Academic literature on the topic 'Buddhist sanghas'

The ethnic conflict between the Tamil minority and the state of Sri Lanka turned into one of the bloodiest and protracted civil wars in the modern history of South Asia. In its final stage from 1995 to 2009, the war went through a textbook cycle from ceasefire to peace talks, to the resumption of war, and to final military victory for the state. During this period, many observers including governments and international organizations promoted federalism as a possible solution to the conflict. However, the fede ral proposal for Lanka was not only defeated but also provoked violent resistance led by the highly influential Buddhist monksthe Sangha. Federalism not only failed as an instrument of peace; the very proposal led to more violence and the intensification of the conflict. This thesis is an inquiry into the question of how federalism became the reason for violent resistance promoted by the SaiIgha, who are expected to adhere to ahimsa, nonaggression and the non-violent, renouncer path of life. The research adopted a case study method in order to reconstruct the life history and mindsets of three Sangha activists, who changed the manner in which federalism was received as an idea in Lanka. By analyzing the history of the resistance poli tics of the Sinhala Sangha, this research found that Sangha resistance is not merely a colonial byproduct or post-colonial innovation but rather a direct expression of the Sinhala 'cosmion', i.e. of a world of meaning in which Sinhala society appears as an analogue of the Buddhist cosmic order. Within th is cosmion. the Sangha playa crucial role as the mediators between the cosmic order and its earthly manifestation. Peacebuilding projects and federal proposals advanced by Western actors and their local supporters failed to appreciate this historical Sinhala self-understanding, because their Western frameworks considered federalism as an 'export-ready' political template while the religious actors in Lanka featured as mere 'spoilers' in the inevitable process of modernization. In conclusion, we argue that future peacebuilding in Lanka should consider two approaches. On the one hand, recognize and appreciate the cultural role played by key forces in Lankan society and, on the other, work with the self-understanding of these forces in order to help them transcend the singular uniqueness of the position, which they think they occupy in the world of Buddhism and beyond.

Keiji Nishitani, in his lectures On Buddhism (1982), argues that Buddhism is lacking a theory of Buddhist community. He believes that a historical consciousness and a social ethics are required for a theory of Buddhist community. German philosopher Immanuel Kant argues that a theory of religious community should contain an idea of an invisible church and an expression of a visible church. This is his theory of the church. This thesis will conduct a comparative analysis to see if Kant's notions of the invisible and visible church can express the essential components to a theory of Buddhist community. This paper finds that universal communicability is a requirement for a theory of Buddhist community to express itself as a visible church. Only when a religious community has universal communicably can it appeal to the unlearned and to those who can convince themselves of the moral truth of religion. Only in this sense, can a religious community be called a universal religion and become publicly accessible for it appeals to every kind of person. Overall, this thesis is fruitful in gaining a cross-cultural philosophical dialogue into the basis of a theory of religious community. This dialogue shows much promise of expressing the role of religious scripture and tradition, for the individual’s religious experience confirms what reason already knows to be the moral law of the heart.

碩士<br>華梵大學<br>東方人文思想研究所<br>97<br>The research of the thesis focuses on the costume and accessories of Tibetan Buddhism Sangha. It starts from the traditional Buddhist theory to explore the origination of the designing ideas of the costume and accessories .Does they mainly rely on the traditional Buddhist theory? We draw inferences from the four major Tibetan Buddhism sects the way of dressing with careful comparison and analysis to prove that they are in accordance with the traditional Buddhist doctrine. Then, try to understand the differences between the original costume adapted by Buddha and the real dress style adapted to the different social conditions over the centuries. Since Buddhism was introduced into Tibet from India, it has been associated closely with the Tibet local culture in every aspect. The colorful Buddhist robes and various hat decorations give us the first impression of the Tibetan Sangha clothing. For a long time, the Tibetan Sangha clothing is so distinctive and mysterious that we could hardly enter its great depths of thoughts. The correlation among its significance, personal practice and the Buddhist doctrine is worthy of a thorough study. Therefore this thesis attempts to explore the four aspects:1.The source, the principle and the evolution of Sangha clothing of the four major Tibetan Buddhism sects. 2.For Sangha clothing, what’s the differences in Tibet, India and Han? 3.How to distinguish the clothing adapted by Buddha and the traditional Tibetan Sangha clothing.4.The relevant basis and the symbol of Tibetan Sangha clothing.The final development of Tibetan Buddhism Sangha follows the Buddha's ancient doctrine. The unique Tibetan vest is the most significant feature of Sangha clothing.

