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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Buddhism and politics'
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Twist, Rebecca L. "Patronage, devotion and politics a Buddhological study of the Patola Sahi Dynasty's visual record /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1197663617.
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Shannon, John Michael. "Buddhism and the state in Asia : a comparative study of historical relations between the sangha and the politics in Thailand and Japan /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1999. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B21240437.
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Twist, Rebecca L. "Patronage, devotion and politics: a Buddhological study of the Patola Sahi Dynasty's visual record." The Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1197663617.
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Choompolpaisal, Phibul. "Reassessing modern Thai political Buddhism : a critical study of sociological literature from Weber to Keyes." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.680203.
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Shannon, John Michael. "Buddhism and the state in Asia: a comparativestudy of historical relations between the sangha and the politics inThailand and Japan." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31952318.
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Gillberg, Christina. "Buddhismens krigare : Om buddhism, politik och våld." Thesis, Stockholm University, Department of Ethnology, Comparative Religion and Gender Studies, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-1141.
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Brugh, Christopher Scott. "Theravāda “Missionary Activity”: Exploring the Secular Features of Socio-Politics and Ethics." TopSCHOLAR®, 2019. https://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/3119.
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The purpose of this thesis is to comprehensively explore Theravāda missionary activity. The philological, textual, theoretical, and ethnographic methods used to investigate the historical, sociopolitical, religious, and ethical aspects of early Theravāda, the U.S. Vipassanā (Insight) meditation movement, and modern Burmese Theravāda revealed nuanced meanings in the descriptions of these adherents’ endeavors with respect to proselytizing, converting, and the concept of missionary religions. By exploring the secular features that contributed to their religious appearances, a more developed contextualization of Theravāda “activity” reshapes understandings of the larger concept of missionary religions. I argue that what has been maintained in the establishment of early Theravāda, and continuance of Theravāda thereafter, is the preservation of a secular activity with respect to resolving diverse sociopolitical and ethical tensions through religious articulations and practices of tolerance and egalitarianism.
In brief, the first chapter is a philological study on the Pāli word “desetha” or “preach.” The word desetha, and thus its meaning, is traced to its Prākritic form—a contemporaneous language more likely spoken by Gotama Buddha—to posit a more accurate translation for this word. Next, a theoretical examination into early Theravāda’s sociopolitical, ethical, and religious environment demonstrates the larger secular, rather than religious, features that contributed to this ancient movement’s emergence. A contextual analysis comparing the emergence and establishment of the “secular” U.S. Vipassanā (Insight) meditation movement to that of early Theravāda follows, in order to explore how the former aligns with Theravāda missionizing. Lastly, an ethnographic study on Burmese Buddhist monastics is presented. In relation to missionary activity, the Abhidhamma, a Buddhist doctrinal system, not only provides Burmese Buddhist monastics with a system of applied ethics that shapes how they interact with Buddhists and non-Buddhists in America, but also helps to explain the larger concern of viewing such activity as strictly “religious.”
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Dawacairen. "Xizang huo fo de zheng zhi jiao se ji qi li shi bian qian = The political role of living Buddha in Tibet and their historical transformations /." click here to view the abstract and table of contents, 2000. http://net3.hkbu.edu.hk/~libres/cgi-bin/thesisab.pl?pdf=b15722636a.pdf.
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Chavez-Segura, Alejandro. "A theology of international relations : a Buddhist approach to religion and politics in an interdependent world." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2091.
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For many decades, Buddhism in the West has been conceived as an ‘other-worldly’ religion with very little or –at least—limited authority in the public arena. This partial view of the Buddhist path overlooks the potential of Buddhism to interpret reality and help establish new causes and conditions to improve it. This thesis is rooted in Buddhism and seeks to develop a Buddhist theology in order to understand how international relations, as part of the contingent reality, are subject to change. Thus there is the possibility of reconstructing reality through the sum of individual will expressed in social groups, institutions and states. This Theology of International Relations follows a methodology of causality rooted in the dependent origination found in Buddhist theology. Thus, relative reality is conceived as the result of the interaction of different causes and conditions; individuals, through their thoughts and actions, provide new conditions which will be crystallized in particular social arrangements through an inter-subjective consensus. This arrangement is highly influenced by the individual’s allegiance with the sacred, however this is conceived, and thus establishes an ethical guideline in the individual’s relationship with other sentient beings and the ultimate level of existence. This dependent construction of reality goes from the individual level of analysis to the social, state, interstate and global levels in a chain of contingent reality. Therefore I suggest that states, institutions and society are the reflection of shared ideas, beliefs, goals and perceptions of reality between individuals. The human capacity to shape reality is rooted in the premise that they face a relative reality, one that is contingent on several causes and conditions. In Buddhism, all sentient beings play a key role in shaping reality but human beings play a unique role because they can overcome suffering when they recognize the interdependent relation of causes and conditions in a relative reality. If this is achieved, then absolute reality can be experienced, wherein the individual goes beyond all conceptions and senses in a state of emptiness of the self. These core ideas of a contingent reality, its construction through an inter-subjective consensus and the need to experience an absolute reality are premises which Buddhist theology developed and which this thesis explores. In chapter one this thesis considers the basis of Buddhist theology and how it explains the experience of the sacred, the role of religion and the potential for the construction of a relative reality. This thesis argues that religion is at the core of human existence as a vessel of faith which follows a particular theological path toward a communion with the divine. The Buddhist path, aware of the interaction of different levels of reality—relative and absolute—also conceives inner development and social change as key elements of an interdependent transformation. The idea of ‘world peace through inner peace’ is one advocated by ‘engaged Buddhists’ and found in the ethical code of Buddha’s message. Chapter two examines how international relations became the arena where individuals, institutions and states converge and reflect the basic premises of their world-views, whether rooted in anger, hatred and ignorance of the interdependent nature of all phenomena, or based in compassion and awareness of a shared common good. In addition, it addresses the issue of the resurgence of religion in international relations and how it is present or absent from political science theories and policy making. Through this analysis, several established elements such as the concept of the state, secularism and religion as a source of war, are challenged in a new era of multi-agency and mutual influence through religious ideas, groups and communities. Following this inter-subjective construction of the world, the thesis presents two case studies which argue that religious leaders exercise political influence through their actions, ideas and beliefs. The first is the life and works of Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama in chapter three and the second is the life of Archbishop Desmond Tutu in chapter four. The former having suffered the violent occupation of Tibet and the continuous attacks on Tibetan culture that led him into exile, and the latter having faced the policies of hatred under apartheid, the Dalai Lama and Tutu managed to suggest a world where forgiveness is rooted in compassion and were human beings share the responsibility of creating a compassionate reality. The final chapter develops a new approach to the study of religion and politics providing new variables of study and new categories to understand how international relations are influenced by religious ideas and movements. This thesis argues that there is a need to study and understand this interdependent relation between religious and secular actors through theoretical approaches in international relations and opens the discipline to new paradigms such as the Buddhist theological approach. The outcome of this partnership depends on the individual’s decision to engage, whether in negative causation that leads to violence, fear, terror and the perpetuation of suffering or in a positive one which opens the possibility of peace and liberation from suffering through compassion, forgiveness and reconciliation, recognizing our common humanity and shared universal responsibility.
