Books on the topic 'Build Buy Partner'

This book is a collection of selected papers presented at the XVI Inforum World Conference organized by the European University of Lefke, North Cyprus, in September 2008. Inforum (Interindustry Forecasting Project at the University of Maryland) was founded in 1967 by Dr. Clopper Almon, now Professor Emeritus at the University of Maryland. At international level, partners build national econometric models for their own country sharing a common modelling approach based on a sectoral representation of the economy. The contributions presented here illustrate the wide variety of issues that can be explored using these models, with particular emphasis on energy policies and competitiveness analyses, which are very high on the agenda of policymakers worldwide.

A growing body of research finds that upward of half of transgender people experience intimate partner violence (IPV)—psychological, physical, or sexual abuse in romantic and sexual relationships—in their lifetimes, and consequences can be severe. Despite this, the movement to end IPV has focused almost exclusively on cisgender individuals, resulting in many transgender IPV (T-IPV) survivors being underserved and overlooked by the very laws and victim agencies tasked with protecting survivors. Research has illuminated a variety of unique aspects of T-IPV regarding the predictors of perpetration, the specific forms of abuse experienced, barriers to help seeking for survivors, and policy and intervention needs. As the first of its kind, this volume brings together leading T-IPV researchers and service providers to offer a comprehensive overview of past research and identify evidence-based strategies to foster systemic change in how transgender abuse is addressed in our policies and services. First the volume details known patterns of transgender abuse and examines, through an intersectional framework, the myriad ways in which discrimination and social inequality promote and enhance T-IPV. Second, the volume discusses how transphobia and cisnormativity impact the causes of T-IPV, survivor resiliency, and help seeking. Third, the volume reviews and critiques existing practices in how health care, shelters, policing, and the legal system intervene in T-IPV. The volume concludes with recommendations for transforming public health prevention, service provision, and research to ultimately build a safer and more inclusive world for transgender communities.

Ecological policy and politics in the United States and most other countries has turned on the almost inevitable conflicts between ecological and economic goals. US policy recognized this in defining policy as a process of minimizing negatives: of limiting ecological harm while also controlling for pollution and other effects of growth. Instead, policy choices should be built on a green growth strategy—of maximizing the opportunities for positive relationships. This goal is supported by evidence. Ecological policies in the United States have had limited adverse effects on economic growth and competitiveness; at the same time, strategies built on such concepts as clean energy and green infrastructure define options for positive-sum solutions. Evidence of both ecological and social costs of unguided economic growth, as well as the realities of American politics, makes a compelling case for a green growth framing.

Chapter 9 builds on the ethnographic approach of Chapter 8 but switches the focus to the fields of political activism, election campaigning, and government communications. It draws on fieldwork among party communication staff; communications staff working inside government departments and in the Prime Minister's Office in Number 10 Downing Street; the director of a prominent public relations company; and members of the renowned million-strong progressive political activist network, 38 Degrees. The chapter reveals how integrated divisions of labor between older and newer media practices are emerging in the daily work of actors in these fields, and how the different types of integration are sometimes bolstering and sometimes weakening the power of those whose dominance rests upon older broadcasting and print media practices.

Recent studies of authoritarian durability highlight the role of institutions, particularly ruling parties. Yet party-based regimes vary markedly in their durability. Efforts to explain this variation have led scholars to examine the historical roots of strong authoritarian institutions. Drawing on recent historical institutionalist research, this chapter argues that robust authoritarian institutions frequently emerge out of periods of violent conflict. The chapter identifies two paths to durable authoritarianism: (1) arevolutionarypath, in which disciplined liberation parties build (and penetrate) their own coercive apparatus and destroy the social and institutional bases for future opposition; and (2) acounter-revolutionarypath, in which elites threatened by radical insurgencies agree to “protection pacts” that endow emerging autocrats with the authority and resources to build powerful party and coercive structures. The chapter also examines mechanisms of authoritarian reproduction, arguing that a challenge for historical institutionalism lies in identifying the conditions under which founding legacies end.

Chapter 4 deals with the evolution of the party in the post-war period until the late 1960s. It suggests that because the recovery of democracy after the Second World War coincided with multi-partism, this credited parties with an unprecedented legitimation in the first post-war years. This general sentiment was built on the role parties played in all countries under Fascist or Nazi rule, and the more parties were active, the more confidence they gained. The positive reception of parties went hand in hand with their organizational development. However, precisely when parties deployed their full strength, they were tamed by societal and technological transformation. The chapter discusses how the parties’ response to 1960s’ post-industrialization by becoming catch-all structures depressed their legitimation. The post-war general consensus on the parties’ central role faded, opening the way for a new type of party criticism: parties now were considered not divisive enough but rather too consensual.

