die Landesbibliothek zu 2/3 per Kauf und zu 1/3 per Geschenk übernehmen konnte.

The effective potential in the model introduced by Buchbinder–Inagaki–Odintsov (BIO)1 which represents SUSY NJL model non-minimally coupled with the external gravitational field is found. The topology of the space is considered to be nontrivial. Chiral symmetry breaking under the action of external curvature and nontrivial topology is investigated.

Ostrogradsky’s, Dirac’s, and Horowitz’s techniques in terms of higher-order theories of gravity produce identical phase-space structures. The problem with these techniques is manifested in the case of Gauss–Bonnet–dilatonic coupled action in the presence of higher-order term, in which case, classical correspondence cannot be established. Here, we explore another technique developed by Buchbinder and their collaborators (BL) and show that it also suffers from the same disease. However, when expressing the action in terms of the three-space curvature, and removing ‘the total derivative terms’, if Horowitz’s formalism or even Dirac’s constraint analysis is pursued, all pathologies disappear. Here, we show that the same is true for BL formalism, which appears to be the simplest of all the techniques to handle.

Recently there has been progress on the calculation of n-point correlation functions with two "heavy" (with large quantum numbers) states at strong coupling. We extend these findings by computing three-point functions corresponding to a folded three-spin semiclassical string with one angular momentum in AdS and two equal spins in the sphere. We recover previous results as limiting cases. Also, following a recent paper by Buchbinder and Tseytlin, we provide relevant four-point functions and consider some of their limits.

Buchbinder (2011:128) writes that adaptations are often regarded as barely a step away from plagiarism; however, he notes that ‘much of the literary output of classical Greek culture, for instance, consisted of reworkings of already familiar narratives’. His point is not only true of the classical Greek output, but of a contemporary adolescent fantasy saga, Riordan’s Percy Jackson and the Olympians (2006–2011), which retells many of the classical Greek mythological narratives in a contemporary setting. Given that many adolescent audiences may be unfamiliar with the root narratives, the Percy Jackson and the Olympians saga serves the function of re-introducing an audience to classical mythology, thereby helping them to rediscover their value. This article argues that by skilfully adapting and appropriating the monomythic hero-journeys of Greek mythology, and by retelling them within a contemporary narrative, Riordan is creating a space where readers, possibly unfamiliar with the root classical narratives, can re-discover classical mythology.

This article is devoted to the study of the problem of teaching a foreign language to students, namely, the qualitative memorization of vocabulary. The purpose of the article is studying the relationship between the temperament of students and teaching approaches. We used such research methods as information analysis and comparison. The materials for writing the article were the works of K.E. Bezukladnikova, V.A. Buchbinder, and etc. The following hypothesis: the success of using of vocabulary depends on the temperament of the student. The characteristic features of each type of temperament were identified, and then, examples of activities were given. In conclusion, despite the intersection of some characteristic features of several temperaments, at the moment there is still no ideal method of teaching a foreign language suitable for each student, since each student is individual and requires a personal approach. The article is useful for teachers of foreign languages and teachers in general.

BackgroundIndividuals with autoimmune inflammatory rheumatic diseases (AIRDs) have an increased baseline risk of severe COVID-19 infection. Intersection of inequity factors may result in more severe adverse effects through influencing opportunities for health. We sought to examine the extent to which populations experiencing inequities were considered in studies of COVID-19 vaccination in individuals with AIRDs.ObjectivesThe objective of this study is to assess how health equity is considered in studies of COVID-19 vaccination studies in individuals with AIRDs.MethodsAll studies (N=19) from an ongoing Cochrane living systematic review on the effects of COVID-19 vaccination in people with AIRDs were included. We identified inequity factors using the PROGRESS-Plus framework which stands for Place of residence, Race/ethnicity, Occupation, Gender/sex, Religion, Education, Socioeconomic status, and Social capital. Age, multimorbidity, and health literacy were also assessed as “Plus” factors. We applied the framework to assess equity considerations in relation to differences in COVID-19 baseline risk, description of participant characteristics, controlling for confounding factors, subgroup analysis and applicability of study findings.Results:Figure 1.All nineteen studies are cohort studies that followed individuals with AIRDs after COVID-19 vaccination. Two articles (11%) described differences in baseline risk for COVID-19 across age. All nineteen studies described participant age and sex, with race/ethnicity and multimorbidity described in four (21%) and occupation in one (5%). Seven studies (37%) controlled for age and/or sex as confounding factors. Eleven studies (58%) conducted subgroup analysis across at least one PROGRESS-Plus factor, most commonly age. Eight studies (42%) discussed at least one PROGRESS-Plus factor in interpreting the applicability of results, most commonly age (32%), then race/ethnicity and multimorbidity (11%).ConclusionIt is unknown whether COVID-19 vaccine studies on individuals with AIRDs are applicable to populations experiencing inequities, as key inequity factors beyond age and sex have little to no reporting or analysis. Future COVID-19 vaccine studies should report social characteristics of participants consistently, facilitating informed decisions about the applicability of study results to the population of interest.References[1]Whittle SL, Hazlewood GS, Robinson P, Johnston RV, Leder K, Glennon V, Avery JC, Grobler L, Buchbinder R. COVID-19 vaccination for people with autoimmune inflammatory rheumatic diseases on immunomodulatory therapies. Cochrane Database of Systematic Reviews 2021, Issue 6. Art. No.: CD014991. DOI: 10.1002/14651858.CD014991. Accessed 31 January 2022.[2]O’Neill J, Tabish H, Welch V, Petticrew M, Pottie K, Clarke M, Evans T, Pardo Pardo J, Waters E, White H, Tugwell P. Applying an equity lens to interventions: using PROGRESS ensures consideration of socially stratifying factors to illuminate inequities in health. J Clin Epidemiol. 2014 Jan;67(1):56-64. doi: 10.1016/j.jclinepi.2013.08.005. Epub 2013 Nov 1. PMID: 24189091.Disclosure of InterestsHarry Wang: None declared, Omar Dewidar: None declared, Samuel Whittle: None declared, Elizabeth Ghogomu: None declared, Glen Hazlewood: None declared, Lawrence Mbuagbaw Consultant of: Design, analysis and report for Janssen, Bayer and AstraZeneca, Jordi Pardo Pardo: None declared, Philip Robinson Speakers bureau: Pfizer, Lilly, Abbvie, UCB, GSK, Novartis, Paid instructor for: Lilly, Consultant of: Abbvie, Lilly, Janssen, Kukdong, Atom Biosciences, Grant/research support from: Janssen, Pfizer, UCB and Novartis, Rachelle Buchbinder: None declared, Vivian Welch: None declared

The Dynamic Facility Location problem is a generalization of the classic Facility Location problem, in which the distance metric between clients and facilities changes over time. Such metrics that develop as a function of time are usually called “evolving metrics”, thus Dynamic Facility Location can be alternatively interpreted as a Facility Location problem in evolving metrics. The objective in this time-dependent variant is to balance the trade-off between optimizing the classic objective function and the stability of the solution, which is modeled by charging a switching cost when a client’s assignment changes from one facility to another. In this paper, we study the online variant of Dynamic Facility Location. We present a randomized O(logm+logn)-competitive algorithm, where m is the number of facilities and n is the number of clients. In the first step, our algorithm produces a fractional solution, in each timestep, to the objective of Dynamic Facility Location involving a regularization function. This step is an adaptation of the generic algorithm proposed by Buchbinder et al. in their work “Competitive Analysis via Regularization.” Then, our algorithm rounds the fractional solution of this timestep to an integral one with the use of exponential clocks. We complement our result by proving a lower bound of Ω(m) for deterministic algorithms and lower bound of Ω(logm) for randomized algorithms. To the best of our knowledge, these are the first results for the online variant of the Dynamic Facility Location problem.

The contemporary concept of health literacy has received heightened attention within the academic community over the last decade. Health literacy, which is related to the acquisition, understanding and application of health-related information (Jordan, Buchbinder and Osborne 2010), has been acknowledged as a key public health goal within Australia. Health literacy is particularly important where parents and children are concerned, as parents play a key role in recommending or discouraging activities that may impact on children’s physical health, such as sport. A health literacy approach may reshape parental motivations towards the holistic outcomes of sporting engagement, thereby promoting a healthier approach to sport participation. This is fundamental, given the current orientation towards a competitive sports model of participation within Australia, even for those participating at an amateur level. At present, improving social awareness of the physical health benefits of junior sport participation is a major challenge for communities, as parents are motivated by a combination of factors. Sport sociology literature suggests that social health is the primary beneficiary and motivator of junior sport participation, which encompasses the formation and development of friendships and communication skills. For parents, another key motivational factor for junior sport participation is the importance placed on winning. However, the fundamental benefits of junior sport involvement extend beyond the competitively oriented goals that are often enforced by parents. Consequently, there is a concern that parents who lack a holistic understanding of the physiological, biomechanical and social benefits of junior sport may impact on sport discontinuation. This paper will provide discussion around the importance of taking a health literacy approach towards junior sporting participation rather than the competitive model that currently dominates sport in Australian culture. It will highlight the health and broader social benefits of taking such an approach.

BackgroundVertebral Fractures are among the most frequent osteoporotic fractures. Pain and spinal deformation cause loss of autonomy and predispose to a higher risk of morbidity and mortality. Vertebroplasty and Kyphoplasty are an efficient therapeutic alternative in the management of these fractures [1,2].ObjectivesThe aim of our study was to evaluate functional and radiological outcomes of Vertebroplasty and Kyphoplasty for osteoporotic vertebral fractures.MethodsIt was a retrospective study including patients treated with Vertebroplasty or Kyphoplasty for osteoporotic vertebral fractures with no spinal cord injuries. Clinical, functional, and radiological data were collected. Pain assessment was evaluated by the Visual Analogue Scale (VAS) and the Denis pain scale. Oswestry Disability Index (ODI) was used to evaluate the functional impairment.The measurement of the vertebral height pre and postoperatively was assessed by the Beck’s index on the spine lateral X-ray.ResultsThere were 36 patients: 26 female and 10 male. The mean age was 65 years (41-74). The follow-up period was about 17 months. The thoracolumbar hinge was the most affected region (70%). Twenty two patients were treated by kyphoplasty and 14 by Vertebroplasty.The mean VAS pain improved from 5.28 preoperatively to 2.92 postoperatively (delta VAS pain was 2.36, p<10-3). The improvement in the VAS pain was by 3.42 (p<10-3) in the last follow-up. There was no difference between the two technics regarding the pain improvement (p=0.06).On preoperatively, the mean Denis pain scale was 4. It was 2.19 after kyphoplastyand and 2.27 after Vertebroplasty with no significant difference between the two technics (p=0.6).The mean ODI at the last setback was fourteen: 95 % of patients had minimal to moderate disability, 5% had severe disability. There was no difference between Kyphoplasty and Vertebroplasty regarding the functional impairment (14.87 vs 12.36, p=0.5).Kyphosis on the level of the fractured vertebra improved from 16.8° preoperatively to 9.5° postoperatively with a significantly mean reduction of 7.3° (p<10-3). Regional kyphosis improved from 12.1° to 7.4° with a significantly mean reduction of 4.3° (p<10-3).Beck’s index went up from 0.66 to 0.8 post-operatively (p<0.05).The improvement of kyphosis on the level of the fractured vertebra (angulair gain) was more important for the group treated with Kyphoplasty (8.45° vs 5.5, p=0.01).A significant association was found between the Beck’s index losses with the ODI at the last setback (p=0.02).Complications were cement leakage in five patients without clinical symptoms. We had noted one anterior vascular leak without any clinical implication. Surgical site infection was noted in one case and was managed by medical treatment without any general complication.ConclusionOur study showed that Vertebroplasty and kyphoplasty were both effectively for the pain reduction and for restoration of autonomy in osteoporotic patients. They also allowed an improvement of the kyphosis necessary for an appropriate spinal static’s.References[1]Buchbinder R, Johnston RV, Rischin KJ, Homik J, Jones CA, Golmohammadi K, et al. Percutaneous vertebroplasty for osteoporotic vertebral compression fracture. Cochrane Database Syst Rev. 2018;6;11(11):CD006349.[2]Chandra RV, Maingard J, Asadi H, Slater LA, MazwiTL, Marcia S, et al.Vertebroplasty and Kyphoplasty for Osteoporotic Vertebral Fractures: What Are the Latest Data? AJNR Am J Neuroradiol. 2018;39(5):798-806.Disclosure of InterestsNone declared

Background:The prevalence of limited health literacy (i.e. cognitive and social resources of individuals to access, understand and apply health information to promote and maintain good health) in the Netherlands is estimated to be over 36% [1]. Access to and outcomes of rheumatological care may be compromised by limited patient health literacy, yet little is known about how to address this, thus action is required. As influencing individual patients’ health literacy in the rheumatology context is often unrealistic, it is paramount for the health system to be tailored to the health literacy needs of its patients. The OPtimising HEalth LIteracy and Access (Ophelia) process offers a method to inform system change [2].Objectives:Following the Ophelia approach:a. Identify health literacy profiles reflecting strengths and weaknesses of outpatients with RA, SpA and gout.b. Use the health literacy profiles to facilitate discussions on challenges for patients and professionals in rheumatological care and identify possible solutions the health system could offer to address these challenges.Methods:Patients with RA, SpA and gout attending outpatient clinics in three centres in the Netherlands completed the Health Literacy Questionnaire (HLQ) and questions on socio-demographic and health-related characteristics. Hierarchical cluster analysis using Ward’s method identified clusters based on the nine HLQ domains. Three researchers jointly examined 24 cluster solutions for meaningfulness by interpreting HLQ domain scores and patient characteristics. Meaningful clusters were translated into health literacy profiles using HLQ patterns and demographic data. A patient research partner confirmed the identified profiles. Patient vignettes were designed by combining cluster analyses results with qualitative patient interviews. The vignettes were used in two two-hour co-design workshops with rheumatologists and nurses to discuss their perspective on health literacy-related challenges for patients and professionals, and generate ideas on how to address these challenges.Results:In total, 895 patients participated: 49% female, mean age 61 years (±13.0), 25% lived alone, 18% had a migrant background, 6.6% did not speak Dutch at home and 51% had low levels of education. Figure 1 shows a heat map of identified health literacy profiles, displaying the score distribution per profile across nine health literacy domains. Figure 2 shows an excerpt of a patient vignette, describing challenges for a patient with profile number 9. The workshops were attended by 7 and 14 nurses and rheumatologists. Proposed solutions included health literacy communication training for professionals, developing and improving (visual) patient information materials, peer support for patients through patient associations or group consultations, a clear referral system for patients who need additional guidance by a nurse, social worker, lifestyle coach, pharmacist or family doctor, and more time with rheumatology nurses for target populations. Moreover, several system adaptations to the clinic, such as a central desk for all patient appointments, were proposed.Conclusion:This study identified several distinct health literacy profiles of patients with rheumatic conditions. Engaging with health professionals in co-design workshops led to numerous bottom-up ideas to improve care. Next steps include co-design workshops with patients, followed by prioritising and testing proposed interventions.References:[1]Heijmans M. et al. Health Literacy in the Netherlands. Utrecht: Nivel 2018[2]Batterham R. et al. BMC Public Health 2014, 14:694Disclosure of Interests:Mark Bakker: None declared, Polina Putrik: None declared, Jany Rademakers Speakers bureau: In March 2017, Prof. Dr. Rademakers was invited to speak about health literacy at the “Heuvellanddagen” Conference, hosted by Janssen-Cilag., Mart van de Laar Consultant of: Sanofi Genzyme, Speakers bureau: Sanofi Genzyme, Harald Vonkeman: None declared, Marc R Kok Grant/research support from: BMS and Novartis, Consultant of: Novartis and Galapagos, Hanneke Voorneveld: None declared, Sofia Ramiro Grant/research support from: MSD, Consultant of: Abbvie, Lilly, Novartis, Sanofi Genzyme, Speakers bureau: Lilly, MSD, Novartis, Maarten de Wit Grant/research support from: Dr. de Wit reports personal fees from Ely Lilly, 2019, personal fees from Celgene, 2019, personal fees from Pfizer, 2019, personal fees from Janssen-Cilag, 2017, outside the submitted work., Consultant of: Dr. de Wit reports personal fees from Ely Lilly, 2019, personal fees from Celgene, 2019, personal fees from Pfizer, 2019, personal fees from Janssen-Cilag, 2017, outside the submitted work., Speakers bureau: Dr. de Wit reports personal fees from Ely Lilly, 2019, personal fees from Celgene, 2019, personal fees from Pfizer, 2019, personal fees from Janssen-Cilag, 2017, outside the submitted work., Richard Osborne Consultant of: Prof. Osborne is a paid consultant for pharma in the field of influenza and related infectious diseases., Roy Batterham: None declared, Rachelle Buchbinder: None declared, Annelies Boonen Grant/research support from: AbbVie, Consultant of: Galapagos, Lilly (all paid to the department)