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Skidmore, Monique. "The politics of space and form : cultural idioms of resistance and re-membering in Cambodia." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22628.
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The subject of this paper is of cultures of terror, and more specifically of the possibility of resistance in a context of extreme fear. The focus is upon ways in which survivors of the Pol Pot regime devise strategies of embodied resistance, and rebuild notions such as identity and bodily integrity, within a Buddhist framework, to the dominant discourse of terror in contemporary Cambodian society.<br>The paper problematizes the concept of "order" and questions its validity as a dominant paradigm in anthropology. Further, in searching for new ways of theorizing and writing about resistance and terror, it suggests that a more power conscious analysis of popular religion and ritual may prove enlightening.<br>A theoretical framework is derived from a review of anthropological studies of terror and political violence. Of particular interest is the concept of "spaces of resistance" and the notions of "spaces of violence" and "bodily resistance" which it invokes. From within this framework the Dhammayietra, or peace walk, is considered as an embodied symbol of resistance and empowerment. It is hypothesized that the Dhammayietra may provide a way in which, through the symbolic "washing away" of Khmer Rouge memories; through the creation of new collective memories; and through the reclaiming of a physical manifestation (Angkor Wat) of the Buddhist-centered world view, some Cambodians may be able, at least in part, to emerge from the sensorially numb space which they created in order to survive the bodily, intellectual, and emotional assault upon their persons, culture, and religions by the Khmer Rouge.
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Einarsson, Ewa. "What about the Rohingya? : A study searching for power relations in different levels of society." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-396496.
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This study aims to search for patterns that demonstrate power relations. It specifically seeks to identify patterns in the power relations in the Rohingya conflict and understand the established power relations at different levels in society, which could provide a picture of the social world within the context of historical, ethnic, cultural, religious and political circumstances. Moreover, this study illustrates the Rohingya population’s experience with relations of power. The ongoing conflict in Myanmar, which is based on religion, ethnicity and politics, is seemingly without any solution. Myanmar is depicted as a country that has lost both hope and legitimacy for the political system and has reduced chances to establish a society in which all the minorities are included across the spheres of society. Finding a bright future for the Rohingya population might be difficult; nevertheless, this study seeks to enhance the understanding of the ongoing conflict and the underlying power relations.
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達哇才仁. "西藏活佛的政治角色及其歷史變遷 = The political role of living Buddha in Tibet and their historical transformations". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2000. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/204.
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Pham, Van Minh, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College, and School of Social Ecology and Lifelong Learning. "Socio-political philosophy of Vietnamese Buddhism : a case study of the Buddhist movement of 1963 and 1966." THESIS_CAESS_SELL_Pham_V.xml, 2001. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/382.
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This thesis examines the political activism of Vietnamese Engaged Buddhism in the 1960s, particularly the Struggle Movement for social justice and democracy of 1963 and the Peace Movement of 1966. It explores the Buddhist leaders' motives and their political means to deal with Saigon military government and senior advisors to the White House. The thesis sets out to prove that socially and politically Engaged Buddhism is inherent in the Buddhist tradition and not alien to Buddha's teachings. It also proves that Vietnamese Buddhism has always been engaged since the dawn of Vietnamese history. The Buddhism Peace Movement is assessed in accordance with Buddhist principles such as non-violence and non-attachment to temporal power. Except a few minor incidents, it was found that the Buddhist leaders strictly adhered to the non-violent principle and Vietnamese Engaged Buddhism could have provided a political alternative, the Politics of Enlightenment, which could avert the unnecessary destruction of the Vietnam War<br>Master of Science (Hons) Social Ecology
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Van, Minh Pham. "Socio-political philosophy of Vietnamese Buddhism : a case study of the Buddhist movement of 1963 and 1966 /." View thesis View thesis, 2001. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20030409.091316/index.html.
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Thesis (M. Sc. (Hons.))--University of Western Sydney, 2001.<br>"Research thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science (Honours) Social Ecology, School of Social Ecology and Lifelong Learning, University of Western Sydney, August 2001." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 398-400).
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Watkin-Kolb, Regina. "Towards a neo-Kantian Buddhism or a neo-Buddhist Kantianism : a critique of existing normative thought in international relations and international political economy." Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.393505.
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Laliberté, André. "The politics of Buddhist organizations in Taiwan, 1989-1997." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0018/NQ46514.pdf.
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Irons, Edward Allen. "Activist buddhism in Japan and Thailand: a comparative study of political involvement by the Soka Gakkai andThammakaai." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1993. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31950292.
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Bhattacharya, Aparna. "Impact of Buddhism on the political process in Sikkim." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/97.
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Dawacairen. "Dang dai Xizang de huo fo : xin tu ren tong, zheng zhi jiao se yu she hui ying xiang = Living Buddhas in contemporary Tibet : believers' identifications, political roles and social influence /." click here to view the abstract and table of contents click here to view the fulltext, 2004. http://net3.hkbu.edu.hk/~libres/cgi-bin/thesisab.pl?pdf=b18515599a.pdf.
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Irons, Edward Allen. "Activist buddhism in Japan and Thailand : a comparative study of political involvement by the Soka Gakkai and Thammakaai /." [Hong Kong] : University of Hong Kong, 1993. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B13646011.
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Zhang, Dewei. "A fragile revival : Chinese Buddhism under the political shadow, 1522-1620." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26882.
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I aim to reveal in this dissertation the dynamics behind the evolution of the late Ming Buddhist revival as well as some of its general characteristics, mainly from the political perspective. This significant religious revival has proved to be intimately tied to politics. Studying these interactions reveals a remarkable and complicated process. I examine how the revival took place and was processed at different social levels in different regions over the one hundred years of the Jiajing-Wanli period (1522-1620). The more theoretic portion of this project seeks to understand how, why, and to what extent this revival was a reaction and adjustment to the contemporary political environment by referring to the relevant social, economic, religious, cultural, and regional backgrounds.
In addition to close reading of textual and epigraphical materials, I consistently employ quantitative analysis, regional approach and cases studies in the mould of the French Annals School. My argument is that, profoundly influenced by a weak Buddhist institution and a structural weakness in the Ming government, the evolution of the late Ming Buddhist revival was not so much driven by the inner dynamics of Buddhism as by drastic changes in the overall lay society, among which the inner and outer court politics, although not always the decisive factor, always remained a catalyst for other factors. This revival fostered a stronger commitment to Buddhism in society and produced some charismatic Buddhist masters who were tremendously influential, but it remained fragile because its development was basically under the control of its patrons rather than the samgha itself.
I suggest that we reconfigure our understanding of the Ming Buddhist revival. Specifically, I point out that a long-distance shift of the national Buddhist centre took place from Beijing to the Jiangnan region around the 1600s, and that it was propelled both by drastic changes in national politics and by distinct traits of local Buddhism. I explain how this revival could happen after Jiajing‘s discrimination against Buddhism, and why it would conclude later when the socioeconomic environment mostly remained unchanged. Key words include Buddhist revival, court politics, the mid- and late Ming, Beijing, and Jiangnan.