This chapter provides an overview of the law of set-off in England and Wales, both prior to insolvency (whether by virtue of a contract or by operation of law) and in the event of a winding up or an administration of a company under English law. It begins with a discussion of set-off between solvent parties, focusing on contractual set-off, legal set-off, equitable set-off, and banker's right of set-off. It then considers set-off against insolvent parties, taking into account the relevant set-off rules, the mandatory nature of insolvency set-off, ‘due’ and contingent claims, mutuality of claims, and the rule on build-up of set-offs. It also examines insolvency clawbacks and concludes with an analysis of issues arising in cross-border set-off.

This chapter discusses nuclear energy policy in Austria since the 1950s. It stresses that political parties were the main actors and decision-making on energy policy was strongly influenced by them. Building on the work of Strøm (1990) and Müller and Strøm (1999) it is argued that several position changes regarding nuclear energy were made by Austrian parties in response to public opinion, trading policy against votes or office. The Austrian case resembled other Western European countries until the 1970s, when a nuclear power plant was built but never made operational because of a negative referendum. After a decade of struggling with attempts at policy reversal, an anti-nuclear consensus was reached after Chernobyl. Soon parties did engage in a new form of competition on the nuclear issue—over their competence in fighting nuclear energy in other countries, in particular, plants close to the Austrian border.

The goal of this book has been to examine in detail the micro mechanisms underlying the aggregate patterns described by the second-order election model commonly used to study multi-level elections. The book builds on existing work showing that the incentives provided by multiple arenas affect political behaviour and show that these effects are heterogeneous across parties and voters and across regions and countries. Multi-level governance complicates the study of elections but it also creates greater variation, and this variation allows richer theories about party and voter behaviour to be tested. As the importance of electoral arenas beyond the national level increases across ever more countries, it is imperative that those theories help us to understand the implications not just for parties and voters but for the quality of electoral democracy.

This article recommends the use of intensive, in-depth interviews which can help to establish motivations and preferences, even though they must deal with the perils of ‘strategic reconstruction’. The first section of this article makes the pragmatic case for interviewing. The second portion is devoted to assembling in one place the consensus in the literature on the basics of how to undertake interviews, including issues of how to build arguments using interview data, how to structure questionnaires, the proper role to adopt vis-à-vis respondents, and how to gain access to conversation partners. Doubts about the status of interview data and the reliability of respondents must be taken into account but can be addressed. These disadvantages rarely outweigh the unique advantages of interviewing.

Suicide among service members is associated with several demographic and social risk factors, especially precipitating intimate partner relationship issues, but the cause and nature of these failed relationships in the military have not been well explored. Service members have histories leading up to a suicide analogous to those among civilians. However, separations from families, deployments, combat or other trauma, command climate, and medical and psychological injuries are also stressors and may be linked to additional risks related to substance abuse, sexual dysfunction, domestic violence, lifestyle disagreements, or secretive thoughts and behaviors, which distance couples and add to disintegration of the supportive dyad the relationship could provide. Loss of vital social supports impacts resilience and facilitates a mindset enabling suicidal or other harmful thoughts and actions. Therefore, prevention programs that build, maintain, and sustain resilience are critical, as is availability of mental health clinicians trained to address relationship issues.

This chapter analyses AMISOM’s challenges in Mogadishu after Ethiopia’s withdrawal. The first section summarizes conflict dynamics in Mogadishu while the second examines the state of AMISOM’s main partner: the second iteration of the Transitional Government under President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed. It focuses on the government’s (failed) attempts to build an effective set of security forces and some of the challenges this posed for AMISOM. The third section analyses the UN Security Council’s decision to establish a Support Office for AMISOM (UNSOA) in 2009, in order to provide AMISOM with better logistical support. The final section discusses how during the second half of 2010 the political and military balance began to tilt in AMISOM’s favour as a result of two major blunders made by al-Shabaab, namely, the decision to bomb civilian targets in Kampala, Uganda, and the failure of its 2010 Ramadan offensive in Mogadishu.