BackgroundDuvelisib, an FDA-approved oral phosphoinositide 3-kinase (PI3K)-δ,γ inhibitor, targets tumor cells of B/T cell malignancies, but may modulate non-malignant immune cells in the tumor microenvironment (TME) of many cancers. PI3K–δ and PI3K–γ downmodulate immunosuppressive Tregs and myeloid cells in solid tumors.1, 2, 3 We used single-cell RNA analysis of PIK3CD and PIK3CG to explore resistance mechanisms to checkpoint inhibitors (CPI).MethodsSingle-cell melanoma (SKCM) RNAseq datasets: GSE120575;4 CD45+ cells from 48 CPI responders and non-responder tumors, and GSE115978;5 33 treatment-naïve and CPI-progressing (resistant) tumors. Cancer cells and CD45+ TME subpopulations, specified by gene expression signatures and tSNE plots, had PI3K gene expressions profiled. Differential gene expression (DE) was gated in MAST/Seurat. Fishers test Odds Ratio (OR) was calculated for ‘high’ expression.ResultsPIK3CD expression is higher in SKCM than most cancers (10.8 median RSEM log 2).7 By single-cell analysis, PIK3CD (> 0.3 log2 TPM) occurs in 68.2% of cancer cells, with PIK3CB, PIK3CA, and PIK3CG expressed in 32.3%, 12.0%, and 7.2% respectively. PIK3CD-high cancer cells (>4 log2 TPM) have a 711-gene DE gene signature mostly related to immune processes. A higher proportion of cancer cells in CPI resistant tumors express PIK3CD, than untreated tumors (OR 2.02, 95% CI 1.65–2.48, p=3.04 × 10–12), as do PIK3CD+PIK3CG-expressing cancer cells (OR 2.14, 95% CI 1.47–3.13, p=4.2 × 10-5). Additionally, in PI3K–δ or PI3K–γ high melanoma cell lines duvelisib inhibited proliferation, p-AKT and c-myc.7 PIK3CD and PIK3CG are prominently expressed in many SKCM CD45+ TME cells (84.5% and 31.7% CD45+ respectively). PIK3CD (>0.3 log2 TPM) occurs in a high fraction of T (85.7%), CD8+ T (86.3%), CD4+ T (86.9%), B (78.5%), macrophages (88%), and NK (85%). PIK3CG is highest in B, dendritic, cycling lymphocytes and plasma cells. Strikingly, a significantly higher proportion of PIK3CD+ cells occur in resistant tumors compared to untreated for all CD45+ cells, (OR 1.64, 95% CI 1.40–1.94, p=4.79 × 10-10), CD8+ T (OR 2.15, 95% CI 1.61–2.86, p=6.5 × 10-8), and an exhausted C8+ T subpopulation (OR 3.17, 95% CI 1.89–5.37, p=2.95 × 10-6). PIK3CD+PIK3CG-expressing CD45+ cells are significantly increased in CPI-resistant tumors (OR 1.22, 95% CI 1.07–1.39, p=0.002).ConclusionsThese findings support a mechanism where CPI therapies may contribute to modulation of PI3Kδ expression in cancer cells and the immune TME. The PI3K-δ,γ inhibitor duvelisib is being investigated in combination with CPI and evaluated in the context of CPI resistance in clinical trials: pembrolizumab (HNSC, NCT04193293), and nivolumab (Richter’s Syndrome, NCT03892044).ReferencesAli K, Soond DR, Pineiro R, Hagemann T, Pearce W, Lim EL, Bouabe H, Scudamore CL, Hancox T, Maecker H, Friedman L, Turner M, Okkenhaug K, Vanhaesebroeck B. Inactivation of PI(3)K p110δ breaks regulatory T-cell-mediated immune tolerance to cancer Nature 2014; 510(7505):407–411.Kaneda MM, Messer KS, Ralainirina N, Li H, Leem CJ, Gorjestani S, Woo G, Nguyen AV, Figueiredo CC, Foubert P, Schmid MC, Pink M, Winkler DG, Rausch M, Palombella VJ, Kutok J, McGovern K, Frazer KA, Wu X, Karin M, Sasik R, Cohen EE, Varner JA. PI3Kγ is a molecular switch that controls immune suppression. Nature 2016; 539(7629):437–442.De Henau O, Rausch M, Winkler D, Campesato LF, Liu C, Cymerman DH, Budhu S, Ghosh A, Pink M, Tchaicha J, Douglas M, Tibbitts T, Sharma S, Proctor J, Kosmider N, White K, Stern H, Soglia J, Adams J, Palombella VJ, McGovern K, Kutok JL, Wolchok JD, Merghoub T. Overcoming resistance to checkpoint blockade therapy by targeting PI3Kγ in myeloid cells. Nature 2016; 539(7629):443–447.Sade-Feldman M, Yizhak K, Bjorgaard SL, Ray JP, de Boer CG, Jenkins RW, Lieb DJ, Chen JH, Frederick DT, Barzily-Rokni M, Freeman SS, Reuben A, Hoover PJ, Villani AC, Ivanova E, Portell A, Lizotte PH, Aref AR, Eliane JP, Hammond MR, Vitzthum H, Blackmon SM, Li B, Gopalakrishnan V, Reddy SM, Cooper ZA, Paweletz CP, Barbie DA, Stemmer-Rachamimov A, Flaherty KT, Wargo JA, Boland GM, Sullivan RJ, Getz G, Hacohen N. Defining T Cell States Associated with Response to Checkpoint Immunotherapy in Melanoma. Cell 2018; 175: 998–1013.Jerby-Arnon L, Shah P, Cuoco MS, Rodman C, Su MJ, Melms JC, Leeson R, Kanodia A, Mei S, Lin JR, Wang S, Rabasha B, Liu D, Zhang G, Margolais C, Ashenberg O, Ott PA, Buchbinder EI, Haq R, Hodi FS, Boland GM, Sullivan RJ, Frederick DT, Miao B, Moll T, Flaherty KT, Herlyn M, Jenkins RW, Thummalapalli R, Kowalczyk MS, Cañadas I, Schilling B, Cartwright ANR, Luoma AM, Malu S2, Hwu P, Bernatchez C, Forget MA, Barbie DA, Shalek AK, Tirosh I, Sorger PK, Wucherpfennig K, Van Allen EM, Schadendorf D, Johnson BE, Rotem A, Rozenblatt-Rosen O, Garraway LA, Yoon CH, Izar B, Regev A. A Cancer Cell Program Promotes T Cell Exclusion and Resistance to Checkpoint Blockade. Cell 2018; 175: 984–997.Firebrowse Gene Expression Viewerhttp://firebrowse.org/viewGene.html.Coma S, Weaver DT, Pachter JA. [Poster #663] The dual PI3K-δ/PI3K-γ inhibitor duvelisib inhibits signaling and proliferation of solid tumor cells expressing PI3K-δ and/or PI3K-γ. AACR. 2020.

The article provides both historiographical and documentary review of the editorial portfolio of the 7th unpublished book of the magazine of the historical section of the VUAN "Over A Hundred Years." This unfulfilled edition contains a significant amount of valuable information about the history of the communist movement of the second half of the nineteenth century, which became an integral part of the Ukrainian national revival. The editorial office focused on the author's researches and materials that were provided by the authors for consideration in order to further publish them. Thus, the editorial portfolios of the 7th book focused on the author's scientific researches, documentary sources, epistolary heritage, and memories of the figures of Ukrainian communities and people close to them. The materials collected by the editorial office were not published since the magazine ceased to exist. However, their relevance is indisputable, because they reveal the pages of the ill-studied topic. The purpose of this research, based on the methods of historiographical and dissertational analysis, is the promulgation of up-to-date scientific information on community leaders and events, participants and witnesses of which they acted. From those very small parts of the created scientific work, available sources on the history of the Ukrainian revival, only some of the materials were published. That is why the information that has been preserved in the editorial portfolio of the 7th book of the magazine "Over A Hundred Years" gains its special importance. During the period of being in the Russian Empire, Ukrainian intellectuals propagandizing the idea of national separation were subjected to all kinds of oppression by the authorities. The change in the national paradigm of history, which took place in the Soviet period, for a long time made it impossible to study the Ukrainian national civil movement. That revolutionary generation, which declared the formation of its own state – the Ukrainian People's Republic, either emigrated or was repressed at the time of Stalin's terror. Because of that, significant gaps have been created in the study of the Ukrainian national renaissance and its key centers - the Communities. In the context of studying the history of the communist movement of the second half of the nineteenth century, our research attention is made up of official, private and historiographical sources contained in the editorial portfolio of the 7th book of the magazine "Over a hundred years." In previous works devoted to reviewing publications in 6 existing books of this magazine, we identified the following categories: scientific articles, documents, memoirs, letters. It should be noted that these materials are both separate articles and their components are part of the structure of published scientific works. For example, official documentary sources, letters, memories, biographical materials of representatives of the communist movement act as a subject of a separate publication, as well as parts of scientific articles. In consideration of this publication, we have taken all the materials of the editorial portfolio of the 7th book of the magazine "Over A Hundred Years", which were identified by researchers S. Pankova and G. Shevchuk in the article "Over A Hundred Years". Using the materials of the manuscript kept at the Institute by the National Library of Ukraine named after Vernadsky, they pay attention to the presence of several registers, indicating the contents of the volume itself. In general, there are 5 lists that include the list of published work intended for publication in this edition. The text of the article is a sequential review of the content of the listed editorial portfolio positions. In particular, let's dwell on the definition of the materials of the relevant sources representing the factual side of the Ukrainophilical community movement in the above-mentioned groups. To do this, we offer the following classification. The first group of materials - the most numerous and contains information on 1) events related to the communist movement of the 60's and 70's of the nineteenth century; 2) information on illegal activities and publications distributed among the Ukrainophilical intellectuals; 3) the actual persons - members of the Community, etc. According to this division, we note that we assigned two scientific works to the first subgroup, from F. Savchenko and O. Nazarevsky; to the second – L. Milovidov and V. Chernomorets (Drozdovsky); the third – researches and materials related to individual communities. These are the works of N. Buchbinder, M. Kistyakovsky, B. Shevelev, A. Doroshevich, M. Hnip, S. Scrob. The final list of the works of the first group of materials is the study of V. Kravchenko, which contains some fragmentary information regarding the Ukrainophilical movement. The second group of sources is represented by correspondence: M. Kostomarov, M. Kulish, M. Maksymovych and K. Mikhalchuk. The third definite group of materials – memoirs and documents – is the final in this review. It should be emphasized that materials of the editorial portfolios that have not been preserved can be found either in the archival storage or in the printed version. Their list was given by researchers S. Pankova and G. Shevchuk, which includes four positions. All of them are known for "Plate VII of the book. "Over a Hundred Years." At least two of them are directly related to the communist movement. It is possible that these materials will still be discovered by researchers. The analysis of these materials in the editorial portfolio of the 7th book of the magazine "Over A Hundred Years" proves that the collection of this magazine is the largest in terms of the number and content of available materials. Despite the long process of creating, scientific resources have not lost their relevance, on the contrary, they have a significant potential in revealing the plots of the history of Ukrainian communities in the second half of the nineteenth century. This publication is final in the cycle of author's inquiries devoted to the review and analysis of materials of the magazine "Over A Hundred Years" (books 1-7). The historiographic sources and documents found in them are a valuable bibliographic and source-study segment in the general array of research studies aimed at studying the processes of Ukrainian national revival and state-building that took place in the "long nineteenth century".

Various self-regulated learning (SRL) problems often occur in early childhood during the transition from pre-school to elementary school. The ability to self-regulated learning is im- portant for school readiness and success throughout life, requiring the ability of parents to encourage the development of these abilities. The purpose of this study is to develop childcare strategies on self-regulation, such as children's ability to regulate metacognition, motivation and behavior to re- duce problems. Research produces certain products and tests their effectiveness. Respondents in- volved parents from 18 districts in 9 cities in the technique of data analysis using quantitative and qualitative approaches. The results showed differences in the average scores of children's independ- ent learning both before and after parents learned and applied the contents of the manual book. The result of the effectiveness test is sig = 0,000 <α = 0.05. So, H0 is rejected, and the results of the chi- square test sig = 0,000 <0.05, then H0 is rejected. In conclusion, parenting strategies using manuals so that parents can improve competencies such as parents' knowledge, attitudes and skills, and prove effective in increasing children's independent learning. Keywords: Early Childhood, Parenting strategy, Self-regulated learning References Bandura, A. (1977). Social learning theory. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall. Ben-Eliyahu, A. (2019). Academic Emotional Learning: A Critical Component of Self-Regulated Learning in the Emotional Learning Cycle. Educational Psychologist, 54(2), 84–105. https://doi.org/10.1080/00461520.2019.1582345 Bergen, D., & Davis, D. (2011). Influences of Technology-Related Playful Activity and Thought on Moral Development. American Journal of Play, 4(1), 80–99. Retrieved from http://eric.ed.gov/?id=EJ985549 Bjorklund, F, D. (2012). Children’s Thinking: Cognitive Development and Individual Differences. USA: Wadsworth, Cengage Learning. Borg, W. R., & Gall, M. D. (1989). Educational research. New York: Longman. Bronson, M. B. (2000). Self-regulation in early childhood. New York: The Guilford Press. Carlton, M. P., & Winsler, A. (1998). Fostering intrinsic motivation in early childhood classrooms. Early Childhood Education Journal, 25(3), 159–166. https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1025601110383 Daniel, G. R., Wang, C., & Berthelsen, D. (2016). Early school-based parent involvement, children’s self-regulated learning and academic achievement: An Australian longitudinal study. Early Childhood Research Quarterly, 36, 168–177. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ecresq.2015.12.016 Dick, W., & Carey, L. (2009). The Systematic Design of Instruction. New Jersey: Pearson Education. Jacob, L., Dörrenbächer, S., & Perels, F. (2019). A pilot study of the online assessment of self- regulated learning in preschool children: Development of a direct, quantitative measurement tool. 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Links Between Israeli College Students’ Self-Regulated Learning and Their Recollections of Their Parents’ Parenting Styles. SAGE Open, 10(1). https://doi.org/10.1177/2158244019899096 Sugiyono. (2013). Metode Penelitian Pendidikan (Pendekatan Kuantitatif, Kualitatif dan R & D. Bandung. Thomas, V., De Backer, F., Peeters, J., & Lombaerts, K. (2019). Parental involvement and adolescent school achievement: the mediational role of self-regulated learning. Learning Environments Research, 22(3), 345–363. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10984-019-09278-x Thomas, V., Muls, J., De Backer, F., & Lombaerts, K. (2019). Exploring self-regulated learning during middle school: views of parents and students on parents’ educational support at home. Journal of Family Studies, 9400. https://doi.org/10.1080/13229400.2018.1562359 Tiniakou, E. (2017). Patterns of parenting in the life histories of highly self-regulated learners (Universiteit Twente). Retrieved from http://essay.utwente.nl/73234/ Tiniakou, E., Hirschler, T., Endedijk, M. D., & Margaryan, A. (2018). Becoming self-regulated: Patterns of parenting in the lives of professionals who are highly self-regulated learners. Journal of Self-Regulation and Regulation, 4(0), 7–42. https://doi.org/10.11588/JOSAR.2018.0.49364 Tobias, S., & Everson, H. (2000). Assessing Metacognitive Knowledge Monitoring. Report No. 96-01. College Entrance Examination Board, (96). Retrieved from http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eric&AN=ED562584&site=ehost -live Veenman, M. V. J., Van Hout-Wolters, B. H. A. M., & Afflerbach, P. (2006). Metacognition and learning: Conceptual and methodological considerations. Metacognition and Learning, 1(1), 3–14. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11409-006-6893-0 Venitz, L., & Perels, F. (2019). Promoting self-regulated learning of preschoolers through indirect intervention: a two-level approach. Journal of Family Studies, 9400(13), 2057–2070. https://doi.org/10.1080/03004430.2018.1434518 Vygotsky, L. (1978). Interaction between learning and development (In M. Gauv). New York: Scientific American Books. Whitebread, D., Coltman, P., Pasternak, D. P., Sangster, C., Grau, V., Bingham, S., ... Demetriou, D. (2009). The development of two observational tools for assessing metacognition and self- regulated learning in young children. Metacognition and Learning, 4(1), 63–85. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11409-008-9033-1 Wolters, C. A. (2003). Conceptualizing the Role and Influence of Student- Teacher Relationships on Children ’ s Social and Cognitive Development. Educational Psychologist, 38(4), 207– 234. https://doi.org/10.1207/S15326985EP3804 Zimmerman, B. J. (2010). Self-Regulated Learning and Academic Achievement: An Overview. Educational Psychologist, 25(1), 3–17. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15326985ep2501

AbstractNew method for construction of gauge-invariant deformed theory from an initial gauge theory proposed in our previous papers (Buchbinder and Lavrov in JHEP 06:854, 2021; Buchbinder and Lavrov in Eur Phys J C 81:856, 2021) for closed/open gauge algebras is extended to the case of reducible gauge algebras. The deformation procedure is explicitly described with the help of generating functions of anticanonical transformations depending on fields of the initial gauge action only. The deformed gauge-invariant action and the deformed gauge generators are described with the help of the generating functions in a closed and simple form. As an example of reducible gauge systems we consider the free fermionic p-form fields or, in another words, the antisymmetric tensor-spinor fields. It is proved that gauge-invariant deformation of fermionic p-form fields leads always to non-local deformed theory which does not contain a closed local sector. In its turn the model based on two fermionic 2-form fields and a real massive scalar field admits local interactions between these fields in local sector of the deformed action.

AbstractWe elaborate the generalizations of the approach to gauge-invariant deformations of the gauge theories developed in our previous work (Buchbinder and Lavrov in JHEP 06:097, 2021). In the given paper we construct the exact transformations defying the gauge-invariant deformed theory on the base of initial gauge theory with irreducible open gauge algebra. Like in [1], for the theories with open gauge algebras these transformations are the shifts of the initial gauge fields $$A \rightarrow A+h(A)$$ A → A + h ( A ) , with the help of the arbitrary and in general non-local functions h(A). The results are applied to study the quantum aspects of the deformed theories. We derive the exact relation between the quantum effective actions for the above classical theories, where one is obtained from another with the help of the deformation.

In gender studies, the distinction between biological sex and the social aspect of gender is of pivotal concern, and it needs to be examined not only from a feminist perspective but from masculinity studies as well. Undoubtedly, men have fared better within the patriarchal structure “in terms of the access to and the wielding of power, than have women” (Buchbinder, p. 68), but it is crucial to understand the implications of gender-based expectations on men to possess those privileges. The invisibility concerning masculinity as a gendered category has made it appear natural and coherent. In the context of masculinity as a gendered category, this paper will analyze the configuration of hegemonic masculinity or a raganimo in Nuruddin Farah’s (b. 1945) Maps. The study will reveal how the dominant masculinity insinuated by culture as natural is, in reality, a make-believe formulated by various discourses. The paper foregrounds that the shaping of masculinity in socially prescribed norms in Maps is a discursive practice instrumentalized by patriarchal Somali society to generate, circulate and exert power. The aim of this paper is not to promote the positioning of men as agents of power, but to understand the working of gender and the underpinning of power in masculinity.