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d'Elena, Grisel. "The Gender Problem of Buddhist Nationalism in Myanmar: The 969 Movement and Theravada Nuns." FIU Digital Commons, 2016. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2463.
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This thesis uses transnational and Black feminist frameworks to analyze Buddhist nationalist discourses of gender and violence against religious and ethnic minorities in Myanmar. Burmese Buddhist nationalists’ marginalization of the Muslim Rohingya ethnic minority is inextricably linked to their attempts to control Buddhist women. Research includes interviews with U Ashin Wirathu, the leader of the monastic-led nationalist group, the 969 Movement, and with other monks of the organization, as well as with non-nationalist monks, nuns and laywomen. I also analyze Theravada textual discourse as read by my subjects in light of the history of Myanmar to understand the ways the local Theravada tradition has marginalized women and non-Buddhists. By connecting the lack of bhikkhuni ordination and laws hindering Buddhist women from marrying non-Buddhist men with the portrayal of the Rohingya as a threat to the nation, I show how Buddhist nationalists attempt to consolidate power and forestall the democratization process.
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McCargo, Duncan James. "The political leadership of Major-General Chamlong Srimuang." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.307146.
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Stonington, Scott. "The uses of dying: Ethics, politics and the end of life in Buddhist Thailand." Diss., Search in ProQuest Dissertations & Theses. UC Only, 2009. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3352470.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of California, San Francisco with the University of California, Santa Barbara, 2009.<br>Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-04, Section: A, page: 1333. Adviser: Sharon Kaufman.
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Kumada, Naoko. "In the world of rebirth : politics, economy and society of Burmese Buddhists." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.620421.
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Brekke, Torkel. "The politics of religious identity in South Asia in the late nineteenth century." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310298.
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Pacheco, Katie. "The Buddhist Coleridge: Creating Space for The Rime of the Ancient Mariner within Buddhist Romantic Studies." FIU Digital Commons, 2013. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/937.
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The popularization of academic spaces that combine Buddhist philosophy with the literature of the Romantic period – a discipline I refer to as Buddhist Romantic Studies – have exposed the lack of scholarly attention Samuel Taylor Coleridge and The Rime of the Ancient Mariner have received within such studies. Validating Coleridge’s right to exist within Buddhist Romantic spheres, my thesis argues that Coleridge was cognizant of Buddhism through historical and textual encounters. To create a space for The Rime within Buddhist Romantic Studies, my thesis provides an interpretation of the poem that centers on the concept of prajna, or wisdom, as a vital tool for cultivating the mind. Focusing on prajna, I argue that the Mariner’s didactic story traces his cognitive voyage from ignorance to enlightenment. By examining The Rime within the framework of Buddhism, readers will also be able to grasp the importance of cultivating the mind and transcending ignorance.
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FIeld, Nayomi Gunasekara. "Making Extremism Pay? Centripetalism and Nationalism in Post-War Sri Lanka." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1461018330.
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Foster, Yolanda Margaret. "Sinhala Buddhist nationalism, from revivalism to militant political ideology : the struggle to shape public culture in Sri Lanka." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.406759.
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Knuters, Simon. "Political Buddhism and the Exclusion of Rohingya in Myanmar : Exploring targeted religious nationalism using Myanmar's Muslim Rohingya minority as a case study." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-351717.
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The Rohingya Muslim minority, originally living in Rakhine state in western Myanmar, has been marginalized and harassed for decades. The Rohingya minority has been stateless since 1982 and they strive to become Burmese citizens. Many Rohingya have been displaced and live in refugee camps in Bangladesh with UNHCR calling them one of the most vulnerable refugee groups in the world. The military junta in Myanmar did not look kindly at rebellious minority groups in the country, brutally beating down all minority opposition. Despite Myanmar is now in a process of democratization, the State-Councilor and President in all but name, Aung San Suu Kyi has refused to address the ongoing violence suffered by Rohingya. Although Myanmar has 135 recognized minority groups, the country is far from being a pluralistic society. Ethnicity and religion have played an important role in creating a national identity in Myanmar; a national identity which systematically excludes Rohingya. This thesis argues that the reason for Rohingya’s exclusion is the so called political Buddhism in Myanmar. Political Buddhism is when excluding Buddhism, the Burmese ethnicity and aggressive nationalism are used to exclude and persecute minority groups perceived as non-Burman. This thesis explores, through an ideology analysis, how political Buddhism can be used to understand the exclusion of Rohingya in Myanmar. Finally, the conclusion is that political Buddhism has been an important element to Rohingya’s exclusion in Myanmar. However, it is not the sole explanation and other factors such as poverty and underdevelopment are also considerable aspects.<br>I Rakhine i västra Myanmar lever den muslimska minoritetsgruppen Rohingya under stort förtryck. Myanmars burmesiska majoritet har förtryckt Rohingya i årtionden och sedan 1982 är minoritetsgruppen statslösa. Flera hundratusen Rohingyier har flytt från Rakhine till flyktingläger i Bangladesh och UNHCR har kallat dem en av världens mest utsatta flyktinggrupper. Trots att Myanmar genomgår en demokratiseringsprocess vägrar Myanmars folkvalda ledare, Aung San Suu Kyi att fördöma våldet som Rohingya har fått utstå. Myanmar har 135 officiella minoritetsgrupper, men Rohingya är inte en av dem och landet är har fortfarande långt kvar till att bli ett accepterande mångkulturellt samhälle. Etnicitet och religion har spelat en viktig roll i skapandet av Myanmars nationella identitet, vilken har exkluderat Rohingya och andra icke-etniska burmesiska minoritetsgrupper. Jag argumenterar att anledningen till denna exkludering beror på så kallad politisk Buddhism, en kvasi-ideologi som uppstått genom exkluderande Buddhism, burmesisk etnicitet och aggressiv nationalism. Den här uppsatsen konceptualiserar politisk Buddhism genom en ideologianalys, utifrån en idealtyp och strävar efter att öka förståelsen för Rohingyas exkludering i Myanmar. Avslutningsvis är politisk Buddhism till stor del anledningen till Rohingyas marginalisering, men andra faktorer såsom fattigdom och låg ekonomisk utveckling är också möjliga faktorer.
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Sharrock, Peter David. "The Buddhist Pantheon of the Bayon of Angkor : an historical and art historical reconstruction of the Bayon and its religious and political roots." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.566273.
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達哇才仁. "當代西藏的活佛 : 信徒認同、政治角色與社會影響 = Living Buddhas in contemporary Tibet : believers' identifications, political roles and social influence". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2004. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/572.
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Saengkanokkul, Pakpoom. "Le système de santé en Thaïlande et l'origine des inégalités en matière de santé : une analyse politico-économique." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCF013/document.