博士<br>國立臺灣大學<br>歷史學研究所<br>107<br>Japanese Buddhism was introduced from Korean Peninsula and China at the beginning, so the history of Japanese Buddhism can also be represented as a history of Cultural Interactions. One of the most significant examples is the establishment of Tendai school in the ninth century. Tendai school became one the most powerful schools in Japanese Buddhist history, and highly influenced the development of Japanese Buddhism. Tendai was named after the Tiantai school in China, and it revealed their tight connections within the East Asian Buddhism. My dissertation takes sangha, ritual, and power as different perspectives to inspect Tiantai/Tendai Buddhism, in order to consider the characteristics of Tiantai/Tendai Buddhism within East Asian cultural interactions. First, take sangha for example, Tiantai community were active around Taizhou, where Temple Guoqing located, Mingzhou area, and Temple Yuquan in Jingzhou. In Tang dynasty, Tiantai Buddhism had no clear connection with capital city or central government and kept its locality. At the same time, Tiantai Buddhism was highly international for its location. Tiantai texts have been introduced to Korea and Japan, and sometimes imported back to China as well. That is, this kind of interaction has made Tiantai Buddhism important resources in East Asian cultural interactions. Buddhist culture as resources can be related to different meanings, and ritual is one of them. Sangha defines their own rituals, and rituals reflect values they share. Inspecting ritual texts of Tiantai/Tendai Buddhism can help us understand how they regard the ruling class headed by emperor. With the transmission of Tiantai/Tendai Buddhism, rituals as part of the discourse resources were also comprehended. Thereafter, how would Japanese Tendai school utilize these ritual resources from Chinese Tiantai Buddhism? How did these resources transform? Tiantai/Tendai Buddhism in East Asian cultural interactions refers to a process that Tiantai/Tendai Buddhism as resources that gradually founded within cultural interactions in this dissertation. Zhiyi (538-597) was regarded the founder of Tiantai Buddhism. He led his followers to Mount Tiantai and establish the place as important Buddhist site in China ever since. Guoqing bailu provides clues to explore the rituals Zhiyi made for his followers, and in these rituals, ruling class that headed by emperor was highly respected and further systematized. Personally, Zhiyi had a close association with ruling class even while staying at a rather rural area, and his idea of state-protection never changed. But this state-protection idea was not noticed by the ruling class of Tang, because the center of politics had moved to Guanzhong area instead of the south. Via contemporary ritual texts, state-protection idea that related to Tiantai Buddhism can be observed among different areas in Tang. Meanwhile, Tiantai Buddhism in Tang never had the chance to reach out to the central ruling class because of its location. Although Tiantai Buddhism in Tang was limited to the Taizhou and Mingzhou area, with Japanese monk Saichō (767-822) as an agent, it transformed to Tendai Buddhism in Heian Japan. In the beginning of the ninth century, Saichō, who just finished his journey to Mount Tiantai, established Tendai school at Mount Hiei with the support of Emperor Kanmu (737-706). The establishment of temple at Mount Hiei, was a representation of Chinese Tiantai Buddhism in Japan by Saichō and his followers. Canons and other Buddhist items brought from China became the provenance of legitimacy for Japanese Tendai school. At the same time, Saichō&apos;&apos;s Sanbu chōkō eshiki, a Japanese Tendai ritual text, demonstrated local development of Tendai Buddhism. Japanese deities along with other elements that were absent in Tiantai ritual texts reflect the originality of Japanese Tendai school. Also, emphasizing Akṣobhya in ritual texts instead of chanting Buddhas of the ten directions, reflects the consciousness of Japan as an eastern country. Though this creative interpretation kept strengthening the distinctness of Japanese Tendai school, they till firmly believed in the straight connection with Chinese Tiantai. Keiran shuyoushu, an encyclopedia of Tendai in medieval Japan, was an excellent example, for it claims that the connection between Saichō and Tiantai/Tendai idea of state-protection was the very beginning to construct the lineage of state-protection idea. In fact, as for the production of Buddhist ritual texts, Japanese Tendai school indeed had many creations in Heian period. Especially in the latter half of Heian period, Genshin (942-1017) had a reputation for his innovative works, for he was the pioneer to inaugurate Japanese Buddhism. However, through investigating Genshin&apos;&apos;s ritual works, the tradition of both Tiantai and Tendai Buddhism still played an important role in his works but did not exactly conform to canons or previous ritual texts. His comprehension and digestion of Tiantai/Tendai Buddhist discourse had made him the best creator of ritual texts at the time. Meanwhile, Zunshi (?-1015) in Song China, who is also famous for ritual works, showed a different attitude toward ritual works. That is, Zunshi followed canons rather strictly, and represented the idea of textual authority. Finally, by observing the historical development of Tendai school in Heian Japan, the connection with Emperor and Saichō&apos;&apos;s statement of state-protection at the beginning of Tendai&apos;&apos;s foundation had deeply affected the characteristic of the sangha. The administration system of Tendai that headed by Tendai zasu was independent and directly related to Emperor. The court that led by Sessho and Kanpaku, along with Emperor, were regarded the top of national political structures, and they kept interaction with Tendai school which claimed to be state-protected. The latter part of Heian period was an important turning point of Japanese political powers. According to Tendai zasuki, Tendai monks did not follow the orders of sekkan regency, and they boycott what they claimed to be state-protected. The engagement and conflicts between sangha and sekkan regency encourage the antagonism toward different sects under Tendai. At last, with the establishment of Kamakura shogunate, Tendai&apos;&apos;s state-protection discourse clearly disobey what shogunate needed, so that Tendai school was in the doldrums until Tokugawa shogunate, that Tendai once again created a discourse that fulfill the demand of ruling class.