Os defeitos mandibulares devido à ressecção de lesão óssea interferem a harmonia e estética facial comprometendo a qualidade de vida dos pacientes. Grandes defeitos exigem planejamento minucioso, principalmente quando lançamos mão de enxertos e placas de reconstrução, evitando assim resultados insatisfatórios ou até mesmo sequelas. Apesar de algumas classificações dos defeitos mandibulares vêm sendo discutidas ao longo dos anos, ainda não há um protocolo definido para reconstrução mandibular. O uso de prototipagem na Cirurgia Bucomaxilofacial tem se tornado cada vez mais frequente; a precisão da reconstrução, diminuição do tempo de cirurgia reflete em recuperação mais rápida do paciente. Mesmo com a ferramenta da prototipagem, grandes lesões e perdas ósseas permanecem como grande desafio ao cirurgião. O objetivo deste trabalho é relatar um caso clínico de reconstrução mandibular no qual houve a necessidade de ser tratado com remoção de placa de reconstrução e nova reabilitação cirúrgica do paciente.Descritores: Mandíbula; Reconstrução Mandibular; Modelos Biológicos.ReferênciasSantos LCS, Seixas AM, Barbosa B, Cincura RNS. Adaptação de placas reconstrutivas: uma nova técnica. Rev Cir Traumatol Buco-Maxilo-Fac. 2011;11(2):9-14.Lin PY, Lin KC, Jeng SF. Oromandibular reconstruction: the history, operative options and strategies, and our experience. ISRN Surg. 2011;2011:824251.Martins Jr. JC, Keim FS. Uso de prototipagem no planejamento de reconstrução microcirúrgica da mandíbula. Rev Bras Cir Craniomaxilofac. 2011;14(4):225-28.Montoro JR, Tavares MG, Melo DH, Franco Rde L, Mello-Filho FV, Xavier SP, Trivellato AE, Lucas AS. Mandibular ameloblastoma treated by bone resection and imediate reconstruction. Braz J Otorhinolaryngol. 2008;74(1):155-57.Nóia CF, Ortega-Lopes R, Chaves Netto HDM, Nascimento FFAO, Sá BCM. Desafios na reconstrução mandibular devido a lesões extensas ou traumatismos. Rev Assoc Paul Cir Dent. 2015;69(2):158-63.Cohen A, Laviv A, Berman P, Nashef R, Abu-Tair J. Mandibular reconstruction using stereolithographic 3-dimensional printing modeling technology. Oral Surg Oral Med Oral Pathol Oral Radiol Endod. 2009;108(5):661-6.Rana M, Warraich R, Kokemüller H, Lemound J, Essig H, Tavassol F et al. Reconstruction of mandibular defects - clinical retrospective research over a 10-year period. Head Neck Oncol. 2011;3:23.Fariña R, Alister JP, Uribe F, Olate S, Arriagada A. Indications of Free Grafts in Mandibular Reconstruction, after Removing Benign Tumors: Treatment Algorithm. Plast Reconstr Surg Glob Open. 2016;4(8):e845.Fariña R, Plaza C, Martinovic G. New transference technique of position of mandibular reconstructing plates using stereolithographic models. J Oral Maxillofac Surg. 2009;7(11):2544-48.Mooren RE, Merkx MA, Kessler PA, Jansen JA, Stoelinga PJ. Reconstruction of the mandible using preshaped 2.3-mm titanium plates, autogenous cortical bone plates, particulate cancellous bone, and platelet-rich plasma: a retrospective analysis of 20 patients. J Oral Maxillofac Surg. 2010;68(10):2459–67.Brown JS, Barry C, Ho M, Shaw R.A new classification for mandibular defects after oncological resection. Lancet Oncol. 2016;17(1):23-30Urken ML, Weinberg H, Vickery C, Buchbinder D, Lawson W, Biller HF. Oromandibular reconstruction using microvascular composite free flaps. Report of 71 cases and a new classification scheme for bony, soft-tissue, and neurologic defects. Arch Otolaryngol Head Neck Surg. 1991;117(7):733-44.Shnayder Y, Lin D, Desai SC, Nussenbaum B, Sand JP, Wax MK. Reconstruction of the Lateral Mandibular Defect: A Review and Treatment Algorithm. JAMA Facial Plast Surg. 2015;17(5):367-73.Wei FC, Celik N, YangWG, Chen IH, Chang YM, Chen HC. Complications after reconstruction by plate and soft-tissue free flap in composite mandibular defects and secondary salvage reconstruction with osteocutaneous flap. Plast Reconstr Surg. 2003;112(1):37-42.Li BH, Jung HJ, Choi SW, Kim SM, Kim MJ, Lee JH. Latissimus dorsi (LD) free flap and reconstruction plate used for extensive maxillo-mandibular reconstruction after tumour ablation. J Craniomaxillofac Surg. 2012;40(8):293-300.

Men in crisis Confused by society's mixed messages about what's expected of them as boys, and later as men, many feel a sadness and disconnection they cannot even name. (Pollack 1) The recent 'crisis in masculinity' has been punctuated by a plethora of material devoted to reclaiming men's 'lost' power within a society. Triggered by the recognition that their roles within our society are changing, this emerging cannon often fails to recognise men as part of a social continuum that subjectifies individuals within discursive frameworks. Rather it mourns this process as the emasculation of male identity within our culture. However, this self-help rhetoric masks a wider project of renegotiating men's power within our society. David Buchbinder for example, calls for an interrogation of "how men and various masculinities are represented" (7). As a consequence, male subjectivities are being called into question. There is now examination of the manner in which "power is differentiated so that particular styles of masculinity become ascendant…in certain situations" (Haywood and Mac an Ghaill 52). In this way, male power is being problematised on many fronts. The desire to shore-up male power in the face of various 'threats' has called for a corporeal manifestation of masculine dominance. Men's bodies have been redefined through contemporary attention to physical sculpting and molding. This reanimation of the Superman ethic of embodiment is part of the hegemonic maintenance of masculine power in our culture. At the times of the greatest threat to male competence and control within society - social, political and economic restructuring, war and recovery - the body has been at the frontier of reasserting male power. This paper traces performances of superhero masculinity across men's bodies. As central 'creators' of their world, superheroes embody a mythology in masculine identity that shapes men as social and natural determinists within a society. In attempting to replicate this role, men are subjected to a rupture in the social fabric whereby their bodies move through a series of discursive frameworks in a contradictory tapestry that activates a 'crisis' within masculine identity. This paper seeks to open the seam between masculinity and power to examine how masculine legitimacy is negotiated on embodied surfaces. This trajectory is constantly stretched to its limits where men's bodies are in a persistent state of rebuilding. Henry Rollins forms part of the frayed edges of superhero identity. Simultaneously validating and undermining this mentality, Rollins creates a nexus of contradictory ideologies. Embracing a "rock-hard male body" (Robinson 11) in a powerfully built embodied reality, and at the same time deconstructing it, Rollins takes issue with men in their mythological role as centres of social reality and their power to create and control it. Rollins forms an identity that is shaped within discursive practices rather than the director of them. In tracing this performance through the "Liar" music video that features Rollins in the Superman role, this paper demonstrates the convoluted masculinity embraced by Rollins and the movement of Superman across his body. Between superheroes, war and bodybuilding, the aim is to trace how men are positioned as unproblematic agents of power, change and creation within the embodied myths of our culture. Bodies of knowledge Men's bodies have changed. While they have been the 'normal' against which women's bodies have been defined, this sense of normality has altered (Cranny-Francis 8). Foucault has consistently demonstrated how bodies are created and inscribed through cultural processes whereby discourses determine the shape and nature of embodied realities. Even though men are often centralised in these knowledge systems, it does not mean that they are immune to their influence. Men are insistently defined through metaphors of the mind. The proper man is a controlled man. In bodybuilding this relationship is activated in the repetitive and disciplined action of tensing and relaxing muscle. Defined as, "the toning and accentuating of muscles by the repeated action of flexing and releasing…particularly through the use of weights" (Carden-Coyne n.pag), it reifies a controlled mind restraining and shaping the physical form. During the Enlightenment thrust toward scientific rationalism, Descartes positioned an uncomplicated division between the mind and the body. Men spent their time purifying their souls and using bodies "as a spiritual vessel, a Christian container of morality and purity" (Carden-Coyne n.pag). They were shells that required discipline so the mind was not led astray. The mind was the controlling agent that subdued a disobedient embodiment. The extent to which this was achieved was the measure of the legitimacy and competence of a man. The currency of this corporeal state resonates most potently today through the phallus. As an extension of the phallus, the surface of the male body is a crucial site for the demonstration of embodied control. For the phallus is not very closely related to the possession of a penis as David Buchbinder argues when he suggests, "the phallus as a symbol, however, is not to be identified with an actual penis, because no actual penis could ever really measure up to the imagined sexual potency and social or magical power of the phallus" (49). Indeed, men's penises are "flaccid most of the time" (Buchbinder 48). They are fragile and soft. They rarely meet the 'supernatural' prowess of the phallus. Phallic power is related to the capacity to occupy the space of symbolic power effectively - to be embodied in a competent masculinity. Bodybuilding demonstrates a mastery over the self that articulates this discipline. The capacity to mobilise this control is linked to wider social power in which men are supposed to be privileged agents of creation and control in the political and economic spheres of life. Henry Rollins mobilises a mythos of masculine embodied control and corporeal hardness in his embrace of Superman. He is the epitome of phallic power and Rollins uses this character as a metonym to articulate the contradictions between the ideologies circulating through culture and the reality of lived experience. While Rollins mobilises a superhero musculature, the surfacing of his self masks a vulnerable masculine subjectivity that is embedded within distinct social frameworks. He uses the ideologies surrounding superheroes to create a dialogue between the reality of everyday life and the discourses that frame those experiences. Superheroes are resourceful, disciplined and righteous. They are sites of strength, moral virtue, creation and control. They often have super-powers, super-human strength, agility or speed that enables them to exist apart from regular humans. They occupy spaces removed from everyday life. However, their separateness from these realities is contrary to real men's experiences. Like the phallus, there is a gulf between the superhero ideology that men are supposed to embody and the reality of lived experience. Nevertheless there remains a constant struggle to build and rebuild the male body to the pinnacle of (super)masculine prowess. Superman is framed within the mind/body binary quite clearly. The control he exercises over his body reifies his calm and disciplined mind. His powerful physique, "represents in vividly graphic detail the masculinity, the confidence, the power that personifies the ideal of phallic masculinity" (Brown n.pag). His control extends across his self and out into the world. Rollins embraces this control through his own self-empowering rhetoric that litters his lyrics, spoken word and concert performances. He also most clearly embodies the Superman ideology through a life-long attention to bodybuilding. Introduced to weightlifting as a teenager, Rollins incorporates the Superman ideology into his subjectivity. He has been referred to as the "tattooed, muscled Ubermensch of serious rawk" (geocities.com/SunsetStrip/Palms/4396/hrf.htm). He works his muscles to rebuild his identity after a disaffiliated, Ritalin-addicted childhood spent bouncing between divorced parents. The processes of disciplining his body and empowering the self are made clear through his relationship to his body and to the weights. Rollins believes in extending himself to his limits and beyond. Bodybuilding is the mattering map Rollins uses to construct a sense of self. He uses it to define who he is and to build his self-esteem. For example,"time away from the Iron makes my mind and body degenerate. I turn on myself and wallow in thick depression that makes me unable to function. The body shuts my mind down. The Iron is the best anti-depressant I have ever found. No better way to fight weakness than with strength. Fight degeneration with generation" (Rollins 257). In his embrace of the embodied power of Superman and the building mechanisms of weightlifting he is able to repair and regenerate his sense of self. He is able to transform himself into something new and different, thereby exercising power as an agent of change. This ethic of rebuilding hails an earlier time when control over the body needed to reestablish the coherent corporeality of damaged men within a culture. World War One redefined popular consciousness of men's bodies as the mechanisation of warfare ripped limbs from torsos and severed the relationship between a disciplined mind and the controlled body. Rebuilding battered bodies The first widespread conflict to use guns, shells and tanks produced the first evidence of neurasthenia, or shell shock (Carden-Coyne n.pag). Faith in evolution and human improvement was shaken to its core with the appearance of physically and emotionally broken masculinity. Men's bodies were dismembered and disabled - their minds were tortured. As a result Carden-Coyne argues, [t]he first world war significantly undermined confidence in the male instinct, by demonstrating that the primitive energies of the male body (virility, physical strength and aggression) were no match for modern technological warfare. A process of healing was needed to rebuild a masculinity of control and strength in these men. Faith in progress needed to be renegotiated and the damaged minds and bodies of men mended. Bodybuilding was seen as the most complete demonstration of embodied control. It required discipline and strength and so required the mind to order the body. Bodybuilding was embraced after World War One to repair the fissures in war-ravaged masculinity. It served, "to shape corporeal borders…against the sense of decay and uncertainty that permeated the 'air' of modernity" (Carden-Coyne n.pag). The strong body created a strong mind and bodybuilding in the post-war period also helped to more popularly render images of heroes. War heroes could be more easily framed in musculature. In popular culture, heroes shifted from aristocratic figures such as the Scarlet Pimpernel, to more everyday men. By 1938 the emergence of Superman comics positioned the ordinary-like man as superhero (Bridwell 6). The hard body had the capacity to make the ordinary man exceptional. Indeed, the superheroes of the twentieth century like "Tarzan, Conan, James Bond" (Connell 6) all depict a resilience and similar competence over all aspects of their lives. However as men's authority has been increasingly challenged within our society, embodied strength has increased in Superman to mirror the changes in the lives of these men. Postmodern paychecks World War Two also tore men's bodies apart. However with this war, the machine was reinscribed as saving rather than taking lives on the battlefield (Fussell 3). The development of the atomic bomb was attributed to, and celebrated as, man's ability to create and conquer anything (Easlea 90). By 1950 Superman comics depicted the man of steel withstanding a nuclear blast thereby validating the superiority and resilience of white, western masculinity and embodied hardness over the weak Others (Bridwell 10). Nevertheless World War Two chewed through men's bodies at an imperceptible rate. Despite the rhetoric of heroism and technological superiority, the reality of everyday battle was broken bodies. The ideology of the superhero served to mask the realities of this war. Despite the damage to the corporeal form, the heroic mythology of masculine identity served to reify a coherent embodiment and a clear mind. The mobilisation of this masculine myth masked the erosion of legitimate male power within culture. This resonates into the postwar period where a whole series of structural changes to the social landscape have radically redefined our social reality. The mechanisms men have used to define themselves have decayed. The rising empowerment of women, gay men and black men have problematised the centrality of white, heterosexual men in our culture (Faludi 40). They are no longer able to easily occupy a stable, silent centre in our society. As a result, there has been an attempt to reclaim the body and reclaim the competency that serves to define men as masculine. The rising interest in men's health and physical fitness on the whole, has lead to a reanimation of the superman figure. Men's bodies are getting harder and larger. Part animal, part machine Henry Rollins embraces the contradictions in heroic masculinity. He demonstrates an embodied control that is regimented through an incorporation of Nietzschean will. In this way he embodies the relationship between the superhero and contemporary masculinity. However, Rollins' Superman is not an Ubermensch (Nietzsche 230). He performs a problematic masculinity. As a result, Rollins deconstructs the masculine hierarchy by subverting, not only his own performance of masculinity, but all such performances. The "Liar" music video by The Rollins Band features Rollins in the Superman role. In this clip he interrogates different levels of truth and reality. For him, neither Clark Kent nor Superman is a valid model on which to base effective performances of masculinity. Neither of these men are heroes, rather they are simulations. The version of Superman that Rollins constructs is authoritative and totalitarian. He depicts a corrupt figure and flawed leader who is not in control and is struggling to meet the demands of his role. This performance of Superman deconstructs the myth of the male hero. For Rollins, this hero does not exist - or if he does - he is a "Liar". Henry Rollins both embodies and deconstructs the superhero identity. He forms a nexus around which contradictory ideologies in masculinity collide and are reworked into a radically subversive critique of the relationship between men and superheroes. For Rollins the superhero mentality masks the complicated ideologies men must negotiate everyday in which they are subjectified within contradictory discursive frameworks that demand multifarious performances. Rollins strips back the layers of masculine power to reveal the ways in which men are embedded within social structures that reflect and affect their reality. In this self-reflexive critique he performs Superman in playful, resistive ways. This Superman does not exist apart from everyday life, but is entrenched within its frameworks that can only produce flawed performances of a social ideal. For Rollins a superhero embodiment cannot wipe away the discourses that encircle men within our culture but is rather a reflection of the extent to which men are embedded within them. In negotiating the difficulties in masculinity, Henry Rollins deprioritises men's roles as super-human agents of control, creation and change within a society. He calls into question the validity of masculine power and reifies the contradictions in manhood. He hails an ultimately resilient and empowered dominant masculinity within a deconstructive rhetoric. He is mobilising a moment within our culture where men must redefine who they are. This redefinition must be less concerned with how men can reclaim the power they are currently mourning in the 'crisis of masculinity'. If we are to make lasting change within a Cultural Studies framework then it cannot end, but only begin, with the articulation of a diversity of voices. Deep, structural change can only be made if we examine how a powerful position is able to occupy an unproblematised node of commonsense. Men need to redefine who they are, their bodies, their minds and their performances to position a masculinity that is not separate from society, but that can exist coherently within it. References Bridwell, Nathan. "Introduction." Superman from the Thirties to the Seventies. New York: Bonanza Books, 1971. Brown, James. "Comic book masculinity and the new black superhero." African American Review. 33.1 (1999): expanded academic database [n.pag]. Accessed 9.4.2001. Buchbinder, David. Performance Anxieties. Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1998. Carden-Coyne, Anna. "Classical heroism and modern life: Body building and masculinity in the early twentieth century." Journal of Australian Studies. (December 1999): expanded academic database [n.pag] Accessed 9.4.2001. Connell, Robert. "Masculinity, violence and war" in P. Patton and R. Poole (eds.), War/Masculinity. Sydney: Intervention Publications, 1985. Cranny-Francis, Ann. The Body in the Text. Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1995. Descartes, Rene. Key Philosphical Writings. (Translated by E. Haldane and G. Ross) Hertfordshire: Wordsworth, 1997. Easlea, Brian. Fathering the Unthinkable. London: Pluto Press, 1983. Faludi, Susan. Stiffed: The Betrayal of the Modern Man. London: Chatto and Windus, 1999. Foucault, Michel. The Birth of the Clinic. London: Routledge, 1973. ---Madness and Civlisation: A History of Insanity in the Age of Reason. London: Routledge, 1965. ---The Order of Things. London: Vintage, 1972. Fussell, Paul. Wartime: Understanding of Behaviour in the Second World War. New York: Oxford University Press, 1989. Haywood, Christina and Mac an Ghaill, Martin. "Schooling masculinities" in Martin Mac an Ghaill (ed.), Understanding Masculinities. Buckingham: Open University Press, 1996. "I Have Zero Sex Appeal." Melody Maker. (March 29 1997). geocities.com/SunsetStrip/Palms/4396/hrf/htm. Accessed July 30 2001. Nietzsche, Friedrich. The Complete Works of Friedrich Nietzsche Volume 4, The Will to Power, Book One and Two. O. Levy (ed.), London: George Allen and Unwin, 1924. Pollack, William. Real Boys. Melbourne: Scribe Publications, 1999. Robinson, Doug. No Less a Man. Bowling Green: Bowling Green State University, 1994. Rollins, Henry. "The Iron." The Portable Henry Rollins. London: Phoenix House, 1997.