The long build-up to the Reichstag elections of 1903 produced a dramatic outcome when Social Democrats scored an overwhelming victory. The epithet “Red Saxony” was born overnight, and thereafter it remained a triumphal shout for Social Democrats and a nightmare for their enemies. This chapter begins by examining the 1903 election in its local, regional, and national contexts. The SPD’s organizational strength and élan are considered in light of the shock this election produced. The election also restarted a suffrage reform debate that convulsed Saxon political society until 1909. The Saxon government presented a complicated, hybrid suffrage proposal at the end of 1903. It was torpedoed by the anti-socialist parties in the Landtag. But by 1905 this defense of Saxony’s three-class suffrage had confounded National Liberal attempts to challenge Conservative hegemony, and it fueled further working-class protests.

A common view is that in Indian elections parties, politicians, and voters are engaged in a quid-pro-quo in which citizens vote for a politician who offers them individual benefits. We find no evidence that voters exchange votes for benefits. In fact, ideology is a better predictor of the vote than the receipt of private or club goods. The use of cash is indeed widespread in India during election time but money is needed to build the campaign, to mobilize votes and for candidates, and to establish candidates’ credibility as leaders of import. We show this using the survey data from national election studies, a case study, and the results of a small experiment in Tamil Nadu.

This paper puts powers to work by developing a broadly Aristotelian account of causation, built on the fundamental idea (which Aristotle found in Plato, attributed by him to Heraclitus) that causation is a mutual interaction between powers. On this Aristotelian view, causal powers manifest them-selves in dependence on the manifestation of their mutual partners. (See also Heil, this volume; Mumford, this volume; and Martin 2008.) The manifestations of two causal power partners are co-determined, co-varying, and co-extensive in time. (See Marmodoro 2006.) Yet, causation has a direction and is thus asymmetric. This asymmetry is what underpins metaphysically the distinction between causal agent and patient. The proposed Aristotelian analysis of the interaction between mutually manifesting causal powers is distinctive, in that it pays justice to the intuition that there is agency in causation. That is, agency is not a metaphorical way of describing what causal powers do. For some powers, it is a way of being that instantiates the non-anthropomorphic sense in which powers are causal agents. This point is brought out in the paper in relation to the explanation of the concept of change. In an Aristotelian fashion, the paper argues that the distinction be-tween agent and patient in causation is pivotal to offering a realist account of causation that does not reify the interaction of the reciprocal causal partners into a relation. On the proposed view, the interaction between mutually manifesting causal partners consists in the power of one substance being realized in another substance. Specifically, the agent’s causal powers metaphysically belong to the agent, but come to be realized in the patient. The significance of this is that the interaction of the agent’s and the patient’s powers is not a relation; rather, it is an ex-tension of the constitution of the agent onto the patient, which occurs when agent and patient interact and their powers are mutually manifested. Thus the proposed Aristotelian account of causation explains the mutual interaction between manifestation partners—potentiality, agency, and change—as irreducible to one another, but interconnected.

This book examines “sovereignty-sharing” in fragile states, focusing on ventures in which domestic and international actors share authority to provide basic public services and build the rule of law. It examines how and why these ventures are created, designed, and implemented and what determines their perceived legitimacy and effectiveness. The book shows that sovereignty sharing can help address governance gaps under certain conditions, but that apportioning core sovereign functions remains difficult, as national and international partners bring different capacities, norms, and policy priorities. It demonstrates that the political foundations of sovereignty-sharing arrangements are crucial for effective performance, which in turn drives popular support. The book considers case studies of hybrid tribunals in Sierra Leone, Cambodia, and Lebanon; joint policing in Timor-Leste; and anti-corruption initiatives in Guatemala and Liberia. It offers the first comparative assessment of these remarkable efforts to repair ruptures in the rule of law.

Public knowledge and understanding of health disparities is critical to generate support for programs and policies that address social determinants of health (SDH). Yet, public programs and policies are little informed by evidence or the link between SDH and health outcomes. This case study, using community-based participatory research principles, draws from the evidence of SDH and communication sciences. We describe Project IMPACT, an intervention to build capacity among community-based organizations (CBOs) to engage with media strategically, with the goal of influencing the information environment. The case offers an example of implementation science supporting an evidence-based approach, rather than a specific program or practice. We report how IMPACT leveraged the role community partners play in legitimizing issues so SDH and disparities are part of the public agenda. We assessed how strategic media engagement practices were implemented with the ultimate goal of changing public understanding of SDH and disparities to support SDH-related policies.