碩士<br>南華大學<br>宗教學研究所<br>96<br>"Buddhist ordination" refers to the ceremony to give to Sangha Bhikkhu, Bhikshuni or Bodhisattva Precepts. It is necessary for one to experience the procedures of precepts transmission and become qualified for being a Sangha so that he can take the tremendous duty to promulgate Buddha’s doctrines. Over the past 2,500 years, there have been a lot of changes and development on this system, due to difference on the environment and culture among India, China and Taiwan. Through the analysis on some literatures, in-depth interview and field investigation, Is show in this thesis that Buddhist ordination procedure at Miao Fa Monastery is an example to explore the significantly role and religious functions of liturgies and chants. Especially, in addition to recording the culture of Buddhist chants, I will discuss the practice procedures of chants and instruments using in the rituals. 　　 　　The use of chants and instruments is necessary in Buddhist ordination. The chants used in the ritual differ from those daily ones functionally. During the ordination, the chants in the ritual can initiate a sangha’s mind of devoutness, respects and repentance and lead to him to set measure his to words, thoughts and deeds so that he can wholeheartedly take his purified entities. From this perspective, the chants are an important boosted media to help those Sangha taking embodiment of commandments. 　　 　　Finally, in the conclusion I suggest that: (i) chants cannot generate our endurable determination to practice dharma unless we enlighten the nature of emptiness transmitting from the chants; (ii) we should keep the classical tradition of liturgies and chants from vulgarization, and only by doing this we can popularize the functions of religion completely.