Abstract Introduction/Background I had been practising acupuncture for 30 years and noticed while working in the rheumatology clinic that costochondritis had a particular response to acupuncture. As this condition is extremely debilitating and often misdiagnosed, a case series of 8 cases is presented, the majority of whom were seen in primary care. Description/Method Costochondritis is characterised by anterior chest pain associated with painful tender costochondral (CC) joints felt on palpation. These mainly affect the 2nd to 5th costochondral junctions, either unilateral or bilateral. Other areas of the anterior and lateral chest wall can also be affected. The pain is often severe and nocturnal, of sudden onset and can be associated with shock, nausea and dyspnoea, causing patients to call for an ambulance. Tietze's syndrome is a rare variant of this, usually affecting younger patients. Patients with persistent chest wall pain were offered acupuncture. Details of age, duration of symptoms, number of treatments and VAS pain scores were recorded day and night, (Table 1) pre and post treatment Patients with thoracic pain were excluded. 0.25*25mm and 0.25*30mm needles were used with silicon tips and a guide tube, to help prevent painful insertion. An infra-red lamp (Bio-lamp) was used + electro-acupuncture (EA) if insufficient improvement after two close treatments, sessions were continued weekly. Acupuncture points used were local tender/trigger points + distal Chinese points P6 and LI4. Other points used were CV 17, GB 34, SI6, GB39 or Sp 6 and St36. An average of 4.7 sessions were needed. Audit of Acupuncture Treatment Table 1 Six patients took daily analgesia which was rapidly reduced to nil. All completed their treatment until their pain stabilised. There were no adverse events. Average improvement in the day was 89% and night 85%. Recurrences of pain improved by 11% in the day and 72% at night. The attacks of severe chest pain and dyspnoea stopped, abating anxiety. Discussion/Results Costochondritis is a highly debilitating condition and I had noticed that acupuncture could be a dramatic treatment for this[i]. It can affect up to a third of patients attending emergency departments with atypical chest pain[ii] and 1-3% of patients in primary care[iii]. It seems to be a missed diagnosis by Accident and Emergency (A&E) doctors and GPs, perhaps because the chest wall was not carefully palpated. One patient had ankylosing spondylitis (AS) and another had systemic lupus erythematosus but attributed her pain to prolonged laughter. Five patients attended cardiology clinics including one who had a coronary angiogram. Another had tests for upper abdominal pain which also were normal. All the patients were female although quoted F:M ratio is 7:3 Differential diagnoses include: acute coronary syndromes, lung problems, trauma, upper gastroenterology pathology or neoplasia Pathogenesis is unclear but the onset can be acute and follow: Respiratory tract infection Extreme sneezing, coughing or laughter Chest wall trauma Micro trauma from costovertebral dysfunction Fibromyalgia Inflammation from inflammatory joint disease. [i] Alexander R; White A. Acupuncture in a Rheumatology Clinic. Acupuncture in Medicine; Dec 2000 vol.18 (no.2): 100-103 [ii] Disla E; Rhim HR; Reddy A; Karten I; Taranta A. A prospective analysis in an emergency department setting. Arch Intern Med. 1994; 154(21):2466-2469 [iii] Ayloo A; Cvengros T; Marella S. Evaluation and treatment of musculoskeletal chest pain. Prim Care (Review) Dec 2013 40(4): 863-87 Key learning points/Conclusion Normal management of costochondritis includes analgesia, physiotherapy, steroid injections and occasionally surgery[i]. 30% can have protracted pain. There are isolated reports of acupuncture for this condition, integrated with conventional medicine[ii] [iii]. Acupuncture also has been used for myofascial trigger points including costochondritis[iv]. Acupuncture is now an accepted modality of pain management and in 2021 was recommended in NICE guidelines for the treatment of Chronic Primary Pain alongside exercise programmes and CBT ahead of analgesic medication[v]. It has also been recommended in the management of low back pain in patients aged 60 years and over as a non-drug treatment[vi]. This paper highlights the fact that acupuncture appears to be a safe effective treatment for costochondritis, with further research and more access needed for this therapeutic modality. Increased awareness of this condition would make complex invasive investigations less necessary. [i] Gologorsky R; Hornik B; Velotta J. Surgical Management of Medically Refractory Tietze's Syndrome. Annals of Thoracic Surgery; Dec 2017; vol. 104 (no. 6) [ii] Jonkman FAM.; Jonkman-Buidin M.L; Stolwijk P.W.J. Surprise after successful treatment of a patient with noncardiac chest pain using acupuncture. Medical Acupuncture; Feb 2015; vol.27(no 1):83-90 [iii] Lin, Katerina; Tung, Cynthia. Integrating Acupuncture for the Management of Costochondritis in Adolescents. Medical Acupuncture; Oct 2017; vol.29(no 5): 327-330 [iv] Baldry P. Cardiac and non-cardiac chest wall pain. Acupuncture in Medicine;1997; vol.15(no.2): 42-45 [v] NICE guideline; Chronic Pain (primary and secondary) in over 16s (NG 193 April 2021) [vi] Traeger A; Underwood M;Ivers R; Buchbinder R. Low back pain in people aged 60 years and over. BMJ 2022 vol. 376: e066928

Research has been one of the core pillars of the Department of Orthopedics of the Philippine General Hospital over its now 50 years of existence. The department established one of the earliest resident’s research contests in the hospital in 1983 and its graduates regularly publish in peer reviewed journals and present their results in international conferences.1 Residents are required to complete 2 original studies prior to graduation and encouraged to document their clinical cases fully for future observational studies. Despite the apparent fascination, questions remain for a lot of trainees and clinicians. “Why do research? How does it help our patients?” Skepticism abounds as even clinically sound and well-made studies oftentimes do not lead to policy and practice changes needed to improve patient care.2 Given contrarian evidence from randomized controlled trials (RCTs), practices of most established surgeons do not change.3 Hope remains however as evidence-based practice in orthopedics is growing and here to stay.4 Surgeons who accurately examine and diagnose their patient, keep medical records, analyze the medical literature for the best treatment, and explain the available options are subconsciously practicing the scientific methods of observation, documentation, analysis, and reporting conclusions which are the basis of all scientific research. Incorporating research education not just to residency training programs but also to continuing medical education (CME) courses for surgeons may help develop the skills to comprehend new studies and incorporate them into patient care. Reassuringly for the elder surgeon, even old dogs have been shown to learn new tricks for their practice, just not as fast as the younger generation.5 The challenge now presented to Philippine medical practitioners is to develop clinical research that will translate into improved care for patients. As majority of literature dictating treatment for musculoskeletal disorders come from developed countries, case series or observational cohorts reporting local data in our setting is greatly important in guiding patient care.6 The fundamental goal is to produce high quality studies or new breakthroughs that engage discussion amongst a wide audience and lead to system changes that eventually enhance patient outcomes.7 As part of the celebration of the PGH Department of Orthopedics 50th golden anniversary, this orthopedic issue of the ACTA MEDICA PHILIPPINA represents work from the different orthopedic subspecialities of the department and its graduates. Pioneering studies on brachial plexus injuries, computer navigated spine surgery, rotationplasty, artificial intelligence, pedagogy, and much more highlight the growth of orthopedics in the Philippines. A study on one of the newest fields in Philippine orthopedics, orthogeriatrics, exemplifies the importance of blazing a new trail. The publication by Reyes et al. on a multidisciplinary orthogeriatric approach to the treatment of fragility hip fractures has shown improved outcomes consistent with the positive results of other fracture liaison services in Asia and worldwide.8,9 Their work has since led to the UPM-PGH Orthogeriatric Multidisciplinary Fracture Management Model and Fracture Liaison Service being adopted by PGH as a clinical pathway and has served as a model for other hospitals in the Philippines to improve their care of patients with fragility hip fractures. With the follow-through from the initial clinical study to administrative and policy changes, this example aptly illustrates the power of research to effect significant improvements in clinical outcomes and inspires all of us to continue to strive for better care for our patients. Czar Louie Gaston, MD, FPOA Department of Orthopedics Philippine General Hospital University of the Philippines Manila REFERENCES College of Medicine University of the Philippines Manila. Orthopedics [Internet]. [cited 2021 May]. Available from: https://cm.upm.edu.ph/p/orthopedics/ Buchbinder R, Maher C, Harris IA. Setting the research agenda for improving health care in musculoskeletal disorders. Nat Rev Rheumatol. 2015 Oct;11(10):597-605. doi: 10.1038/nrrheum.2015.81. Epub 2015 Jun 16. PMID: 26077917. Sonntag J, Landale K, Brorson S, Harris IA. Can the results of a randomized controlled trial change the treatment preferences of orthopaedic surgeons? Bone Jt Open. 2020 Sep 11;1(9):549-555. doi: 10.1302/2633-1462.19.BJO-2020-0093.R1. PMID: 33215153; PMCID: PMC7659699. Griffin XL, Haddad FS. Evidence-based decision making at the core of orthopaedic practice. Bone Joint J. 2014 Aug;96-B(8):1000-1. doi: 10.1302/0301-620X.96B8.34614. PMID: 25086112. Niles SE, Balazs GC, Cawley C, Bosse M, Mackenzie E, Li Y, et al. Translating research into practice: is evidence-based medicine being practiced in military-relevant orthopedic trauma? Mil Med. 2015 Apr;180(4):445-53. doi: 10.7205/MILMED-D-14-00296. PMID: 25826350. Elliott IS, Sonshine DB, Akhavan S, Slade Shantz A, Caldwell A, Slade Shantz J, et al. What factors influence the production of orthopaedic research in East Africa? A qualitative analysis of interviews. Clin Orthop Relat Res. 2015 Jun;473(6):2120-30. doi: 10.1007/s11999-015-4254-5. Epub 2015 Mar 21. PMID: 25795030; PMCID:PMC4419000. Tchetchik A, Grinstein A, Manes E, Shapira D, Durst R. From research to practice: Which research strategy contributes more to clinical excellence? Comparing high-volume versus high-quality biomedical research. PLoS One. 2015 Jun 24;10(6):e0129259. doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0129259. PMID: 26107296; PMCID: PMC4480880. Chang LY, Tsai KS, Peng JK, Chen CH, Lin GT, Lin CH, et al. The development of Taiwan Fracture Liaison Service network. Osteoporos Sarcopenia. 2018 Jun;4(2):47-52. doi: 10.1016/j.afos.2018.06.001. Epub 2018 Jun 7. PMID: 30775542; PMCID: PMC6362955. Barton DW, Piple AS, Smith CT, Moskal SA, Carmouche JJ. The clinical impact of fracture liaison services: A systematic review. Geriatr Orthop Surg Rehabil. 2021 Jan 11;12:2151459320979978. doi: 10.1177/2151459320979978. PMID: 33489430; PMCID: PMC7809296