Mexico under the dictator Porfirio Díaz bore some resemblance to the postbellum South, in its social and racial hierarchies, but what drew Jenkins was Mexico’s rapid industrialization. Following short-term jobs in the north, he responded to an ad from a businessman who was seeking someone to manage his stocking mill. In 1906, he and Mary traveled south to the textile city of Puebla, which became his permanent home. His partners included a Jewish-Russian immigrant. Jenkins’s early years in Puebla illustrate the difficulties of hailing from a derided culture, for Puebla’s elite prided themselves on their Spanish heritage and French tastes. Soon Jenkins built a factory of his own, leased others in Mexico City and Querétaro, and by importing secondhand sewing machines cornered the Mexican market for cheap cotton hosiery. By 1910, when the inequalities under Díaz prompted a revolution, Jenkins was worth $1 million.

This chapter explores how ZANU used the creation of a government of national unity (GNU) between 2008 to 2013 to regain control of the political landscape. It tracks the economic and social crises that led to power-sharing, and explores the political dynamics first from the perspective of political parties and then from civil society. We see how church leaders and chiefs were (re-)incorporated into the ZANU discursive project, and how NGOs were marginalized from political discourse. The GNU limited and contained the extremes of political violence and economic crisis. This allowed ZANU to capitalize on its successes, build a new coalition of supporters and regain control of the state through the 2014 general election. Despite an institutional facade of unity, political factionalization deepened, and politics became increasingly driven by a dynamic of "winner takes all."

This chapter builds on the previous chapter's discussion in drawing distinctions between the CISG and English law. This time the chapter considers the remedies for a breach of contract. In the event of non-performance by one of the contracting parties, various remedies are made available to the other under the CISG, largely recognizable by a common lawyer if not always available in the circumstances and to the same extent in English law. There is, however, a major structural difference that should be observed from the outset. English law draws a sharp distinction between breach of contract and the effect on a contract of impossibility or frustrating circumstances.

Long gone are the times when class-based political parties with extensive membership dominated politics. Instead, party politics has become issue-based. Surprisingly few studies have focused on how the issue content of West European party politics has developed over the past decades. Empirically, this books studies party politics in Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, and the UK from 1980 and onwards. The book highlights the more complex party system agenda with the decline, but not disappearance, of macroeconomic issues as well as the rise in ‘new politics’ issues together with education and health care. Moreover, various ‘new politics’ issues such as immigration, the environment, and European integration have seen very different trajectories. To explain the development of the individual issues, the book develops a new theoretical model labelled the ‘issue incentive model’ of party system attention. The aim of the model is to explain how much attention issues get throughout the party system, which is labelled ‘the party system agenda’. To explain the development of the party system agenda, one needs to focus on the incentives that individual policy issues offer to large, mainstream parties, i.e. the typical Social Democratic, Christian Democratic, or Conservative/Liberal parties that have dominated West European governments for decades. The core idea of the model is that the incentives that individual policy issues offer to these vote- and office-seeking parties depend on three factors, namely issue characteristics, issue ownership, and coalition considerations. The issue incentive model builds on and develops a top-down perspective on which the issue content of party politics is determined by the strategic considerations of political parties and their competition with each other.

The failed constitutional reform and the successful electoral reform occurring in Italy between 2003 and 2006 constitute archetypical examples of the dynamics behind divisive institutional reforms conducted through a majoritarian process. The main argument of this chapter is that the very presence of four coalition partners with different priorities has led to the formulation and negotiation of an ever wider bundle of institutional reforms. First, this large bundle has been built in order to accommodate the diverging priorities and preferences of the government coalition by giving something to each party. Second, the very dynamic of trade-offs and the anticipation of the effects of the reforms have led the reformers to include more and more provisions in the deal, eventually evidencing the crucial importance of time management in the final outcome of the two reforms.

The chapter argues that this was a period in which the authoritarian nature of the state was developed and expanded, rather than one of "democratization" or liberalization (as it is often described). It begins by examining how economic challenges led strategies and rhetorics of "nation-building" to become more extreme and exclusive between 1987 and 1997. It then assesses how society responded to these changes. Focusing on the press, elections, opposition parties, unions, churches, students and NGOs, the chapter explores tentative moves to build political coalitions, against a backdrop of political scandals and crises. The chapter focuses on how state institutions generated new legislative control – elections and the judiciary are explored in some detail, alongside the security apparatus and militarization of existing bodies. The final section of the chapter explores how apparent "liberalization" was used as a strategy of divide and rule to weaken and fragment societal groups such as trade unions, academics, students and NGOs.