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Cette thèse a pour objet l’analyse du système de santé et des inégalités en matière de santé en Thaïlande. Il s’agit d’abord d’identifier les acteurs politiques du système de santé et les idéologies sur lesquelles ils se fondent, et sur cette base, d’examiner la manière dont les politiques mises en œuvre ont affecté la santé et la distribution de santé. En Thaïlande, la triade nationale "Nation-Bouddhisme-Roi" a imprégné toute la société, y compris le système de santé. Elle a également influencé les acteurs et les décideurs politiques qui ont conçu le système de protection sociale thaïlandais. Influencé par l'utilitarisme-nationalisme, le ministère de la Santé a privilégié l'efficacité plutôt que l'égalité, et a amélioré la santé de la population afin d'augmenter la croissance économique. Influencés par le bouddhisme, certains technocrates ont lancé des politiques de promotion de la santé, basées sur le concept de Karma, qui renforcent la responsabilité individuelle, mais ignorent les inégalités sociales. Les organisations caritatives royales ont fourni des soins de santé pour des groupes marginalisés, mais de nombreux patients n'ont toujours pas été traités. Grâce à ces acteurs, de nombreux indicateurs de santé de la population ont été améliorés, mais parallèlement les disparités de santé ont été renforcées. La réforme de la santé, lancée en 2001 par le parti Thai Rak Thai, a mis en place un nouveau programme d'assurance maladie qui fournit des soins de base à tous les Thaïlandais. Bien que de nombreux bilans aient confirmé la réduction des inégalités et l'amélioration de l'accès aux soins, certains groupes d'intérêts ont largement protesté. Ce nouveau programme, fondé sur l'égalité des chances et le droit à la santé, a involontairement défié les anciens acteurs et les anciennes idéologies. En conséquence, les conflits dans le système de santé et l'instabilité politique ont entravé le développement de nouvelles politiques de santé<br>This thesis uses a political economy frame to analyze Thailand’s health system and its inequalities in health. After identifying the political actors of the health care system and the ideologies on which they are based, it examines the way in which the policies put in work have affected the health and the distribution of health. In Thailand, national trilogy "Nation-Buddhism-King" impregnated the whole political pattern, including health system. It also influenced political agents and political decision-makers in building the Thai social protection system. Influenced by utilitarianism and nationalism, the Ministry of Health had prioritized efficiency, rather than equality, and improved population health in order to increase economic growth. Due to Buddhism, some technocrats have launched health promotion policies based on the concept of Karma that reinforced individual responsibility for health, but ignored social inequalities that affected health-risk behaviors. Royal charities have provided health care for marginalized groups for long times, but many patients still were left untreated. Thanks to these actors, many health indicators were improved, but, at the same time, it increased health disparities between rich and poor, rural areas and urban areas, as between Bangkok and the poorest regions, North and Northeast. In 2001, Thai Rak Thai party launched a new health insurance program providing basic health care for all Thais. Although many reports confirmed the good results of a policy that reduced some inequalities and improved health care access for the poor, it raised the opposition from several stake-holders groups. This new program, based on equal opportunities and the right to health, unintentionally challenged the old policies and the old ideologies in health care justice. As a result, conflicts in health system as well as political instability as a whole constrained the development of new health policies for the next generations
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Tezel, Aybike Seyma. "A Study On China'." Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610953/index.pdf.
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This thesis aims at clarifying the very basic characteristics of Wu Ze Tian&rsquo<br>s reign and her utilization of religious and symbolic propaganda for legitimizing her authority. Wu Ze Tian is the only female emperor of China&rsquo<br>s long dynastic history who founded her own dynasty, Zhou dynasty after overthrowing the Tang dynasty in 690.
The political ideal presented by Confucianism, which is the traditional state doctrine of the imperial China, refuses female participation to political arena and identifies the emperor as the Son of Heaven. In order to overcome the Confucian obstacle, Wu Ze Tian referred to the symbols and rituals of the antiquity, highly appraised by the Confucians, which enabled her participation to the political sphere. Moreover, for legitimizing herself as a female ruler, she utilized the Buddhist scholarship and concepts as tools of political propaganda. It was also a matter of fact that due to the northwestern nomadic influence on the society, female rulership was not conceived to be impossible in the Tang dynasty, as it was in the previous dynasties. Benefitting from this sociopolitical atmosphere, Wu Ze Tian occupied the throne first as the empress and later as the empress dowager for almost 35 years and at last ruled over the whole Chinese soil as the female emperor of the Zhou dynasty for 15 years.
Wu Ze Tian proved herself as a capable ruler under whose dominion the whole country reached its broadest borders and the economy flourished considerably. Not only owing to the power of her political propaganda but also mostly because of her talent in rulership and her social and political reforms, Wu Ze Tian is one the most important Chinese rulers who left a remarkable influence on the governmental tradition of China.
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ROSSI, AMALIA. "L'ambiente come spettacolo. Etnicità, sviluppo rurale e visioni politiche del paesaggio nel Nord della Tailandia (provincia di Nan)." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10281/35123.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis consists in a discussion of ethnographic sources gathered during fieldwork in Nan Province- Northern Thailand- in 2008 and 2009. The analysis operates at least on three interplaying levels.
Firstly, drawing from theoretical suggestions coming from E.Goffman, G.Debord, C.Geertz, J.Scott and other authors, I emphasize the usefulness of the theatre-spectacle metaphor for the study of developmental and environmental social dynamics, as it allows to describe the institutionalization of a moral and aesthetic discourse of social responsibility and helps to explain frictions and contradictions happening in the backstage of the environmental spectacle at local, national and international scale. Secondly, I show how the articulation of environmental and landscape imaginaries, narratives and projections encourages forms of territorialization and counter-territorialization which are not reducible to a simplistic opposition between hegemonic and subaltern subjects and which need to be explored looking for cases that contradict this theoretical dichotomy through the description of situational subjective agencies. Thirdly, I enlighten a path along which the ideas of subalternity and hegemony are crucial not for the fact that they enclose specific and stable subjectivities, but for the reason that competition within and combination of hegemonic and subaltern social capitals in the environmental arena are sources of institutional stabilization in a country that is often in political trouble. The selective and discrete analysis of different stakeholders involved in this arena,reflected in the titling and succession of five chapters leads to understand how, similarly to what happens in the Luigi Pirandello’s drama I sei personaggi in cerca di autore (Engl.trans. Six characters looking for an author) I found out that subaltern subjects, and especially non T’ai and non-Buddhist ethnic minorities that used to be part of the communist guerrilla (1965-1983), in recent years tend to act like characters looking for an author who is capable of legitimizing their presence on the environmental stage; in this scenario, egemonic authors themselves (environmental institutional agencies) may behave as actors looking for other, superior sources of authority (Buddhist religion, the King, the media, the UN agencies...). Only if 'masked' as Khon M'uang they become able to act in the environmental spectacle as authorized subjects. Environmental populism works as a territorializing force and enact symbolic dispositives that indirectly tend to rewrite (and sometimes to cancel) upland environmental culture by the means of correcting its landscape.
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Henrion-Dourcy, Isabelle. "Ache Lhamo : Jeux et enjeux d'une tradition théâtrale tibétaine." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211111.