IntroductionIn Nancy Meyers’s 2015 film The Intern a particular kind of masculinity is celebrated through the material accoutrements of Ben Whittaker (Robert De Niro). A retired 70-year-old manager, Ben takes up a position as a “senior” Intern in an online clothing distribution company run by Jules Ostin (Anne Hathaway). Jules’s company, All About Fit, is the embodiment of the Gen Y creative workplace operating in an old Brooklyn warehouse. Ben’s presence in this environment is anachronistic and yet also stylishly retro in an industry where “vintage” is a mode of dress but also offers alternative ethical values (Veenstra and Kuipers). The alternative that Ben offers is figured through his sartorial style, which mobilises a specific kind of retro masculinity made available through his senior white male body. This paper investigates how and why retro masculinity is materialised and embodied as both a set of values and a set of objects in The Intern.Three particular objects are emblematic of this retro masculinity and come to stand in for a body of desirable masculine values: the business suit, the briefcase, and the handkerchief. In the midst of an indie e-commerce garment business, Ben’s old-fashioned wardrobe registers a regular middle class managerial masculinity from the past that is codified as solidly reliable and dependable. Sherry Turkle reminds us that “material culture carries emotions and ideas of startling intensity” (6), and these impact our thinking, our emotional life, and our memories. The suit, briefcase, and handkerchief are material reminders of this reliable masculine past. The values they evoke, as presented in this film, seem to offer sensible solutions to the fast pace of twenty-first century life and its reconfigurations of family and work prompted by feminism and technology.The film’s fetishisation of these objects of retro masculinity could be mistaken for nostalgia, in the way that vintage collections elide their political context, and yet it also registers social anxiety around gender and generation amid twenty-first century social change. Turner reminds us of the importance of film as a social practice through which “our culture makes sense of itself” (3), and which participates in the ongoing negotiation of the meanings of gender. While masculinity is often understood to have been in crisis since the advent of second-wave feminism and women’s mass entry into the labour force, theoretical scrutiny now understands masculinity to be socially constructed and changing, rather than elemental and stable; performative rather than innate; fundamentally political, and multiple through the intersection of class, race, sexuality, and age amongst other factors (Connell; Butler). While Connell coined the term “hegemonic masculinity,” to indicate “masculinity which occupies the hegemonic position in a given pattern of gender relations” (76), it is always intersectional and contestable. Ben’s hegemonic position in The Intern might be understood in relation to what Buchbinder identifies as “inadequate” or “incompetent” masculinities, which offer a “foil for another principal character” (232), but this movement between margin and hegemony is always in process and accords with the needs that structure the story, and its attendant social anxieties. This film’s fetishising of Ben’s sartorial style suggests a yearning for a stable and recognisable masculine identity, but in order to reinstall these meanings the film must ignore the political times from which they emerge.The construction of retro masculinity in this case is mapped onto Ben’s body as a “senior.” As Gilleard notes, ageing bodies are usually marked by a narrative of corporeal decline, and yet for men of hegemonic privilege, non-material values like seniority, integrity, wisdom, and longevity coalesce to embody “the accumulation of cultural or symbolic capital in the form of wisdom, maturity or experience” (1). Like masculinity, then, corporeality is understood to be a set of unstable signifiers produced through particular cultural discourses.The Business SuitThe business suit is Ben Whittaker’s habitual work attire, so when he comes out of retirement to be an intern at the e-commerce company he re-adopts this professional garb. The solid outline of a tailored and dark-coloured suit signals a professional body that is separate, autonomous and impervious to the outside world, according to Longhurst (99). It is a body that is “proper,” ready for business, and suit-ed to the professional corporate world, whose values it also embodies (Edwards 42). In contrast, the costuming code of the Google generation of online marketers in the film is defined as “super cas[ual].” This is a workplace where the boss rides her bicycle through the open-space office and in which the other 219 workers define their individuality through informal dress and decoration. In this environment Ben stands out, as Jules comments on his first day:Jules: Don’t feel like you have to dress up.Ben: I’m comfortable in a suit if it’s okay.Jules: No, it’s fine. [grins] Old school.Ben: At least I’ll stand out.Jules: I don’t think you’ll need a suit to do that.The anachronism of a 70-year-old being an intern is materialised through Ben’s dress code. The business suit comes to represent Ben not only as old school, however, but as a “proper” manager.As the embodiment of a successful working woman, entrepreneur Jules Ostin appears to be the antithesis of the business-suit model of a manager. Consciously not playing by the book, her company is both highly successful, meeting its five-year objectives in only nine months, and highly vulnerable to disasters like bedbugs, delivery crises, and even badly wrapped tissue. Shaped in her image, the company is often directly associated with Jules herself, as Ben continually notes, and this comes to include the mix of success, vulnerability, and disaster. In fact, the success of her company is the reason that she is urged to find a “seasoned” CEO to run the company, indicating the ambiguous, simultaneous guise of success and disaster.This relationship between individual corporeality and the corporate workforce is reinforced when it is revealed that Ben worked as a manager for 40 years in the very same warehouse, reinforcing his qualities of longevity, reliability, and dependability. He oversaw the printing of the physical telephone book, another quaint material artefact of the past akin to Ben, which is shown to have literally shaped the building where the floor dips over in the corner due to the heavy printers. The differences between Ben and Jules as successive generations of managers in this building operate as registers of social change inflected with just a little nostalgia. Indeed, the name of Jules’s company, All About Fit, seems to refer more to the beautifully tailored “fit” of Ben’s business suit than to any of the other clothed bodies in the company.Not only is the business suit fitted to business, but it comes to represent a properly managed body as well. This is particularly evident when contrasted with Jules’s management style. Over the course of the film, as she endures a humiliating series of meetings, sends a disastrous email to the wrong recipient, and juggles her strained marriage and her daughter’s school schedule, Jules is continuously shown to teeter on the brink of losing control. Her bodily needs are exaggerated in the movie: she does not sleep and apparently risks “getting fat” according to her mother’s research; then when she does sleep it is in inappropriate places and she snores loudly; she forgets to eat, she cries, gets drunk and vomits, gets nervous, and gets emotional. All of these outpourings are in situations that Ben remedies, in his solid reliable suited self. As Longhurst reminds us,The suit helps to create an illusion of a hard, or at least a firm and “proper,” body that is autonomous, in control, rational and masculine. It gives the impression that bodily boundaries continually remain intact and reduce potential embarrassment caused by any kind of leakage. (99)Ben is thus suited to manage situations in ways that contrast to Jules, whose bodily emissions and emotional dramas reinforce her as feminine, chaotic, and emotionally vulnerable. As Gatens notes of our epistemological inheritance, “women are most often understood to be less able to control the passions of the body and this failure is often located in the a priori disorder or anarchy of the female body itself” (50). Transitioning these philosophical principles to the 21st-century workplace, however, manifests some angst around gender and generation in this film.Despite the film’s apparent advocacy of successful working women, Jules too comes to prefer Ben’s model of corporeal control and masculinity. Ben is someone who makes Jules “feel calm, more centred or something. I could use that, obviously,” she quips. After he leads the almost undifferentiated younger employees Jason, Davis, and Lewis on a physical email rescue, Jules presents her theory of men amidst shots at a bar to celebrate their heist:Jules: So, we were always told that we could be anything, do anything, and I think guys got, maybe not left behind but not quite as nurtured, you know? I mean, like, we were the generation of You go, Girl. We had Oprah. And I wonder sometimes how guys fit in, you know they still seem to be trying to figure it out. They’re still dressing like little boys, they’re still playing video games …Lewis: Well they’ve gotten great.Davis: I love video games.Ben: Oh boy.Jules: How, in one generation, have men gone from guys like Jack Nicholson and Harrison Ford to … [Lewis, Davis, and Jason look down at themselves]Jules: Take Ben, here. A dying breed. Look and learn boys, because if you ask me, this is what cool is.Jules’s excessive drinking in this scene, which is followed by her vomiting into a rubbish bin, appears to reinforce Ben’s stable sobriety, alongside the culture of excess and rapid change associated with Jules through her gender and generation.Jules’s adoption of Ben as the model of masculinity is timely, given that she consistently encounters “sexism in business.” After every meeting with a potential CEO Jules complains of their patronising approach—calling her company a “chick site,” for example. And yet Ben echoes the sartorial style of the 1960s Mad Men era, which is suffused with sexism. The tension between Ben’s modelling of old-fashioned chivalry and those outdated sexist businessmen who never appear on-screen remains linked, however, through the iconography of the suit. In his book Mediated Nostalgia, Lizardi notes a similar tendency in contemporary media for what he calls “presentist versions of the past […] that represent a simpler time” (6) where viewers are constructed as ”uncritical citizens of our own culture” (1). By heroising Ben as a model of white middle-class managerial masculinity that is nostalgically enduring and endearing, this film betrays a yearning for such a “simpler time,” despite the complexities that hover just off-screen.Indeed, most of the other male characters in the film are found wanting in comparison to the retro masculinity of Ben. Jules’s husband Matt appears to be a perfect modern “stay-at-home-dad” who gives up his career for Jules’s business start-up. Yet he is found to be having an affair with one of the school mums. Lewis’s clothes are also condemned by Ben: “Why doesn’t anyone tuck anything in anymore?” he complains. Jason does not know how to speak to his love-interest Becky, expecting that texting and emailing sad emoticons will suffice, and Davis is unable to find a place to live. Luckily Ben can offer advice and tutelage to these men, going so far as to house Davis and give him one of his “vintage” ties to wear. Jules endorses this, saying she loves men in ties.The BriefcaseIf a feature of Ben’s experienced managerial style is longevity and stability, then these values are also attached to his briefcase. The association between Ben and his briefcase is established when the briefcase is personified during preparations for Ben’s first day: “Back in action,” Ben tells it. According to Atkinson, the briefcase is a “signifier of executive status […] entwined with a ‘macho mystique’ of concealed technology” (192). He ties this to the emergence of Cold War spy films like James Bond and traces it to the development of the laptop computer. This mix of mobility, concealment, glamour, and a touch of playboy adventurousness in a mass-produced material product manifested the values of the corporate world in latter 20th-century work culture and rendered the briefcase an important part of executive masculinity. Ben’s briefcase is initially indicative of his anachronistic position in All About Fit. While Davis opens his canvas messenger bag to reveal a smartphone, charger, USB drive, multi-cable connector, and book, Ben mirrors this by taking out his glasses case, set of pens, calculator, fliptop phone, and travel clock. Later in the film he places a print newspaper and leather bound book back into the case. Despite the association with a pre-digital age, the briefcase quickly becomes a product associated with Ben’s retro style. Lewis, at the next computer console, asks about its brand:Ben: It’s a 1973 Executive Ashburn Attaché. They don’t make it anymore.Lewis: I’m a little in love with it.Ben: It’s a classic Lewis. It’s unbeatable.The attaché case is left over from Ben’s past in executive management as VP for sales and advertising. This was a position he held for twenty years, during his past working life, which was spent with the same company for over 40 years. Ben’s long-serving employment record has the same values as his equally long-serving attaché case: it is dependable, reliable, ages well, and outlasts changes in fashion.The kind of nostalgia invested in Ben and his briefcase is reinforced extradiagetically through the musical soundtracks associated with him. Compared to the undifferentiated upbeat tracks at the workplace, Ben’s scenes feature a slower-paced sound from another era, including Ray Charles, Astrud Gilberto, Billie Holiday, and Benny Goodman. These classics are a point of connection with Jules, who declares that she loves Billie Holiday. Yet Jules is otherwise characterised by upbeat, even frantic, timing. She hates slow talkers, is always on the move, and is renowned for being late for meetings and operating on what is known as “Jules Standard Time.” In contrast, like his music, Ben is always on time: setting two alarm clocks each night, driving shorter and more efficient routes, seeing things at just the right time, and even staying at work until the boss leaves. He is reliable, steady, and orderly. He restores order both to the office junk desk and to the desk of Jules’s personal assistant Becky. These characteristics of order and timeliness are offered as an alternative to the chaos of 21st-century global flows of fashion marketing. Like his longevity, time is measured and managed around Ben. Even his name echoes that veritable keeper of time, Big Ben.The HandkerchiefThe handkerchief is another anachronistic object that Ben routinely carries, concealed inside his suit rather than flamboyantly worn on the outside pocket. A neatly ironed square of white hanky, it forms a notable part of Ben’s closet, as Davis notices and enquires about:Davis: Okay what’s the deal with the handkerchief? I don’t get that at all.Ben: It’s essential. That your generation doesn’t know that is criminal. The reason for carrying a handkerchief is to lend it. Ask Jason about this. Women cry Davis. We carry it for them. One of the last vestiges of the chivalrous gent.Indeed, when Jules’s personal assistant Becky bursts into tears because her skills and overtime go unrecognised, Ben is able to offer the hanky to Jason to give her as a kind of white flag, officially signaling a ceasefire between Becky and Jason. This scene is didactic: Ben is teaching Jason how to talk to a woman with the handkerchief as a material prop to prompt the occasion. He also offers advice to Becky to keep more regular hours, and go out and have fun (with Jason, obviously). Despite Becky declaring she “hates girls who cry at work,” this reaction to the pressures of a contemporary work culture that is irregular, chaotic, and never-ending is clearly marking gender, as the handkerchief also marks a gendered transaction of comfort.The handkerchief functions as a material marker of the “chivalrous gent” partly due to the number of times women are seen to cry in this film. In one of Ben’s first encounters with Jules she is crying in a boardroom, when it is suggested that she find a CEO to manage the company. Ben is clearly embarrassed, as is Jules, indicating the inappropriateness of such bodily emissions at work and reinforcing the emotional currency of women in the workplace. Jules again cries while discussing her marriage crisis with Ben, a scene in which Ben comments it is “the one time when he doesn’t have a hanky.” By the end of the film, when Jules and Matt are reconciling, she suggests: “It would be great if you were to carry a handkerchief.” The remaking of modern men into the retro style of Ben is more fully manifested in Davis who is depicted going to work on the last day in the film in a suit and tie. No doubt a handkerchief lurks hidden within.ConclusionThe yearning that emerges for a masculinity of yesteryear means that the intern in this film, Ben Whittaker, becomes an internal moral compass who reminds us of rapid social changes in gender and work, and of their discomfits. That this should be mapped onto an older, white, heterosexual, male body is unsurprising, given the authority traditionally invested in such bodies. Ben’s retro masculinity, however, is a fantasy from a fictional yesteryear, without the social or political forces that render those times problematic; instead, his material culture is fetishised and stripped of political analysis. Ben even becomes the voice of feminism, correcting Jules for taking the blame for Matt’s affair. Buchbinder argues that the more recent manifestations in film and television of “inadequate or incomplete” masculinity can be understood as “enacting a resistance to or even a refusal of the coercive pressure of the gender system” (235, italics in original), and yet The Intern’s yearning for a slow, orderly, mature, and knowing male hero refuses much space for alternative younger models. Despite this apparently unerring adulation of retro masculinity, however, we are reminded of the sexist social culture that suits, briefcases, and handkerchiefs materialise every time Jules encounters one of the seasoned CEOs jostling to replace her. The yearning for a stable masculinity in this film comes at the cost of politicising the past, and imagining alternative models for the future.ReferencesAtkinson, Paul. “Man in a Briefcase: The Social Construction of the Laptop Computer and the Emergence of a Type Form.” Journal of Design History 18.2 (2005): 191-205. Buchbinder, David. “Enter the Schlemiel: The Emergence of Inadequate of Incompetent Masculinities in Recent Film and Television.” Canadian Review of American Studies 38.2 (2008): 227-245.Butler, Judith. Gender Trouble. New York: Routledge, 1990.Connell, R.W. Masculinities. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2005.Edwards, Tim. Fashion in Focus: Concepts, Practices and Politics. London: Routledge, 2010.Gatens, Moira. Imaginary Bodies: Ethics, Power and Corporeality. New York: Routledge, 1996.Gilleard, Chris, and Paul Higgs. Ageing, Corporeality and Embodiment. London: Anthem, 2014.Lizardi, Ryan. Mediated Nostalgia: Individual Memory and Contemporary Mass Media. London: Lexington Books, 2015.Longhurst, Robyn. Bodies: Exploring Fluid Boundaries. London: Routledge, 2001.Meyers, Nancy, dir. The Intern. Warner Bros. Pictures, 2015.Turkle, Sherry. “The Things That Matter.” Evocative Objects: Things We Think With. Ed. Sherry Turkle. Cambridge MA: MIT Press, 2007.Turner, Graeme. Film as Social Practice. 3rd ed. London: Routledge, 2002.Veenstra, Aleit, and Giselinde Kuipers. “It Is Not Old-Fashioned, It Is Vintage: Vintage Fashion and the Complexities of 21st Century Consumption Practices.” Sociology Compass 7.5 (2013): 355-365.