Full textAbstract:
L'objet de cette thèse est une monographie du théâtre traditionnel tibétain, ou ache lhamo, souvent appelé lhamo tout court, tel qu'il était joué à l'époque pré-moderne (antérieure à 1950) et tel qu'il est encore joué actuellement en Région Autonome du Tibet (République Populaire de Chine) et dans la diaspora tibétaine établie en Inde et au Népal. Comme la plupart des théâtres d'Asie, il est un genre composite :à la fois drame à thématique religieuse (issue du bouddhisme mahāyāna), satire mimée, et farce paysanne, il comprend de la récitation sur un mode parlé, du chant, des percussions, de la danse et des bouffonneries improvisées, ainsi qu'un usage de masques et de costumes flamboyants, qui tranchent avec la sobriété absolue des décors (la scène est vide) et de la mise en scène. Bien qu’il ait été encouragé et financé par le gouvernement des Dalai Lama, de grands monastères et des familles aristocratiques, c’est un théâtre avant tout populaire, et non pas réservé à une élite lettrée. Cette étude a circonscrit à la fois le contenu, le rôle social, le langage artistique et les implications politiques du théâtre dans la civilisation tibétaine.<p><p><p>La méthodologie a été composée en combinant les apports et réflexions critiques de trois disciplines :l'ethnologie, la tibétologie et les études théâtrales. L'approche est fondamentalement ethnologique, en ce que la production des données repose sur une immersion de plus de deux ans parmi des acteurs de théâtre de la Région Autonome du Tibet (1996-1998) et de près d'un an parmi ceux de la diaspora d'Asie du Sud (1998-2000). Elle l’est aussi en ce que l’intention a été de constituer une intelligibilité englobante pour l'ache lhamo, c'est-à-dire de mettre au jour l'intrication des dimensions culturelle, sociale, politique, économique, rituelle et symbolique de la pratique théâtrale. L’une des contributions principales du travail est d’étoffer l’ethnologie régionale du Tibet central, mais ses conclusions et son esprit critique le placent également dans la liste déjà importante des travaux consacrés à l'invention des traditions. La tibétologie a fourni le cadre interprétatif fondamental des données recueillies. Une importance très grande a été accordée à l'histoire du pays ainsi qu'à la philologie et aux terminologies vernaculaires particulières au théâtre. L’étude s’inscrit dans l’un des courants novateurs de la tibétologie, privilégiant les aspects non plus religieux et politiques de cette civilisation, mais sa partie « populaire » et anthropologique, mettant au premier plan l’analyse des pratiques et non celle des doctrines. Des sources écrites (textes pré-modernes et sources secondaires de folkloristes tibétains et chinois) ont été intégrées aux observations. En ce qui concerne la troisième approche méthodologique, cette étude ne s'inscrit ni dans le courant des « performance studies » de Richard Schechner, ni dans l'anthropologie théâtrale d’Eugenio Barba, ni dans l'ethnoscénologie telle qu'elle est défendue par Jean-Marie Pradier, mais plutôt dans l'anthropologie du théâtre, au sens d'étude interprétative et multidimensionnelle, utilisant les référents établis de l'anthropologie et les savoirs indigènes pour décrire une expression culturelle déterminée et reconnue comme un genre à part entière, le théâtre.<p><p><p>Les résultats sont présentés en trois parties, qui peuvent être résumées de manière lapidaire par trois adjectifs :culturelle, sociologique, artistique. La première partie, intitulée "Le cadre culturel du lhamo avant 1959", est consacrée au contexte (historique, religieux et littéraire) dans lequel le théâtre est inscrit, ainsi qu’aux textes (leur contenu, leurs modalités de composition et de transmission) qui révèlent l'imaginaire propre du théâtre. La deuxième partie est une analyse de "L'ancrage sociologique du lhamo". Les conditions matérielles des représentations y sont examinées :les divers types de troupes, leur organisation interne, le statut social des acteurs, l'inscription de la pratique du théâtre dans le système socio-économique pré-moderne, et les rapports d'obligations tissés entre acteurs et seigneurs, ainsi qu'entre acteurs et commanditaires des représentations. La dernière partie, "Art et savoirs des acteurs", jette un éclairage sur la matière vive du lhamo. Elle rend compte des conceptions, valeurs, plaisirs et difficultés de ceux qui pratiquent cette forme d'art. Les divers registres de leur discipline sont analysés en détail :costumes, masques, gestuelle, chant, accompagnement musical (percussions) et sentiments exprimés. L'appréciation qui en est faite par le public est aussi consignée. Au cœur de cette partie se trouve une réflexion sur la nature rituelle et non rituelle du lhamo, et sur les liens éventuels de ce dernier avec d'autres activités religieuses, telles la possession. Les dernières pages de la thèse constituent un épilogue, qui fait le point sur la situation contemporaine, donc les implications politiques, du théâtre des deux côtés de l'Himalaya. <p><p><p>L'image anthropologique du lhamo qui a pu être dégagée de ces trois volets d'analyse le fait apparaître comme essentiellement ambivalent :le lhamo est un théâtre de paradoxes. À l'image de la civilisation tibétaine, il est composite et cohérent à la fois. Sa cohérence réside dans son ambivalence :il traverse et relie des aspects contrastés de la culture. Il introduit du jeu entre les polarités que Tibétains et tibétologues établissent parfois un peu trop à la hâte entre culture savante et culture populaire, écriture et oralité, éléments exogènes et apports autochtones, bouddhisme et cultes qui ont précédé son implantation, aspiration religieuse et intérêts mondains, spécialistes rituels et bénéficiaires qui les rémunèrent. Combinant fonction pédagogique et fonction rituelle, sacré compassé du texte et irrévérence grivoise des improvisations, le lhamo correspond aussi très bien à la manière dont les théâtrologues appréhendent le théâtre :comme un objet curieux, créé par les hommes et qui pourtant ne cesse de les intriguer, comme s'il était venu d'ailleurs.<br>Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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McCarthy, Gerard. "Regressive Democracy: Explaining distributive politics in Myanmar’s political transition." Phd thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/155721.
Full textAbstract:
Classic theories of distributive politics contend that democracy
encourages politicians to improve the economic standing of the
‘median voter’ through state-led redistribution. This
dissertation explains how regressive distribution endures a
transition from authoritarian to partial democratic rule.
Existing research on regressive democracy largely focuses on
formal constitutions and laws passed during earlier regimes which
privilege the interests of economic elites and constrain
state-led redistribution. Drawing from literature on the path
dependency of private social welfare provision this mixed-methods
interpretive study shows that informal institutions can pose
separate but equally pernicious impediments to the redistributive
possibilities of democracy. Using the case of Myanmar, the
dissertation traces ideals and practices of private, non-state
welfare and redistribution—informal institutions—from their
origins in the post-socialist period to their entrenchment as
democratic amid political transition.
The thesis charts how an elite consensus in favour of a
low-taxing yet redistributive state generated during colonial
rule has shaped Myanmar’s post-independence political
trajectory. Informed by oral histories and archival work, it
uncovers how junta officials in government-controlled areas
outsourced state redistributive functions to commercial and
community actors during the post-socialist period, often in
exchange for business licences and tax remissions. This system,
which I term ‘authoritarian welfare capitalism’, entrenched
precarity and delivered the worst social outcomes in the region.
Yet the ideals and practices of private redistribution generated
during this period have been reinforced by political and economic
elites amid the transition to partial civilian rule since 2011.
Drawing on in-depth fieldwork in provincial Myanmar, it
demonstrates that informal redistributive practices have
practical and normative appeal to contemporary democratic elites.
Social and political activists echo official National League for
Democracy (NLD) rhetoric in describing private redistribution as
an efficient and morally admirable means of achieving social
outcomes. The ideal of charitable donations (dana) and ‘work
for others’ (parahita) achieving social equity is then enlisted
by government officials to justify withholding state aid from
communities said to lack commitment to the ‘democratic’
virtue of ‘self-reliance’. ‘Rights’ become contingent
upon competition for worthiness with other poor communities,
creating a zero-sum game that exacerbates inequality and
encourages the exclusion of minorities. Meanwhile, powerful
tycoons are able to legitimise their past and ongoing
expropriation of land and other assets and evade proper taxation
by engaging in philanthropy, especially of public goods. The
endurance of informal redistributive institutions generated in
the post-socialist period thus entrenches the insecurity of
ordinary people while depriving the state of the taxation revenue
necessary to deliver more equitable welfare outcomes. Separate to
the formal constraints of constitutions and laws, the endurance
of informal redistributive institutions generated during earlier
regimes can impose limits on the reforms imagined and desired by
democratic-era elites, entrenching economic and social inequity
at the heart of democratic practice.
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Cho, Yasmin. "Politics of Tranquility: Religious Mobilities and Material Engagements of Tibetan Buddhist Nuns in Post-Mao China." Diss., 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10161/10464.
Full textAbstract:
<p>This dissertation ethnographically examines the lives of Tibetan Buddhist nuns in Yachen, a mega-sized Tibetan Buddhist encampment in eastern Tibet that emerged in the 1980s and is now a leading center of Tibetan Buddhist revivalism in post-Mao China. Over 10,000 nuns make up the vast majority of the permanent residents in this community (approximately 2,000 monks live there as well), but few scholarly discussions have taken place regarding the lives and practices of the nuns in Yachen or in Tibetan Buddhist revivals in China in general. This dissertation, therefore, calls attention first to the lack of proper research on these nuns by providing ethnographic accounts of their everyday lives in “China’s Tibet.” By placing the nuns and their lives at the center of discussion, I was able to realize the significance of examining the material, sensory, and mobile events and occasions through which alternative political logics and possibilities appear in the practice of Buddhism and in Sino-Tibetan politics. This alternative politics—which I call the politics of tranquility—presents itself through the mobilities and material engagements of the nuns in Yachen, and offers a stark contrast to the existing dichotomous understanding of Sino-Tibet relationships. Therefore, second, I argue that mobilities, as well as material and sensory engagements, are essential to the practice of Buddhism and the lives of the nuns in Yachen, without whom the current Buddhist revivalism, in Yachen at least, would not be possible. </p><p> Following my Introduction (Chapter 1), I begin my chapters by presenting the distinctive mobilities of the nuns. Most of the nuns whom I have known in Yachen are escapees, running away from their homes to become nuns in this remote region; their mobilities, against all odds—both physical and social—are what initially make Yachen possible (Chapter 2). Upon arrival, in the face of the harsh spatial regulations imposed by the Chinese state, they engage in building residential huts for themselves; these building activities are primarily responsible for Yachen’s accelerated expansion and thus for its potential political tension (Chapter 3). In Chapters 2 and 3, I also argue that the nuns’ mobilities and building practices, which have rarely been taken seriously within the Buddhist revival in China, in fact constitute the fundamental process of making Yachen, i.e., of making the sacred. In addition, by living with the nuns, I was able to observe their intimacies and secrets through the lens of their transgression and confession. I consider the act of transgression as one of the most political ways to give an account of the self as Buddhist practitioner, as nun, and as woman (Chapter 4). I argue that the nuns actively, provocatively, and riskily (re)shape Yachen’s norms and morality through their acts of transgression and confession. Finally, by drawing on food consumption and eating habits among the nuns in Yachen, I tackle the highly intertwined issues of ethnicity, money, religion, and ethics in Buddhist revivalism as well as in Sino-Tibetan relations (Chapter 5).</p><br>Dissertation
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Laliberte, Andre. "The politics of Buddhist organizations in Taiwan, 1989-1997." Thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/10146.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation looks at the political behavior of three Taiwanese Buddhist
organizations since 1989: the Buddhist Association of the Republic of China (BAROC), the
Buddha Light Mountain monastic order (or Foguangshan) and the Buddhist Compassion
Relief Tzu Chi Association (or Ciji). It concentrates on trying to understand the rationale
behind the different strategies that each of them has adopted in its interaction with the
government. The BAROC has adopted a strategy of lobbying in an attempt to remedy the
steady decline of its status throughout the 1990s: it has tried to sway the government to
adopt a law that would restore the authority over Buddhists the association held before
1989. Foguangshan has resorted to a strategy of remonstrance to advance its religious
ideals between 1995 and 1997: its founder Xingyun supported the bid of his lay disciple
Chen Lii'an for the presidency of the Republic of China (ROC) and launched large public
demonstrations critical of the government that followed that election. During the same
period of time, Ciji has steered away from the controversies over the law on religion and
conspicuously avoided supporting Chen, while continuing to grow to become the largest
organization of its kind in Taiwan. The theological views of the three organizations'
leaders are examined as key factors explaining the rationale behind the political strategies
these organizations have adopted. Other factors such as availability of material resources,
lay support, congruence between leaders and their followers on the dimension of ethnicity
and gender are explored as possible sources of constraints on the leaders.
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Van, Vleet Stacey. "Medicine, Monasteries and Empire: Tibetan Buddhism and the Politics of Learning in Qing China." Thesis, 2015. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8J38RDJ.
Full textAbstract:
Representing the first comprehensive study of Tibetan medical institutions, this dissertation argues that medicine played a crucial role in the development of Tibetan Buddhism outside of Tibet during the Qing dynasty (1644-1911), while Tibetan Buddhism played a vital role in the governance of the northern and western borderlands of the Qing Empire. During the same period remembered today for the rise of science along mercantile-colonialist sea routes, an inland network of Tibetan Buddhist monastic medical colleges (gso rig or sman pa grwa tshang) proliferated in tandem with the expansion of the Qing Empire over Inner Asia. My study examines these developments from a regional rather than an anachronistic nation-state perspective, historicizing both the "Tibetan" medical system and its community of practitioners within the context of Qing imperial expansion and decline. Combining the approaches of intellectual and institutional history, I argue that the medical colleges of Tibetan Buddhist monasteries bridged the realms of ritual and materiality that we understand as separate today, providing a key site for the display of benevolent governance, and serving as a vital forum for intellectual and material exchange between the Qing court and peoples of the Tibetan Buddhist frontiers. The "monastic guidelines" (bca' yig) of Tibetan medical colleges provide a window into these institutions' ritual and medical curricula, as well as debates over medical orthodoxy that took place within and between them. Historical narratives within monastic guidelines served as frameworks of legitimacy and templates for ritual practice, and the boundaries of medicine as a discipline were negotiated through the selective incorporation of various medical lineages and traditions. I explore the relationship between ritual debates, doctrinal debates, and ideas about how to both encourage and circumscribe experience within the monastic guidelines of medical colleges. One of the major issues at stake was the relationship between innovation and revelation, as physicians could claim a special insight into the experience of their predecessors in a medical lineage. While innovation was necessary for expertise in healing, revelation was potentially dangerous to the state. Such medical debates give us insight into ideas about the relationship between social and epistemic order taught within Tibetan Buddhist institutions as they spread within the Qing Empire. With the advent of new ways of defining territorial and disciplinary boundaries in the early twentieth century, ritual technologies for defining social and epistemic order were replaced by new institutional structures. I consider why the greater circulation of medical knowledge within the Qing Empire was followed by a fragmentation of medical nationalisms. While Han Chinese nationalists embraced the culture of science as a defensive strategy against Western powers and as a political strategy to distance themselves from the Qing formation, Tibetan Buddhists did not seek such a radical break. Similar and connected medical reforms in Lhasa, Eastern Tibet, Mongolia, and Buryatia reveal the continuity of Tibetan Buddhist knowledge networks and early cooperation among their separate nationalist projects. In the broader context of the history of science, the example of Tibetan Buddhist medical institutions points to the centrality of early modern networks of knowledge in determining modern political configurations.