Photo by Kelley Sikkema on Unsplash INTRODUCTION Patients seeking abortion services in the United States face several problems, including factual inaccuracies about the procedure, the stigma surrounding the procedure, and barriers to quality care across the country. The problems surrounding abortion pose a threat to patient autonomy and beneficence—ethical principles that are usually upheld in medicine. Abortion doulas can enhance patient autonomy, improve the quality of medical care, help women talk through their emotions or the associated stigma, and provide other benefits that can address the problems surrounding abortion. Their role ranges from discussing emotional decisions and answering patient questions before the procedure, to simply holding their hand in the recovery room. In this paper, I propose that the use of abortion doulas may help address some of the problems surrounding abortion by mitigating factual inaccuracies, stigma, and barriers to quality care. I. Background Abortion doulas were started byThe Doula Project in New York City.[1]They initially worked with New York City public hospitals and eventually expanded to working with Planned Parenthood clinics, as well as other care providers.[2]Over recent years, abortion doulas have been offered in more states such as California, Arizona, and New Hampshire. Abortion doulas can work independently, in a collective, or in an abortion clinic.[3]More often, they work in a collective where they are trained and employed in clinics that are partnered with the organization. Many abortion doulas started working on a volunteer basis. Now, many are funded by donations, which allow their services to be free for patients.[4]When abortion doulas work independently, their rates are based on the specific services that they provide.[5]Patients can seek out abortion doulas through multiple avenues. They can seek out doulas that work independently, work in an abortion clinic, or through doula organizations, such as the Doula Project or The San Francisco Doula Group. II. Doulas The role of a doula has existed since ancient times. The word “doula” comes from the Greek language and translates to “a woman who serves”.[6]In 1969, Dr. Dana Raphael originated the use of the word “doula” in the US to describe a person who guides mothers through childbirth and assists them postpartum, specifically helping them breastfeed.[7]Dr. Raphael encouraged emotionally supporting new mothers through creating the new professional role of a doula.[8] Currently, doulas are trained in helping women emotionally and physically during pregnancy, childbirth, and postpartum. Doulas do not provide medical care, but they provide services such as birthing education, massage, assistance with breastfeeding, and educating mothers about the delivery process, such as knowing what to expect and what can go wrong. Research has demonstrated the effectiveness and benefits of doulas. For example, one meta-analysis compared women who received doula support during childbirth to women who did not. The study showed that doula-supported women had shorter labors, decreased complications with delivery, and rated childbirth as less painful than women without doula support.[9]Psychosocial benefits such as reduced anxiety, decreased symptoms of depression, and positive feelings associated with childbirth were significant for the doula-supported group.[10]In the last couple of decades, doulas have become increasingly popular. More recently, doulas have started a movement labeled “full spectrum doula,” in which the role of a doula in supporting women has expanded beyond birth to include abortion and adoption.[11] III. Ethical Considerations Factual Inaccuracies Complete and accurate medical information is fundamental to informed consent and autonomous decision making. Inaccurate medical information about abortion is very common and can come from multiple sources. Currently, there are 29 states that have policies restricting abortion that are not based on scientific evidence.[12]While both state policies and national media may convey false information to the public about abortion, perhaps what is most surprising is when these inaccuracies are presented to patients by physicians or medical facilities. In most states, policies mandate that any medical facility providing abortions develop and present written material to patients that is intended to educate the patient about the abortion procedure.[13]However, in some states, laws have been passed that mandate the inclusion of misinformation in these materials.[14]Healthcare providers try to mitigate the harm of this inaccurate information by prefacing it with qualifiers, disclaimers, and apologies.[15]However, they are still not able to completely avoid harm from the outdated and misleading information, which also often intends to dissuade patients from receiving an abortion.[16]The most common factual inaccuracies include stating that an abortion leads to an increased risk of breast cancer, that the fetus can feel pain as early as 12 weeks old, and that psychological effects of the procedure can lead to suicide and “post abortion traumatic stress syndrome.”[17]All these statements are false and not supported by scientific evidence; in fact, psychologists and the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders(DSM-V) do not recognize a post-traumatic stress syndrome associated with abortion.[18]Furthermore, another common inaccuracy in almost 20 states includes materials with contact information to “Crisis Pregnancy Centers” that provide false information with the intent to deter women from having an abortion.[19] Even once piece of inaccurate information can impede a patient’s ability to make an informed, autonomous decision. When these false facts are given to patients from the hands of trusted medical professionals, it has a more influential impact than when portrayed in media and advertisements. Trust is a core value in the medical profession that determines the patient-physician relationship, and a part of this trust is communicating accurate and up-to-date information; if this trust did not exist in medicine, how would any patient make an informed decision? Where would they turn to for guidance and advice?[20]Challenges to informed consent and autonomy exist throughout medicine, as consent forms are complicated and filled with medical vocabulary that is often hard to understand. Signatures are sometimes scribbled onto forms before a procedure with minimal discussions to assess the patient’s understanding of the many risks and benefits. However, abortions have an additional layer of complexity regarding informed consent due to the religious and moral implications of choosing an abortion, while other common medical procedures, such as an appendectomy, do not carry the same implications. For example, a patient consenting to general surgery would probably not wonder if their physician’s advice against the surgery is due to his or her own moral values, or what the moral weight of the surgery will have on their conscious afterwards. Informed consent, regardless of procedure, should prioritize informed decision-making with evidence-based medicine without moral overtones. When inaccurate, biased, and false information is given to patients from medical institutions, it not only threatens the trust between patients and medical staff, but also prevents women from making an informed decision about their reproductive health. If abortion doulas can be a source of correct, up-to-date medical information, then women can make informed decisions based on thorough and accurate facts that allow them to exercise autonomy. Abortion doulas are well situated to correct the factual inaccuracies patients face for several reasons. First, abortion doulas are trained through a curated program with partnered medical facilities.[21]In other words, abortion doulas are thoroughly trained in patient-centered care that facilitates continuous patient support, which ranges from emotional support to providing accurate medical information when addressing patient concerns. Second, they have the time before the procedure to meet with the patient and discuss pre-abortion care topics such as providing information, addressing concerns, and preparing the patient for potential stigmatization.[22]Simultaneously, the doula can evaluate for any risk factors that may indicate negative emotions after the abortion, such as lack of social support, self-esteem, psychological stability, or multiple abortions.[23]Third, abortion doulas can provide post-abortion care counseling. While the doulas also have limited time with patients after the procedure, they would have more time than other healthcare professionals, such as nurses, to make sure the patient understands the medication regime while also offering psychological counseling for the patient on grief, guilt, and forgiveness.[24]With doulas providing technical post-procedure information, this allows them to answer any more questions that the patient may have about misleading, biased, out-of-date, or false information. Therefore, doulas can enhance patient autonomy by giving more accurate information. IV. Stigma Another critical problem facing patients who seek abortions is the stigma surrounding the procedure itself. An abortion requires many decisions to be made: do you want to be sedated or awake for the procedure? If you are awake, do you want someone to hold your hand or someone to talk to? Do you want to have privacy after the procedure? In fact, the first decision to be made is whether to have the abortion at all. For some women, that decision is immediate, quick, and assured. For others, the decision can be morally conflicting, such as due to religious reasons, society’s stigma, or other reasons. The moral conflict a woman faces when deciding on an abortion is determined by how much moral weight they apply to a fetus or embryo.[25]An abortion can make a woman feel as though they are a bad person or doing something morally wrong, especially if they place more weight on the moral status, or viability, of the fetus or embryo.[26]Regardless of why a woman feels conflicted, the bottom line is that these feelings exist, which can affect their decision-making abilities during the actual process. Our society stigmatizes women for having an abortion, it is our “modern-day Scarlet Letter.”[27]This stigma is under-researched but often theorized to be based on gender-biased roles of women in society.[28]Women who receive an abortion are labeled as “irresponsible” for having an unwanted pregnancy, or “selfish” and “unmotherly” for not wanting children. Therefore, women avoid judgement and prefer privacy during their abortion—but are these choices made because that is truly what a woman desires, or are they making these choices to avoid stigma? And, if they are making these choices to avoid stigma, how does it affect their autonomy as a decision-maker for their own healthcare choices? There is a difference between secrecy and privacy: women may want to keep their abortion decision private, like any other medical decision or health information.[29]However, some women make the decision in secret to avoid judgment and stigmatization. There is evidence that stigma plays a role in every decision of the abortion process. For example, one study explores the reasons why some women prefer to be awake versus asleep during the procedure. Women who choose to be asleep want to be less emotionally present for the fear of “seeing something” during the procedure. On the other hand, women who choose to be awake want to feel present, safe, and receive support during the process.[30]The study also found that most women rated an abortion procedure a “good experience” if care was provided in a discreet and private manner.[31]By preferring anesthesia and privacy, many women try to avoid dealing with the stigma and judgement from others. The stigma also prevents women from seeking or receiving social support.[32]While some women may make these choices because it is what they truly want, others might choose these options to avoid others witnessing their decision and from being stigmatized as a woman who “got an abortion.” Although abortion doulas cannot completely abolish the overarching societal stigma, they can help in several different ways on an individualistic level. Abortion doulas may fit the role of personalizing each experience to fit patients’ specific preferences. Doulas have the time and appropriate training to understand and discuss the emotional burdens that come along with the social stigma that surrounds abortions.[33]They have the training to explore the patient’s reasons for their decisions and can make sure they are comfortable with them. They do so in a non-judgmental way and strive to act as an advocate for the patient.[34]By listening to women and validating their decisions, women may not feel as many negative emotions surrounding the stigma or feel empowered that they made the right decision for themselves, regardless of social labels. This validation and empowerment gives women more agency in their own healthcare decisions while also providing emotional support in a situation that requires many difficult choices. Abortion doulas would become a support system for women, thereby promoting feminist ethics by normalizing emotions in a morally charged decision. They also promote the principal of beneficence by helping patients address any conflict between societal stigma and the woman’s own beliefs and morals. V. Barriers to Quality Care Access to abortion is limited: only 62 percent of American women live in counties with an abortion provider.[35]Many insurance companies do not cover abortions and clinics are often busy with limited availability, staff, and resources. Additionally, many women would need time off from work, childcare, transportation, and other resources to make it to any medical appointments—abortion care is not an exception. Currently, there are no professional programs for abortion providers to offer post-abortion counseling.[36]Additionally, in busy clinics, hospitals, or non-profit organizations such as Planned Parenthood, physicians attempt to provide as many abortions as possible to as many patients, leaving little time for post-abortion care. Provider burn-out is a major problem throughout healthcare, which has become more pronounced throughout the COVID-19 pandemic. Many providers, nurses, and other hospital staff are overworked and underpaid while hospitals themselves are overcrowded and underfunded. Moreover, abortion providers may be especially vulnerable to burn-outas they tend to both their patient’s medical and emotional needs during a procedure that has both physical pain and a plethora of emotion surrounding it.[37]With an increase in patient number due to decreased availability of services and a physician’s responsibility to tend to the patient’s emotional well-being and physical pain, this increases the risk of provider burn-out, which in turn, can affect the quality of medical care given to women receiving abortions.[38] Abortion doulas can fill the role of providing post-abortion care and help alleviate provider burn-out in many ways. First, as mentioned previously, they have the time before the procedure to meet with the patient and discuss pre-abortion care topics, provide information, and answer questions.[39]Secondly, abortion doulas can provide patients with the post-abortion care counseling that many physicians and nurses are not able to provide. This role has multiple effects. While post-abortion counseling can help address factual inaccuracies through answering questions, it can also allow doulas to make sure the patient understands the medication regime and how to deal with the pain that follows the procedure.[40]With doulas providing technical post-procedure information, this relieves understaffed nurses of some of their many tasks and responsibilities in the post-abortion recovery room; this will likely decrease the number of women who come back to the clinic or hospital with complications or additional questions. By discussing various emotions during post-procedure counseling, doulas support women by listening to their feelings. Some women may feel relief and joy after the procedure, while other may feel despair, regret, grief, or shame. When a doula listens to and supports a patient, they validate their emotions and indirectly validate their abortion decision, thereby improving the quality of the experience. Lastly, the integration of doulas into routine abortion care allows physicians and staff to concentrate on the procedure itself.[41]The doula can offer patient-centered, hands-on care to the patient while the rest of the healthcare team focuses on their own technical tasks.[42]Doula support can also decrease the need for more clinic staff in the procedure room by “decreasing the redirection of clinic staff resources,”thus creating a more efficient medical environment.[43]As the historical role of a doctor playing every role is becoming more obsolete, and the idea of a multi-faceted, integrative healthcare team is becoming the norm, it makes sense that an abortion doula can fill a niche on a healthcare team for emotionally laden procedures like abortions. The niche that the doula fills is to support, comfort, and be present with the patient throughout the entirety of the procedure in a nonjudgmental way. While nurses and doctors can be supportive, sympathetic, and caring, their jobs and roles include other responsibilities that do not allow them to be a continuous presence for the patient throughout their visit.[44]By having a person on the healthcare team whose job is to provide patient support, even if it is simply to hold their hand, the patient is more likely to be treated as a whole and provided better quality medical care. CONCLUSION Inaccurate information, stigma, and quality of care barriers are only a few of the many problems facing patients who want to receive an abortion. Each problem poses ethical challenges while also impeding quality medical care and adding to patients’ emotional burdens. Inaccurate facts and stigma hinder an informed decision, and thereby, threaten patient autonomy. The stigma of abortion can also lead to patients experiencing more negative emotions. Furthermore, healthcare barriers include a wide range of problems, from understaffed clinics to provider burn-out, all of which affect the quality and access to care for patients seeking an abortion. Abortion doulas are part of the solution to these problems. They are an extra resource, a set of hands for the patients to hold in the procedure room, and an expert in providing emotional and social support for the patient. They can enhance a patient’s decision-making skills, support the patient’s emotional well-being, answer factual questions, counter stigma, and help provide quality medical care. Therefore, abortion doulas enhance patient autonomy, promote beneficence, improve access to quality abortion care, and fill a necessary role during the abortion process. [1]Shakouri, Shireen Rose "The Doula Project." Ed. Lee, Shannon2019. Print. [2]Shakouri, Shireen Rose "The Doula Project." Ed. Lee, Shannon2019. Print. [3]Onyenacho, Tracey. "Abortion Doulas Help People Navigate the Process. They Say Their Work Was More Crucial Than Ever in the Pandemic." The Lily 2021. Web. 12/29/2021 2021 [4]Onyenacho, Tracey. "Abortion Doulas Help People Navigate the Process. They Say Their Work Was More Crucial Than Ever in the Pandemic." The Lily 2021. Web. 12/29/2021 2021 [5]Onyenacho, Tracey. "Abortion Doulas Help People Navigate the Process. They Say Their Work Was More Crucial Than Ever in the Pandemic." The Lily 2021. Web. 12/29/2021 2021 [6]Dukehart, Coburn. "Doulas: Exploring a Tradition of Support." The Baby Project. National Public Radio 2011. Web2021. [7]Roberts, Sam. "Dana Raphael, Proponent of Breast-Feeding and Use of Doulas, Dies at 90." New York Times 2016. Web2020. [8]Roberts, Sam. "Dana Raphael, Proponent of Breast-Feeding and Use of Doulas, Dies at 90." New York Times 2016. Web2020. [9]Scott, K. D., P. H. Klaus, and M. H. Klaus. "The Obstetrical and Postpartum Benefits of Continuous Support During Childbirth." J Womens Health Gend Based Med 8.10 (1999): 1257-64. Print. [10]Scott, K. D., P. H. Klaus, and M. H. Klaus. "The Obstetrical and Postpartum Benefits of Continuous Support During Childbirth." J Womens Health Gend Based Med 8.10 (1999): 1257-64. Print. [11]Chor, J., et al. "Doulas as Facilitators: The Expanded Role of Doulas into Abortion Care." J Fam Plann Reprod Health Care 38.2 (2012): 123-4. Print. [12]Nash, Elizabeth; Gold, Rachel Benson; Mohamed, Lizamarie; Ansari-Thomas, Zohra; Capello, Olivia "Policy Trends in the States, 2017." Guttmacher Instititue 2018. Web. [13]Richardson, Chinue Turner; Nash, Elizabeth. "Misinformed Consent: The Medical Accuracy of State-Developed Abortion Counseling Materials " Guttmacher Policy Review 9.4 (2006). Print. [14]Buchbinder, Mara, et al. "“Prefacing the Script” as an Ethical Response to State-Mandated Abortion Counseling." AJOB Empirical Bioethics 7.1 (2016): 48-55. Print. [15]Buchbinder, Mara, et al. "“Prefacing the Script” as an Ethical Response to State-Mandated Abortion Counseling." AJOB Empirical Bioethics 7.1 (2016): 48-55. Print. [16]Richardson, Chinue Turner; Nash, Elizabeth. "Misinformed Consent: The Medical Accuracy of State-Developed Abortion Counseling Materials " Guttmacher Policy Review 9.4 (2006). Print. [17]Richardson, Chinue Turner; Nash, Elizabeth. "Misinformed Consent: The Medical Accuracy of State-Developed Abortion Counseling Materials " Guttmacher Policy Review 9.4 (2006). Print. [18]Blevins, Christy A., et al. "The Posttraumatic Stress Disorder Checklist for Dsm-5 (Pcl-5): Development and Initial Psychometric Evaluation." Journal of Traumatic Stress 28.6 (2015): 489-98. Print. [19]Richardson, Chinue Turner; Nash, Elizabeth. "Misinformed Consent: The Medical Accuracy of State-Developed Abortion Counseling Materials " Guttmacher Policy Review 9.4 (2006). Print. [20]Pellegrini, C. A. "Trust: The Keystone of the Patient-Physician Relationship." J Am Coll Surg 224.2 (2017): 95-102. Print. [21]Shakouri, Shireen Rose "The Doula Project." Ed. Lee, Shannon2019. Print. [22]Chor, Julie, et al. "Factors Shaping Women’s Pre-Abortion Communication with Members of Their Social Network." Journal of Community Health 44.2 (2019): 265-71. Print. [23]Harris, Amy A. "Supportive Counseling before and after Elective Pregnancy Termination." Journal of Midwifery & Women’s Health 49.2 (2004): 105-12. Print. [24]Chor, Julie, et al. "Factors Shaping Women’s Pre-Abortion Communication with Members of Their Social Network." Journal of Community ` Health 44.2 (2019): 265-71. Print. [25]Watson, Katie. The Scarlet A Oxford University Press, 2018. Print. [26]Altshuler, A. L., et al. "A Good Abortion Experience: A Qualitative Exploration of Women's Needs and Preferences in Clinical Care." Soc Sci Med 191 (2017): 109-16. Print. [27]Watson, Katie. The Scarlet A Oxford University Press, 2018. Print. [28]Norris, A., et al. "Abortion Stigma: A Reconceptualization of Constituents, Causes, and Consequences." Womens Health Issues 21.3 Suppl (2011): S49-54. Print. [29]Watson, Katie. The Scarlet A Oxford University Press, 2018. Print [30]Altshuler, A. L., et al. "A Good Abortion Experience: A Qualitative Exploration of Women's Needs and Preferences in Clinical Care." Soc Sci Med 191 (2017): 109-16. Print. [31]Altshuler, A. L., et al. "A Good Abortion Experience: A Qualitative Exploration of Women's Needs and Preferences in Clinical Care." Soc Sci Med 191 (2017): 109-16. Print. [32]Norris, A., et al. "Abortion Stigma: A Reconceptualization of Constituents, Causes, and Consequences." Womens Health Issues 21.3 Suppl (2011): S49-54. Print. [33]Basmajian, Alyssa. "Abortion Doulas." Anthropology Now 6.2 (2014): 44-51. Print. [34]Amram, Natalie Lea, et al. "How Birth Doulas Help Clients Adapt to Changes in Circumstances, Clinical Care, and Client Preferences During Labor." J Perinat Educ.2: 96-103. Print. [35]Dennis, Amanda, Ruth Manski, and Kelly Blanchard. "A Qualitative Exploration of Low-Income Women's Experiences Accessing Abortion in Massachusetts." Women's Health Issues 25.5 (2015): 463-69. Print. [36]Harris, Amy A. "Supportive Counseling before and after Elective Pregnancy Termination." Journal of Midwifery & Women’s Health 49.2 (2004): 105-12. Print. [37]Chor, J., et al. "Integrating Doulas into First-Trimester Abortion Care: Physician, Clinic Staff, and Doula Experiences." J Midwifery Womens Health 63.1 (2018): 53-57. Print. [38]Jerman J, Jones RK and Onda T. "Characteristics of U.S. Abortion Patients in 2014 and Changes since 2008." Guttmacher Instititue 2016. Web. [39]Chor, Julie, et al. "Factors Shaping Women’s Pre-Abortion Communication with Members of Their Social Network." Journal of Community Health 44.2 (2019): 265-71. Print. [40]Chor, Julie, et al. "Factors Shaping Women’s Pre-Abortion Communication with Members of Their Social Network." Journal of Community Health 44.2 (2019): 265-71. Print. [41]Chor, J., et al. "Integrating Doulas into First-Trimester Abortion Care: Physician, Clinic Staff, and Doula Experiences." J Midwifery Womens Health 63.1 (2018): 53-57. Print. [42]Chor, J., et al. "Integrating Doulas into First-Trimester Abortion Care: Physician, Clinic Staff, and Doula Experiences." J Midwifery Womens Health 63.1 (2018): 53-57. Print. [43]Chor, J., et al. "Doula Support During First-Trimester Surgical Abortion: A Randomized Controlled Trial." Am J Obstet Gynecol 212.1 (2015): 45.e1-6. Print. [44]Basmajian, Alyssa. "Abortion Doulas." Anthropology Now 6.2 (2014): 44-51. Print.