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Kun-Wang, Tsai, and 蔡崑旺. "The Study of Liang Emperor Wu’ evolutional changes on Politics and Religions through“ the Fusion of Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism”." Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/75326967202752759948.
Full textAbstract:
碩士<br>華梵大學<br>東方人文思想研究所<br>100<br>Liang Emperor Wu , Shiau-Yean, was proficient in Six Arts, and he took lots of efforts to govern the country after ascending the throne. Thus, the cultural undertakings of Liang Dynasty had became the most flourishing age of Eastern Jin Dynasty.Liang Emperor Wu had studied Confucian's classics since he was a child, and educated Yin-Yang and five elements of Taoism in family. Unexpectedly, Liang Emperor Wu announced the imperial order with Renouncing his faith of Li Lao Taoism when the third year of ascend the throne, and he vowed to believe Buddhism. Liang Emperor Wu pointed out that Confucianism and Taoism both originated from Buddhism, and he thought that Lao-TzuI、Confucius and Yan-Yuan were disciples of Shakyamuni Buddha.
According to historical data, there was no any record to explain why Liang Emperor Wu was converted to Buddhism. First of all, this research use the method of text analysis to discuss why Liang Emperor Wu renounced his faith of Taoism convert to Buddhism, and use these data to analyze why Liang Emperor Wu changed his belief.This research found there were three kinds of record that Liang Emperor Wu abandoned his Taoism faith in existing Buddhism text, and those data were inconsistent with each other. This study found the record that Liang Emperor Wu changed his belief in Tian Jian three years was wrong, and the correct time ought to be the last year of Tian Jian.
This study also found the reason why Liang Emperor Wu changed his belief to Buddhism. The belief of Liang Emperor Wu was originated from the Traditional Confucian thoughts of inner saintliness and outer kingliness, but since Wei-Jin Dynasties, the Traditional Confucian and Daoism thoughts were hard to follow , because it was difficult to learn “The Sage of Confucianism”and “The Hsien-immortals of Taoism ”, the situation forced Liang Emperor Wu turn to Buddhism. Finally, Liang Emperor Wu accepted the Bodhisattva Precepts and became Emperor the Bodhisattva, but his ultimate goal is wanted to be the Chakravartin, who was reincarnation of Maitreya Buddha to rule the world. In aspect of statecraft the country, Buddhism indeed help people enlightenment to giving up killing(to being religiously staunch vegetarianism) and encourage to do good.
On one hand, Liang Emperor Wu engaged in political reform based on Confucian, such as Election of the elite of the people, Admission by Five Classics, Editing Five Rites, Valuing the agricultural, Amending Liang’s law, Making old people can be taken care well, and Seeking the good of Confucian world; the other hand, Liang Emperor Wu looked forward to remedying the drinking and carnivorous habits for Buddhist monks and nuns through the reform of drawing up Abstention of wine and meat.
Per the role of the king, Liang Emperor Wu had became the king of Buddha in the human world to take responsibility of protection of Dharma of Chakravartin. There were four times that Liang Emperor Wu discarded the imperial identity to be slavery and was redeemed by courtier; By this way, he turned a mortal into a saint. In fact, Liang Emperor Wu was living in the age with three religions prosperous development, he might emphasize on Confucianism and Buddhism more, but the statement of discarding Taoism should only be declared, not acted practically.
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Ito, Tomomi. "Discussions in the Buddhist public sphere in twentieth-century Thailand : Buddhadasa Bhikkhu and his world." Phd thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/145941.
Full text
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Yeh, Shang-Feng, and 葉尚峰. "A Study of the Impact on Taiwanese Buddhism under Japanese Colonial Policy Based on Politics of Identity Formation during the Colonial Period." Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/58710175416825493823.
Full textAbstract:
碩士<br>華梵大學<br>東方人文思想研究所<br>100<br>Abstract
Buddhism is founded in the late 6th century BCE by Siddhartha Gautama (the "Buddha"). It began to spread southwards from its place of origin in northern India to China in Han dynasty. After that, it has being flourished in China since then. Buddhism has played an enormous role in shaping the mindset of the Chinese people, affecting their literature, aesthetics, philosophy and culture and has become part of Chinese culture. The inclusiveness of Buddhism makes it overcome the barriers of different countries and cultures. It is always able to grow up new thoughts and move forward. There must be many issues to explore and discuss during the process.
The background of this study is Taiwan during the Japanese colonial period. And it focuses on the interaction of the policy of 「Japanization」 and the Buddhism.
There are three main issues in this study: The development of Buddhism in Taiwan before and after Japanese colonial period、「Japanization」 and its policy of religion, and the challenges Buddhism facing under 「Japanization.」
1. The development of Buddhism in Taiwan before and after Japanese colonial period: We analyze the religious situation of Taiwan during Qing Dynasty and Japan's attitude towards Taiwanese religions after Japan took over Taiwan.
2. 「Japanization」 and its religious policy：We discuss the content of 「Japanization」, its Implementation steps, how 「Shinto」 affected Japanese religious policy through 「Japanization,」 and the role of Japanese Buddhism in Taiwan.
3. The challenges Buddhism facing under 「Japanization」: We analyze how all the temples in Taiwan retained strength during the『The movement in researching and registering Taiwanese temples', how Japanese Buddhism affected Taiwanese Buddhism, and the difficulties that Zhaijiao faced when it spread. This study is based on the three points above to discuss how 「Japanization」 affected all the religions in Taiwan during Japanese colonial period. Also, it investigates how the Buddhism in Taiwan, Japan, and China bred the unique characteristics of Taiwanese Buddhism.