One of the greatest joys in watching Foxtel is to see all the crazy people who run talk shows. Judgement, ridicule and generalisations slip from their tongues like overcooked lamb off a bone. From Oprah to Rikki, from Jerry to Mother Love, the posterior of pop culture claims a world-wide audience. Recently, a new talk diva was added to the pay television stable. Dr Laura Schlessinger, the Mother of Morals, prowls the soundstage. attacking 'selfish acts' such as divorce, de facto relationships and voting Democrat. On April 11, 2001, a show aired in Australia that added a new demon to the decadence of the age. Dr Laura had been told that a disgusting video clip, called 'Rock DJ', had been televised at 2:30pm on MTV. Children could have been watching. The footage that so troubled our doyenne of daytime featured the British performer Robbie Williams not only stripping in front of disinterested women, but then removing skin, muscle and tissue in a desperate attempt to claim their gaze. This was too much for Dr Laura. She was horrified: her strident tone became piercing. She screeched, "this is si-ee-ck." . My paper is drawn to this sick masculinity, not to judge - but to laugh and theorise. Robbie Williams, the deity of levity, holds a pivotal role in theorising the contemporary 'crisis' of manhood. To paraphrase Austin Powers, Williams returned the ger to singer. But Williams also triumphed in a captivatingly original way. He is one of the few members of a boy band who created a successful solo career without regurgitating the middle of the road mantras of boys, girls, love, loss and whining about it. Williams' journey through post-war popular music, encompassing influences from both Sinatra and Sonique, forms a functional collage, rather than patchwork, of masculinity. He has been prepared to not only age in public, but to discuss the crevices and cracks in the facade. He strips, smokes, plays football, wears interesting underwear and drinks too much. My short paper trails behind this combustible masculinity, focussing on his sorties with both masculine modalities and the rock discourse. My words attack the gap between text and readership, beat and ear, music and men. The aim is to reveal how this 'sick masculinity' problematises the conservative rendering of men's crisis. Come follow me I'm an honorary Sean Connery, born '74 There's only one of me … Press be asking do I care for sodomy I don't know, yeah, probably I've been looking for serial monogamy Not some bird that looks like Billy Connolly But for now I'm down for ornithology Grab your binoculars, come follow me. 'Kids,' Robbie Williams Robbie Williams is a man for our age. Between dating supermodels and Geri 'Lost Spice' Halliwell [1], he has time to "love … his mum and a pint," (Ansen 85) but also subvert the Oasis cock(rock)tail by frocking up for a television appearance. Williams is important to theories of masculine representation. As a masculinity to think with, he creates popular culture with a history. In an era where Madonna practices yoga and wears cowboy boots, it is no surprise that by June 2000, Robbie Williams was voted the world's sexist man [2]. A few months later, in the October edition of Vogue, he posed in a British flag bikini. It is reassuring in an era where a 12 year old boy states that "You aren't a man until you shoot at something," (Issac in Mendel 19) that positive male role models exist who are prepared to both wear a frock and strip on national television. Reading Robbie Williams is like dipping into the most convincing but draining of intellectual texts. He is masculinity in motion, conveying foreignness, transgression and corruption, bartering in the polymorphous economies of sex, colonialism, race, gender and nation. His career has spanned the boy bands, try-hard rock, video star and hybrid pop performer. There are obvious resonances between the changes to Williams and alterations in masculinity. In 1988, Suzanne Moore described (the artist still known as) Prince as "the pimp of postmodernism." (165-166) Over a decade later, the simulacra has a new tour guide. Williams revels in the potency of representation. He rarely sings about love or romance, as was his sonic fodder in Take That. Instead, his performance is fixated on becoming a better man, glancing an analytical eye over other modes of masculinity. Notions of masculine crisis and sickness have punctuated this era. Men's studies is a boom area of cultural studies, dislodging the assumed structures of popular culture [3]. William Pollack's Real Boys has created a culture of changing expectations for men. The greater question arising from his concerns is why these problems, traumas and difficulties are emerging in our present. Pollack's argument is that boys and young men invest energy and time "disguising their deepest and most vulnerable feelings." (15) This masking is difficult to discern within dance and popular music. Through lyrics and dancing, videos and choreography, masculinity is revealed as convoluted, complex and fragmented. While rock music is legitimised by dominant ideologies, marginalised groups frequently use disempowered genres - like country, dance and rap genres - to present oppositional messages. These competing representations expose seamless interpretations of competent masculinity. Particular skills are necessary to rip the metaphoric pacifier out of the masculine mouth of popular culture. Patriarchal pop revels in the paradoxes of everyday life. Frequently these are nostalgic visions, which Kimmel described as a "retreat to a bygone era." (87) It is the recognition of a shared, simpler past that provides reinforcement to heteronormativity. Williams, as a gaffer tape masculinity, pulls apart the gaps and crevices in representation. Theorists must open the interpretative space encircling popular culture, disrupting normalising criteria. Multiple nodes of assessment allow a ranking of competent masculinity. From sport to business, drinking to sex, masculinity is transformed into a wired site of ranking, judgement and determination. Popular music swims in the spectacle of maleness. From David Lee Roth's skied splits to Eminem's beanie, young men are interpellated as subjects in patriarchy. Robbie Williams is a history lesson in post war masculinity. This nostalgia is conservative in nature. The ironic pastiche within his music videos features motor racing, heavy metal and Bond films. 'Rock DJ', the 'sick text' that vexed Doctor Laura, is Williams' most elaborate video. Set in a rollerdrome with female skaters encircling a central podium, the object of fascination and fetish is a male stripper. This strip is different though, as it disrupts the power held by men in phallocentralism. After being confronted by Williams' naked body, the observing women are both bored and disappointed at the lack-lustre deployment of masculine genitalia. After this display, Williams appears embarrassed, confused and humiliated. As Buchbinder realised, "No actual penis could every really measure up to the imagined sexual potency and social or magical power of the phallus." (49) To render this banal experience of male nudity ridiculous, Williams then proceeds to remove skin and muscle. He finally becomes an object of attraction for the female DJ only in skeletal form. By 'going all the way,' the strip confirms the predictability of masculinity and the ordinariness of the male body. For literate listeners though, a higher level of connotation is revealed. The song itself is based on Barry White's melody for 'It's ecstasy (when you lay down next to me).' Such intertextuality accesses the meta-racist excesses of a licentious black male sexuality. A white boy dancer must deliver an impotent, but ironic, rendering of White's (love unlimited) orchestration of potent sexuality. Williams' iconography and soundtrack is refreshing, emerging from an era of "men who cling … tightly to their illusions." (Faludi 14) When the ideological drapery is cut away, the male body is a major disappointment. Masculinity is an anxious performance. Fascinatingly, this deconstructive video has been demeaned through its labelling as pornography [4]. Oddly, a man who is prepared to - literally - shave the skin of masculinity is rendered offensive. Men's studies, like feminism, has been defrocking masculinity for some time. Robinson for example, expressed little sympathy for "whiny men jumping on the victimisation bandwagon or playing cowboys and Indians at warrior weekends and beating drums in sweat lodges." (6) By grating men's identity back to the body, the link between surface and depth - or identity and self - is forged. 'Rock DJ' attacks the new subjectivities of the male body by not only generating self-surveillance, but humour through the removal of clothes, skin and muscle. He continues this play with the symbols of masculine performance throughout the album Sing when you're winning. Featuring soccer photographs of players, coaches and fans, closer inspection of the images reveal that Robbie Williams is actually every character, in every role. His live show also enfolds diverse performances. Singing a version of 'My Way,' with cigarette in tow, he remixes Frank Sinatra into a replaying and recutting of masculine fabric. He follows one dominating masculinity with another: the Bond-inspired 'Millennium.' Some say that we are players Some say that we are pawns But we've been making money Since the day we were born Robbie Williams is comfortably located in a long history of post-Sinatra popular music. He mocks the rock ethos by combining guitars and drums with a gleaming brass section, hailing the lounge act of Dean Martin, while also using rap and dance samples. Although carrying fifty year's of crooner baggage, the spicy scent of homosexuality has also danced around Robbie Williams' career. Much of this ideology can be traced back to the Take That years. As Gary Barlow and Jason Orange commented at the time, Jason: So the rumour is we're all gay now are we? Gary: Am I gay? I am? Why? Oh good. Just as long as we know. Howard: Does anyone think I'm gay? Jason: No, you're the only one people think is straight. Howard: Why aren't I gay? What's wrong with me? Jason: It's because you're such a fine figure of macho manhood.(Kadis 17) For those not literate in the Take That discourse, it should come as no surprise that Howard was the TT equivalent of The Beatle's Ringo Starr or Duran Duran's Andy Taylor. Every boy band requires the ugly, shy member to make the others appear taller and more attractive. The inference of this dialogue is that the other members of the group are simply too handsome to be heterosexual. This ambiguous sexuality has followed Williams into his solo career, becoming fodder for those lads too unappealing to be homosexual: Oasis. Born to be mild I seem to spend my life Just waiting for the chorus 'Cause the verse is never nearly Good enough Robbie Williams "Singing for the lonely." Robbie Williams accesses a bigger, brighter and bolder future than Britpop. While the Gallagher brothers emulate and worship the icons of 1960s British music - from the Beatles' haircuts to the Stones' psychedelia - Williams' songs, videos and persona are chattering in a broader cultural field. From Noel Cowardesque allusions to the ordinariness of pub culture, Williams is much more than a pretty-boy singer. He has become an icon of English masculinity, enclosing all the complexity that these two terms convey. Williams' solo success from 1999-2001 occurred at the time of much parochial concern that British acts were not performing well in the American charts. It is bemusing to read Billboard over this period. The obvious quality of Britney Spears is seen to dwarf the mediocrity of British performers. The calibre of Fatboy Slim, carrying a smiley backpack stuffed with reflexive dance culture, is neither admitted nor discussed. It is becoming increasing strange to monitor the excessive fame of Williams in Britain, Europe, Asia and the Pacific when compared to his patchy career in the United States. Even some American magazines are trying to grasp the disparity. The swaggering king of Britpop sold a relatively measly 600,000 copies of his U.S. debut album, The ego has landed … Maybe Americans didn't appreciate his songs about being famous. (Ask Dr. Hip 72) In the first few years of the 2000s, it has been difficult to discuss a unified Anglo-American musical formation. Divergent discursive frameworks have emerged through this British evasion. There is no longer an agreed centre to the musical model. Throughout 1990s Britain, blackness jutted out of dance floor mixes, from reggae to dub, jazz and jungle. Plied with the coldness of techno was an almost too hot hip hop. Yet both were alternate trajectories to Cool Britannia. London once more became swinging, or as Vanity Fair declared, "the nerve centre of pop's most cohesive scene since the Pacific Northwest grunge explosion of 1991." (Kamp 102) Through Britpop, the clock turned back to the 1960s, a simpler time before race became 'a problem' for the nation. An affiliation was made between a New Labour, formed by the 1997 British election, and the rebirth of a Swinging London [5]. This style-driven empire supposedly - again - made London the centre of the world. Britpop was itself a misnaming. It was a strong sense of Englishness that permeated the lyrics, iconography and accent. Englishness requires a Britishness to invoke a sense of bigness and greatness. The contradictions and excesses of Blur, Oasis and Pulp resonate in the gap between centre and periphery, imperial core and colonised other. Slicing through the arrogance and anger of the Gallaghers is a yearning for colonial simplicity, when the pink portions of the map were the stable subjects of geography lessons, rather than the volatile embodiment of postcolonial theory. Simon Gikandi argues that "the central moments of English cultural identity were driven by doubts and disputes about the perimeters of the values that defined Englishness." (x) The reason that Britpop could not 'make it big' in the United States is because it was recycling an exhausted colonial dreaming. Two old Englands were duelling for ascendancy: the Oasis-inflected Manchester working class fought Blur-inspired London art school chic. This insular understanding of difference had serious social and cultural consequences. The only possible representation of white, British youth was a tabloidisation of Oasis's behaviour through swearing, drug excess and violence. Simon Reynolds realised that by returning to the three minute pop tune that the milkman can whistle, reinvoking parochial England with no black people, Britpop has turned its back defiantly on the future. (members.aol.com/blissout/Britpop.html) Fortunately, another future had already happened. The beats per minute were pulsating with an urgent affirmation of change, hybridity and difference. Hip hop and techno mapped a careful cartography of race. While rock was colonialisation by other means, hip hop enacted a decolonial imperative. Electronic dance music provided a unique rendering of identity throughout the 1990s. It was a mode of musical communication that moved across national and linguistic boundaries, far beyond Britpop or Stateside rock music. While the Anglo American military alliance was matched and shadowed by postwar popular culture, Brit-pop signalled the end of this hegemonic formation. From this point, English pop and American rock would not sail as smoothly over the Atlantic. While 1995 was the year of Wonderwall, by 1996 the Britpop bubble corroded the faces of the Gallagher brothers. Oasis was unable to complete the American tour. Yet other cultural forces were already active. 1996 was also the year of Trainspotting, with "Born Slippy" being the soundtrack for a blissful journey under the radar. This was a cultural force that no longer required America as a reference point [6]. Robbie Williams was able to integrate the histories of Britpop and dance culture, instigating a complex dialogue between the two. Still, concern peppered music and entertainment journals that British performers were not accessing 'America.' As Sharon Swart stated Britpop acts, on the other hand, are finding it less easy to crack the U.S. market. The Spice Girls may have made some early headway, but fellow purveyors of pop, such as Robbie Williams, can't seem to get satisfaction from American fans. (35 British performers had numerous cultural forces working against them. Flat global sales, the strength of the sterling and the slow response to the new technological opportunities of DVD, all caused problems. While Britpop "cleaned house," (Boehm 89) it was uncertain which cultural formation would replace this colonising force. Because of the complex dialogues between the rock discourse and dance culture, time and space were unable to align into a unified market. American critics simply could not grasp Robbie Williams' history, motives or iconography. It's Robbie's world, we just buy tickets for it. Unless, of course you're American and you don't know jack about soccer. That's the first mistake Williams makes - if indeed one of his goals is to break big in the U.S. (and I can't believe someone so ambitious would settle for less.) … Americans, it seems, are most fascinated by British pop when it presents a mirror image of American pop. (Woods 98 There is little sense that an entirely different musical economy now circulates, where making it big in the United States is not the singular marker of credibility. Williams' demonstrates commitment to the international market, focussing on MTV Asia, MTV online, New Zealand and Australian audiences [7]. The Gallagher brothers spent much of the 1990s trying to be John Lennon. While Noel, at times, knocked at the door of rock legends through "Wonderwall," he snubbed Williams' penchant for pop glory, describing him as a "fat dancer." (Gallagher in Orecklin 101) Dancing should not be decried so summarily. It conveys subtle nodes of bodily knowledge about men, women, sex and desire. While men are validated for bodily movement through sport, women's dancing remains a performance of voyeuristic attention. Such a divide is highly repressive of men who dance, with gayness infiltrating the metaphoric masculine dancefloor [8]. Too often the binary of male and female is enmeshed into the divide of rock and dance. Actually, these categories slide elegantly over each other. The male pop singers are located in a significant semiotic space. Robbie Williams carries these contradictions and controversy. NO! Robbie didn't go on NME's cover in a 'desperate' attempt to seduce nine-year old knickerwetters … YES! He used to be teenybopper fodder. SO WHAT?! So did the Beatles the Stones, the Who, the Kinks, etc blah blah pseudohistoricalrockbollocks. NO! Making music that gurlz like is NOT a crime! (Wells 62) There remains an uncertainty in his performance of masculinity and at times, a deliberate ambivalence. He grafts subversiveness into a specific lineage of English pop music. The aim for critics of popular music is to find a way to create a rhythm of resistance, rather than melody of credible meanings. In summoning an archaeology of the archive, we begin to write a popular music history. Suzanne Moore asked why men should "be interested in a sexual politics based on the frightfully old-fashioned ideas of truth, identity and history?" (175) The reason is now obvious. Femininity is no longer alone on the simulacra. It is impossible to separate real men from the representations of masculinity that dress the corporeal form. Popular music is pivotal, not for collapsing the representation into the real, but for making the space between these states livable, and pleasurable. Like all semiotic sicknesses, the damaged, beaten and bandaged masculinity of contemporary music swaddles a healing pedagogic formation. Robbie Williams enables the writing of a critical history of post Anglo-American music [9]. Popular music captures such stories of place and identity. Significantly though, it also opens out spaces of knowing. There is an investment in rhythm that transgresses national histories of music. While Williams has produced albums, singles, video and endless newspaper copy, his most important revelations are volatile and ephemeral in their impact. He increases the popular cultural vocabulary of masculinity. [1] The fame of both Williams and Halliwell was at such a level that it was reported in the generally conservative, pages of Marketing. The piece was titled "Will Geri's fling lose its fizz?" Marketing, August 2000: 17. [2] For poll results, please refer to "Winners and Losers," Time International, Vol. 155, Issue 23, June 12, 2000, 9 [3] For a discussion of this growth in academic discourse on masculinity, please refer to Paul Smith's "Introduction," in P. Smith (ed.), Boys: Masculinity in contemporary culture. Colorado: Westview Press, 1996. [4] Steve Futterman described Rock DJ as the "least alluring porn video on MTV," in "The best and worst: honour roll," Entertainment Weekly 574-575 (December 22-December 29 2000): 146. [5] Michael Bracewell stated that "pop provides an unofficial cartography of its host culture, charting the national mood, marking the crossroads between the major social trends and the tunnels of the zeitgeist," in "Britpop's coming home, it's coming home." New Statesman .(February 21 1997): 36. [6] It is important to make my point clear. The 'America' that I am summoning here is a popular cultural formation, which possesses little connection with the territory, institution or defence initiatives of the United States. Simon Frith made this distinction clear, when he stated that "the question becomes whether 'America' can continue to be the mythical locale of popular culture as it has been through most of this century. As I've suggested, there are reasons now to suppose that 'America' itself, as a pop cultural myth, no longer bears much resemblance to the USA as a real place even in the myth." This statement was made in "Anglo-America and its discontents," Cultural Studies 5 1991: 268. [7] To observe the scale of attention paid to the Asian and Pacific markets, please refer to http://robbiewilliams.com/july13scroll.html, http://robbiewilliams.com/july19scroll.html and http://robbiewilliams.com/july24scroll.html, accessed on March 3, 2001 [8] At its most naïve, J. Michael Bailey and Michael Oberschneider asked, "Why are gay men so motivated to dance? One hypothesis is that gay men dance in order to be feminine. In other words, gay men dance because women do. An alternative hypothesis is that gay men and women share a common factor in their emotional make-up that makes dancing especially enjoyable," from "Sexual orientation in professional dance," Archives of Sexual Behaviour. 26.4 (August 1997). Such an interpretation is particularly ludicrous when considering the pre-rock and roll masculine dancing rituals in the jive, Charleston and jitterbug. Once more, the history of rock music is obscuring the history of dance both before the mid 1950s and after acid house. [9] Women, gay men and black communities through much of the twentieth century have used these popular spaces. For example, Lynne Segal, in Slow Motion. London: Virago, 1990, stated that "through dancing, athletic and erotic performance, but most powerfully through music, Black men could express something about the body and its physicality, about emotions and their cosmic reach, rarely found in white culture - least of all in white male culture,": 191 References Ansen, D., Giles, J., Kroll, J., Gates, D. and Schoemer, K. "What's a handsome lad to do?" Newsweek 133.19 (May 10, 1999): 85. "Ask Dr. Hip." U.S. News and World Report 129.16 (October 23, 2000): 72. Bailey, J. Michael., and Oberschneider, Michael. "Sexual orientation in professional dance." Archives of Sexual Behaviour. 26.4 (August 1997):expanded academic database [fulltext]. Boehm, E. "Pop will beat itself up." Variety 373.5 (December 14, 1998): 89. Bracewell, Michael. "Britpop's coming home, it's coming home." New Statesman.(February 21 1997): 36. Buchbinder, David. Performance Anxieties .Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1998. Faludi, Susan. Stiffed. London: Chatto and Windus, 1999. Frith, Simon. "Anglo-America and its discontents." Cultural Studies. 5 1991. Futterman, Steve. "The best and worst: honour roll." Entertainment Weekly, 574-575 (December 22-December 29 2000): 146. Gikandi, Simon. Maps of Englishness. New York: Columbia University Press, 1996. Kadis, Alex. Take That: In private. London: Virgin Books, 1994. Kamp, D. "London Swings! Again!" Vanity Fair ( March 1997): 102. Kimmel, Michael. Manhood in America. New York: The Free Press, 1996. Mendell, Adrienne. How men think. New York: Fawcett, 1996. Moore, Susan. "Getting a bit of the other - the pimps of postmodernism." In Rowena Chapman and Jonathan Rutherford (ed.) Male Order .London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1988. 165-175. Orecklin, Michele. "People." Time. 155.10 (March 13, 2000): 101. Pollack, William. Real boys. Melbourne: Scribe Publications, 1999. Reynolds, Simon. members.aol.com/blissout/britpop.html. Accessed on April 15, 2001. Robinson, David. No less a man. Bowling Green: Bowling Green State University, 1994. Segal, Lynne. Slow Motion. London: Virago, 1990. Smith, Paul. "Introduction" in P. Smith (ed.), Boys: Masculinity in contemporary culture. Colorado: Westview Press, 1996. Swart, S. "U.K. Showbiz" Variety.(December 11-17, 2000): 35. Sexton, Paul and Masson, Gordon. "Tips for Brits who want U.S. success" Billboard .(September 9 2000): 1. Wells, Steven. "Angst." NME.(November 21 1998): 62. "Will Geri's fling lose its fizz?" Marketing.(August 2000): 17. Woods, S. "Robbie Williams Sing when you're winning" The Village Voice. 45.52. (January 2, 2001): 98.

L’anthropologie médicale est un sous-champ de l’anthropologie socioculturelle qui s’intéresse à la pluralité des systèmes médicaux ainsi qu’à l’étude des facteurs économiques, politiques et socioculturels ayant un impact sur la santé des individus et des populations. Plus spécifiquement, elle s’intéresse aux relations sociales, aux expériences vécues, aux pratiques impliquées dans la gestion et le traitement des maladies par rapport aux normes culturelles et aux institutions sociales. Plusieurs généalogies de l’anthropologie médicale peuvent être retracées. Toutefois, les monographies de W.H.R. Rivers et d’Edward Evans-Pritchard (1937), dans lesquelles les représentations, les connaissances et les pratiques en lien avec la santé et la maladie étaient considérées comme faisant intégralement partie des systèmes socioculturels, sont généralement considérées comme des travaux fondateurs de l’anthropologie médicale. Les années 1950 ont marqué la professionnalisation de l’anthropologie médicale. Des financements publics ont été alloués à la discipline pour contribuer aux objectifs de santé publique et d’amélioration de la santé dans les communautés économiquement pauvres (Good 1994). Dans les décennies qui suivent, les bases de l’anthropologie médicale sont posées avec l’apparition de nombreuses revues professionnelles (Social Science & Medicine, Medical Anthropology, Medical Anthropology Quarterly), de manuels spécialisés (e.g. MacElroy et Townsend 1979) et la formation du sous-groupe de la Society for Medical Anthropology au sein de l’American Anthropological Association (AAA) en 1971, qui sont encore des points de références centraux pour le champ. À cette époque, sous l’influence des théories des normes et du pouvoir proposées par Michel Foucault et Pierre Bourdieu, la biomédecine est vue comme un système structurel de rapports de pouvoir et devient ainsi un objet d’étude devant être traité symétriquement aux autres systèmes médicaux (Gaines 1992). L’attention portée aux théories du biopouvoir et de la gouvernementalité a permis à l’anthropologie médicale de formuler une critique de l’hégémonie du regard médical qui réduit la santé à ses dimensions biologiques et physiologiques (Saillant et Genest 2007 : xxii). Ces considérations ont permis d’enrichir, de redonner une visibilité et de l’influence aux études des rationalités des systèmes médicaux entrepris par Evans-Pritchard, et ainsi permettre la prise en compte des possibilités qu’ont les individus de naviguer entre différents systèmes médicaux (Leslie 1980; Lock et Nguyen 2010 : 62). L’aspect réducteur du discours biomédical avait déjà été soulevé dans les modèles explicatifs de la maladie développés par Arthur Kleinman, Leon Eisenberg et Byron Good (1978) qui ont introduit une distinction importante entre « disease » (éléments médicalement observables de la maladie), « illness » (expériences vécues de la maladie) et « sickness » (aspects sociaux holistes entourant la maladie). Cette distinction entre disease, illness et sickness a joué un rôle clé dans le développement rapide des perspectives analytiques de l’anthropologie médicale de l’époque, mais certaines critiques ont également été formulées à son égard. En premier lieu, Allan Young (1981) formule une critique des modèles explicatifs de la maladie en réfutant l'idée que la rationalité soit un model auquel les individus adhèrent spontanément. Selon Young, ce modèle suggère qu’il y aurait un équivalant de structures cognitives qui guiderait le développement des modèles de causalité et des systèmes de classification adoptées par les personnes. Au contraire, il propose que les connaissances soient basées sur des actions, des relations sociales, des ressources matérielles, avec plusieurs sources influençant le raisonnement des individus qui peuvent, de plusieurs manières, diverger de ce qui est généralement entendu comme « rationnel ». Ces critiques, ainsi que les études centrées sur l’expérience des patients et des pluralismes médicaux, ont permis de constater que les stratégies adoptées pour obtenir des soins sont multiples, font appel à plusieurs types de pratiques, et que les raisons de ces choix doivent être compris à la lumière des contextes historiques, locaux et matériaux (Lock et Nguyen 2010 : 63). Deuxièmement, les approches de Kleinman, Eisenberger et Good ont été critiquées pour leur séparation artificielle du corps et de l’esprit qui représentait un postulat fondamental dans les études de la rationalité. Les anthropologues Nancy Scheper-Hughes et Margeret Lock (1987) ont proposé que le corps doit plutôt être abordé selon trois niveaux analytiques distincts, soit le corps politique, social et individuel. Le corps politique est présenté comme étant un lieu où s’exerce la régulation, la surveillance et le contrôle de la différence humaine (Scheper-Hughes et Lock 1987 : 78). Cela a permis aux approches féministes d’aborder le corps comme étant un espace de pouvoir, en examinant comment les discours sur le genre rendent possible l’exercice d’un contrôle sur le corps des femmes (Manderson, Cartwright et Hardon 2016). Les premiers travaux dans cette perspective ont proposé des analyses socioculturelles de différents contextes entourant la reproduction pour contrecarrer le modèle dominant de prise en charge médicale de la santé reproductive des femmes (Martin 1987). Pour sa part, le corps social renvoie à l’idée selon laquelle le corps ne peut pas être abordé simplement comme une entité naturelle, mais qu’il doit être compris en le contextualisant historiquement et socialement (Lupton 2000 : 50). Finalement, considérer le corps individuel a permis de privilégier l’étude de l’expérience subjective de la maladie à travers ses variations autant au niveau individuel que culturel. Les études de l’expérience de la santé et la maladie axées sur l’étude des « phénomènes tels qu’ils apparaissent à la conscience des individus et des groupes d’individus » (Desjarlais et Throop 2011 : 88) se sont avérées pertinentes pour mieux saisir la multitude des expériences vécues des états altérés du corps (Hofmann et Svenaeus 2018). En somme, les propositions de ces auteurs s’inscrivent dans une anthropologie médicale critique qui s’efforce d’étudier les inégalités socio-économiques (Scheper-Hughes 1992), l’accès aux institutions et aux savoirs qu’elles produisent, ainsi qu’à la répartition des ressources matérielles à une échelle mondiale (Manderson, Cartwright et Hardon 2016). Depuis ses débuts, l’anthropologie médicale a abordé la santé globale et épidémiologique dans le but de faciliter les interventions sur les populations désignées comme « à risque ». Certains anthropologues ont développé une perspective appliquée en épidémiologie sociale pour contribuer à l’identification de déterminants sociaux de la santé (Kawachi et Subramanian 2018). Plusieurs de ces travaux ont été critiqués pour la culturalisation des pathologies touchant certaines populations désignées comme étant à risque à partir de critères basés sur la stigmatisation et la marginalisation de ces populations (Trostle et Sommerfeld 1996 : 261). Au-delà des débats dans ce champ de recherche, ces études ont contribué à la compréhension des dynamiques de santé et de maladie autant à l’échelle globale, dans la gestion des pandémies par l’Organisation Mondiale de la Santé (OMS), qu’aux échelles locales avec la mise en place de campagnes de santé publique pour faciliter l’implantation de mesures sanitaires, telles que la vaccination (Dubé, Vivion et Macdonald 2015). L’anthropologie a contribué à ces discussions en se penchant sur les contextes locaux des zoonoses qui sont des maladies transmissibles des animaux vertébrés aux humains (Porter 2013), sur la résistance aux antibiotiques (Landecker 2016), comme dans le cas de la rage et de l’influenza (Wolf 2012), sur les dispositifs de prévention mis en place à une échelle mondiale pour éviter l’apparition et la prolifération d’épidémies (Lakoff 2010), mais aussi sur les styles de raisonnement qui sous-tendent la gestion des pandémies (Caduff 2014). Par ailleurs, certains auteur.e.s ont utilisé le concept de violence structurelle pour analyser les inégalités socio-économiques dans le contexte des pandémies de maladies infectieuses comme le sida, la tuberculose ou, plus récemment, l’Ébola (Fassin 2015). Au-delà de cet aspect socio-économique, Aditya Bharadwaj (2013) parle d’une inégalité épistémique pour caractériser des rapports inégaux dans la production et la circulation globale des savoirs et des individus dans le domaine de la santé. Il décrit certaines situations comme des « biologies subalternes », c’est à dire des états de santé qui ne sont pas reconnus par le système biomédical hégémonique et qui sont donc invisibles et vulnérables. Ces « biologies subalternes » sont le revers de citoyennetés biologiques, ces dernières étant des citoyennetés qui donnes accès à une forme de sécurité sociale basée sur des critères médicaux, scientifiques et légaux qui reconnaissent les dommages biologiques et cherche à les indemniser (Petryna 2002 : 6). La citoyenneté biologique étant une forme d’organisation qui gravite autour de conditions de santé et d’enjeux liés à des maladies génétiques rares ou orphelines (Heath, Rapp et Taussig 2008), ces revendications mobilisent des acteurs incluant les institutions médicales, l’État, les experts ou encore les pharmaceutiques. Ces études partagent une attention à la circulation globale des savoirs, des pratiques et des soins dans la translation — ou la résistance à la translation — d’un contexte à un autre, dans lesquels les patients sont souvent positionnés entre des facteurs sociaux, économiques et politiques complexes et parfois conflictuels. L’industrie pharmaceutique et le développement des technologies biomédicales se sont présentés comme terrain important et propice pour l’analyse anthropologique des dynamiques sociales et économiques entourant la production des appareils, des méthodes thérapeutiques et des produits biologiques de la biomédecine depuis les années 1980 (Greenhalgh 1987). La perspective biographique des pharmaceutiques (Whyte, Geest et Hardon 2002) a consolidé les intérêts et les approches dans les premières études sur les produits pharmaceutiques. Ces recherches ont proposé de suivre la trajectoire sociale des médicaments pour étudier les contextes d’échanges et les déplacements dans la nature symbolique qu’ont les médicaments pour les consommateurs : « En tant que choses, les médicaments peuvent être échangés entre les acteurs sociaux, ils objectivent les significations, ils se déplacent d’un cadre de signification à un autre. Ce sont des marchandises dotées d’une importance économique et de ressources recelant une valeur politique » (traduit de Whyte, Geest et Hardon 2002). D’autres ont davantage tourné leur regard vers les rapports institutionnels, les impacts et le fonctionnement de « Big Pharma ». Ils se sont intéressés aux processus de recherche et de distribution employés par les grandes pharmaceutiques à travers les études de marché et les pratiques de vente (Oldani 2014), l’accès aux médicaments (Ecks 2008), la consommation des produits pharmaceutiques (Dumit 2012) et la production de sujets d’essais cliniques globalisés (Petryna, Lakoff et Kleinman 2006), ainsi qu’aux enjeux entourant les réglementations des brevets et du respect des droits politiques et sociaux (Ecks 2008). L’accent est mis ici sur le pouvoir des produits pharmaceutiques de modifier et de changer les subjectivités contemporaines, les relations familiales (Collin 2016), de même que la compréhensions du genre et de la notion de bien-être (Sanabria 2014). Les nouvelles technologies biomédicales — entre autres génétiques — ont permis de repenser la notion de normes du corps en santé, d'en redéfinir les frontières et d’intervenir sur le corps de manière « incorporée » (embodied) (Haraway 1991). Les avancées technologiques en génomique qui se sont développées au cours des trois dernières décennies ont soulevé des enjeux tels que la généticisation, la désignation de populations/personnes « à risque », l’identification de biomarqueurs actionnables et de l’identité génétique (TallBear 2013 ; Lloyd et Raikhel 2018). Au départ, le modèle dominant en génétique cherchait à identifier les gènes spécifiques déterminant chacun des traits biologiques des organismes (Lock et Nguyen 2010 : 332). Cependant, face au constat que la plupart des gènes ne codaient par les protéines responsables de l’expression phénotypique, les modèles génétiques se sont depuis complexifiés. L’attention s’est tournée vers l’analyse de la régulation des gènes et de l’interaction entre gènes et maladies en termes de probabilités (Saukko 2017). Cela a permis l’émergence de la médecine personnalisée, dont les interventions se basent sur l’identification de biomarqueurs personnels (génétiques, sanguins, etc.) avec l’objectif de prévenir l’avènement de pathologies ou ralentir la progression de maladies chroniques (Billaud et Guchet 2015). Les anthropologues de la médecine ont investi ces enjeux en soulevant les conséquences de cette forme de médecine, comme la responsabilisation croissante des individus face à leur santé (Saukko 2017), l’utilisation de ces données dans l’accès aux assurances (Hoyweghen 2006), le déterminisme génétique (Landecker 2011) ou encore l’affaiblissement entre les frontières de la bonne santé et de la maladie (Timmermans et Buchbinder 2010). Ces enjeux ont été étudiés sous un angle féministe avec un intérêt particulier pour les effets du dépistage prénatal sur la responsabilité parentale (Rapp 1999), l’expérience de la grossesse (Rezende 2011) et les gestions de l’infertilité (Inhorn et Van Balen 2002). Les changements dans la compréhension du modèle génomique invitent à prendre en considération plusieurs variables en interaction, impliquant l’environnement proche ou lointain, qui interagissent avec l’expression du génome (Keller 2014). Dans ce contexte, l’anthropologie médicale a développé un intérêt envers de nouveaux champs d’études tels que l’épigénétique (Landecker 2011), la neuroscience (Choudhury et Slaby 2016), le microbiome (Benezra, DeStefano et Gordon 2012) et les données massives (Leonelli 2016). Dans le cas du champ de l’épigénétique, qui consiste à comprendre le rôle de l’environnement social, économique et politique comme un facteur pouvant modifier l’expression des gènes et mener au développement de certaines maladies, les anthropologues se sont intéressés aux manières dont les violences structurelles ancrées historiquement se matérialisent dans les corps et ont des impacts sur les disparités de santé entre les populations (Pickersgill, Niewöhner, Müller, Martin et Cunningham-Burley 2013). Ainsi, la notion du traumatisme historique (Kirmayer, Gone et Moses 2014) a permis d’examiner comment des événements historiques, tels que l’expérience des pensionnats autochtones, ont eu des effets psychosociaux collectifs, cumulatifs et intergénérationnels qui se sont maintenus jusqu’à aujourd’hui. L’étude de ces articulations entre conditions biologiques et sociales dans l’ère « post-génomique » prolonge les travaux sur le concept de biosocialité, qui est défini comme « [...] un réseau en circulation de termes d'identié et de points de restriction autour et à travers desquels un véritable nouveau type d'autoproduction va émerger » (Traduit de Rabinow 1996:186). La catégorie du « biologique » se voit alors problématisée à travers l’historicisation de la « nature », une nature non plus conçue comme une entité immuable, mais comme une entité en état de transformation perpétuelle imbriquée dans des processus humains et/ou non-humains (Ingold et Pálsson 2013). Ce raisonnement a également été appliqué à l’examen des catégories médicales, conçues comme étant abstraites, fixes et standardisées. Néanmoins, ces catégories permettent d'identifier différents états de la santé et de la maladie, qui doivent être compris à la lumière des contextes historiques et individuels (Lock et Nguyen 2010). Ainsi, la prise en compte simultanée du biologique et du social mène à une synthèse qui, selon Peter Guarnaccia, implique une « compréhension du corps comme étant à la fois un système biologique et le produit de processus sociaux et culturels, c’est-à-dire, en acceptant que le corps soit en même temps totalement biologique et totalement culturel » (traduit de Guarnaccia 2001 : 424). Le concept de « biologies locales » a d’abord été proposé par Margaret Lock, dans son analyse des variations de la ménopause au Japon (Lock 1993), pour rendre compte de ces articulations entre le matériel et le social dans des contextes particuliers. Plus récemment, Niewöhner et Lock (2018) ont proposé le concept de biologies situées pour davantage contextualiser les conditions d’interaction entre les biologies locales et la production de savoirs et de discours sur celles-ci. Tout au long de l’histoire de la discipline, les anthropologues s’intéressant à la médecine et aux approches de la santé ont profité des avantages de s’inscrire dans l’interdisciplinarité : « En anthropologie médical, nous trouvons qu'écrire pour des audiences interdisciplinaires sert un objectif important : élaborer une analyse minutieuse de la culture et de la santé (Dressler 2012; Singer, Dressler, George et Panel 2016), s'engager sérieusement avec la diversité globale (Manderson, Catwright et Hardon 2016), et mener les combats nécessaires contre le raccourcies des explications culturelles qui sont souvent déployées dans la littérature sur la santé (Viruell-Fuentes, Miranda et Abdulrahim 2012) » (traduit de Panter-Brick et Eggerman 2018 : 236). L’anthropologie médicale s’est constituée à la fois comme un sous champ de l’anthropologie socioculturelle et comme un champ interdisciplinaire dont les thèmes de recherche sont grandement variés, et excèdent les exemples qui ont été exposés dans cette courte présentation.