Key words: religious policy, 「Japanization」, Shinto, Taiwanese Buddhism
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Pham, Van Minh. "Socio-political philosophy of Vietnamese Buddhism : a case study of the Buddhist movement of 1963 and 1966." Thesis, 2001. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/382.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the political activism of Vietnamese Engaged Buddhism in the 1960s, particularly the Struggle Movement for social justice and democracy of 1963 and the Peace Movement of 1966. It explores the Buddhist leaders' motives and their political means to deal with Saigon military government and senior advisors to the White House. The thesis sets out to prove that socially and politically Engaged Buddhism is inherent in the Buddhist tradition and not alien to Buddha's teachings. It also proves that Vietnamese Buddhism has always been engaged since the dawn of Vietnamese history. The Buddhism Peace Movement is assessed in accordance with Buddhist principles such as non-violence and non-attachment to temporal power. Except a few minor incidents, it was found that the Buddhist leaders strictly adhered to the non-violent principle and Vietnamese Engaged Buddhism could have provided a political alternative, the Politics of Enlightenment, which could avert the unnecessary destruction of the Vietnam War
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Jing-lee, Lin, and 林俊立. "Research of the Political Participation of Buddhist In Taiwan ─ Take the Humanistic Buddhism as the focal point of the research." Thesis, 2009. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/23548698151220705396.
Full textAbstract:
碩士<br>真理大學<br>宗教文化與組織管理學系碩士班<br>97<br>The buddhist leaders of Taiwan participates in politics in different ways. Humanistic buddhism are currently growing towards social care and focusing more on welfares such as fringe benefits. For those ambassadors of Buddhist masters, they seem to have different levels of involvement in politics.
The external side and the buddhist side itself, has hold an opposing opinion upon political involvements among buddists, some of the Buddhist head masters even criticize those buddhists who participate in politics. Accoding to this, it appears to have conflicts between the buddhists who participates in politics and of those who opposes from participating.
Some buddhist have high involvement in politics, some have farely low involvement; yet another group of buddhists opposes political participations and even criticize those who does it. But there is another type of buddhist, who criticizes buddhist in political participation, yet involve themselves in political elections.
Thus, there seem to have a complex relationship of the state of affairs of the political participation of buddhists in Taiwan. There must be important elemetents that are valuable to be researched upon.
This research is based on analyzing datas of substances versus measures, comparing on both Buddhist masters and Buddhists to display the outcome of the research of the Political Participation of Buddhists In Taiwan.
As a result of this research; if the buddhist has low interest in politics, they will also have lower involvement in politics; some buddhists are unconcerned about politics and some even reject political views. The hunanistic buddhism thoughts and ideas seemed not to have a concrete inflence in their political participation.
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Ning, Qiang. "Art, religion and politics Dunhuang Cave 220 /." 1997. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/38535268.html.
Full text
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Shr, Chuan-Shuen, and 釋傳順. "The Impacts of Buddhism on Political Developments of Thailand." Thesis, 2011. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/kps728.
Full textAbstract:
碩士<br>國立中興大學<br>國際政治研究所<br>99<br>Religion has played a critical role in human society. Not only does it impact the everyday life of human beings, but it is also closely related to the structure of society and culture. Hence, besides belief and rituals, religion is in many ways an external factor. In fact, religion is most commonly used as a tool to gain political control. Rulers make use of religion to increase influence over the public and political power. Furthermore, conflicts among different religions also extend to group or ethic conflicts or wars.
Even until today, religion has influenced politics in all forms. Using Thailand as a case study, this research paper seeks to gain more understanding of how religion, specifically Buddhism impacts politics activities. From a realistic perspective, studies are based on how Buddhism affects political transformation and development and this includes how Buddhism was involved in the politics in the past and in modern politics. From a theoretical and analytical perspective, the study uses theory of structuralism and historical research method and secondary data analysis.
The study finds that modern political development in Thailand is basically the process of a three way interaction among the King, military and government. On one hand, with the existing structure, actions of the three parties are restricted while on the other hand, through interaction, there is a transformation of the traditional political structure. Furthermore, although Thailand is a constitutional monarchy, even if legislative power has been transferred to the cabinet, the King is not limited to being a symbolic figurehead. The cabinet faced resistance movement from the military at one time and so the King retains certain ruling power as he is enthroned in a position of revered religion worship. In fact, the King plays a most crucial role in stabilizing Thailand’s political situation, while exerts influential power of the military position and government operation.
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Bhattacharya, Aparna. "Impact of buddhism on the political process in sikkim." Thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2009/6210.
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Schwerk, Dagmar. "Drawing Lines in a Mandala: A Sketch of Boundaries Between Religion and Politics in Bhutan." 2019. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A36142.
Full textAbstract:
In the first half of the 17th century, three major Buddhist governments that
combined a twofold religious and political structure under a Buddhist ruler
were established in the Tibetan cultural area (hereafter: Joint Twofold System
of Governance).1 In 1625/26,2 Bhutan was united under the rule of
a charismatic Tibetan Buddhist master, Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyel (1594–
ca. 1651; hereafter: Zhabdrung); Tibet and Sikkim followed, both in 1642 –
although with significant differences in their respective institutionalisation.
The Bhutanese government as a constitutional monarchy with a
Buddhist king is the only one among the three still in existence today.
Bhutan’s transformation into a modern society along the lines of this Joint
Twofold System of Governance under the conditions of non-colonialisation
but with crucial and intense encounters of its societal elites with Western and Asian forms of modernity and secularity represents, therefore, a
unique case in point.
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"Patronage and meaning of Tibetan Buddhist temples decreed by the Qing emperors in central China in the early and middle Qing dynasty." Thesis, 2011. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6075164.
Full textAbstract:
Based on the motives of the temples' construction and architectural characteristics that are delineated for every period during the early and middle Qing Dynasty, this dissertation explores the multiple natures of the temples which are revealed from the patronage pattern, such as the political concern, praying for blessing, the reproduction of cultural sign and landscape, etc. Furthermore, this dissertation tries to clarify the scope, contexts and expressive modes of the temples and how these are transformed over the first 150 years of the Qing regime. At the same time, this dissertation also discusses the multiple social factors which might have influenced the construction and architectural characteristics.<br>The Qing monarchs from Nurhachi till Emperor Qianlong decreed many Tibetan Buddhist temples in central China. The construction of these temples can be regarded as one of the most significant architectural projects initiated by the emperors of the early and middle Qing Dynasty. These temples played a significant role in the Qing regime's effort to increase its power, stabilize the frontiers and enlarge the territory of the Qing Empire. In some cases, the temples also held a rich personal meaning for the Qing monarchs. This dissertation is a detailed investigation and multifaceted discussion of these temples, with focusing on their patronage, meaning and architectural characteristics, including temple layout and building form.<br>This study is the first extensive investigation and analysis of all of the early and middle Qing Tibetan Buddhist temples in central China decreed by the Qing monarchs. It may provide a basis for the future studies of the Qing Tibetan Buddhist temples in both the data collected and presented here and the analysis and discussion. With a presentation of the temples' characteristics and meanings, a discussion of their developments, and an exploration of the rules underlying such developments, this study's effort for an in-depth understanding of the temples might enrich the architectural research of the Qing Dynasty. Moreover, the exploration and discussion of the interaction between the evolving social factors and the development of the characteristics and meanings of the temples may contribute to the study of the architecture hermeneutics and societal influence on architectural form by providing a case study,<br>Liu, Dan.<br>"December 2010."<br>Adviser: Puaypeng Ho.<br>Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 73-04, Section: A, page: .<br>Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011.<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 181-195).<br>Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Abstract also in Chinese.