During the Progressive Era (from the 1890s and to the 1920s), American social reformers invented ways to overcome Constitutional constraints on national action, the limited abilities of state governments, the separation of government powers, and patronage-based political parties. These reformers built new public agencies and reform networks, used grants-in-aid to engage state action, pressed for uniform laws across the states, and urged a leadership role for elected executives. But Constitutional restrictions (as exemplified by the failed campaign against child labor) and trade unions’ refusal to support some reforms (such as health and unemployment insurance) sank important social-policy campaigns. Progressive reformers were most successful in securing maternalist social policy that limited women’s work hours and those of widows with children. The Progressive Era left a legacy of strikingly uneven social provision and stark racial and gender divisions.

This introductory chapter outlines the political achievements and contributions made by black women in the United States between the 1910s and the 1970s. In addition, the chapter focuses on New York City as a setting—given that it was a central hub of progressive politics in the United States as well as the fact that the demographic shifts the city experienced in the first two decades of the twentieth century created significant political and cultural opportunities for African Americans. New York City was fertile ground for stimulating one's mind and sharpening one's political skills. Thus, starting in the 1910s and for the next sixty years, politically active black women not only built networks that sustained them and their communities, but they helped transform the city's and the nation's political parties, its laws, and its legislative bodies.

Constitutional Statecraft in Asian Courts explores how courts engage in constitutional state-building in aspiring yet deeply fragile democracies in Asia. Yvonne Tew offers an in-depth look at contemporary Malaysia and Singapore, explaining how courts protect and construct constitutionalism even as they confront dominant political parties and negotiate democratic transitions. This richly illustrative account offers at once an engaging analysis of Southeast Asia’s constitutional context, as well as a broader narrative that should resonate in many countries across Asia that are also grappling with similar challenges of colonial legacies, histories of authoritarian rule, and societies polarized by race, religion, and identity. The book explores the judicial strategies for statecraft in Asian courts, including an analysis of the specific mechanisms that courts can use to entrench constitutional basic structures and to protect rights in a manner that is purposive and proportionate. Tew’s account shows how courts in Asia’s emerging democracies can chart a path forward to help safeguard a nation’s constitutional core and to build an enduring constitutional framework.

This chapter analyses the background and provisions of the Firearms Protocol. It begins by describing the problem of global trade in small firearms and light weapons to criminal organisations, and outlines international efforts before 2000 to subject the arms trade to formal and informal forms of international and regional regulation. It then summarizes the negotiating history of the Protocol and the provisions of the Protocol as finally adopted by the UN General Assembly, including the travaux préparatoires relating to the most controversial and important provisions. It then discusses the steps taken by the parties to the Protocol to implement it through domestic legislation and international cooperation. The chapter ends with a summary of the major global and regional developments in small arms trade regulation that have supplemented or built upon the Protocol, such as the UN Arms Trade Treaty.

The book Functional English can be viewed as an introductory reading in the domain of functional language, or language used in order to perform certain communicative purposes. Functional language is a concept normally connected with foreign language learners of lower levels and with problems in achieving the designated standards in terms of the four basic language skills. The book is meant to provide a description of the subject matter of Functional English by establishing the basics, as well as the main features and elements of this linguistic domain. The overall objective of the book is to help with the understanding of existing language features sometimes taken for granted, and which may cause communication difficulties. Simultaneously, its ambition is to enable all the interested parties to reaffirm the foundations and build on the existing language repository, in an attempt to achieve a higher level of competence in English used to perform different communicative functions. The term practical language skills within Functional English entails the ability to formulate or articulate one’s communicative message, as well as the ability to interpret correctly or relay clearly to other parties any verbal material relevant to the process of communication. Moreover, being competent in Functional English means being able to select the adequate communication channel or method, where the key factors are the linguistic devices employed, the correlation between the language used and the intended goal, as well as the context of situation and its relation to the audience or the participants in the verbal interaction.

Constitutional rights protect individuals against government overreaching, but that is not all they do. In different ways and to different degrees, constitutional rights also regulate legal relations among private parties in most legal systems. In other words, rights can have not only a vertical effect, within the hierarchical relationship between citizen and state, but also a horizontal one, on the citizen-to-citizen relationships otherwise governed by private law. In every constitutional system with judicially enforceable constitutional rights, courts must make choices about whether, when, and how to give those rights horizontal effect. This book is about how different courts make those choices, and about the consequences that they have. The doctrines that courts build to manage the horizontal effect of rights speak to the most fundamental issues that constitutional systems address, about the nature of rights and of constitutionalism itself. These doctrines can also entrench or enhance judicial power, but in very different ways depending on the legal system. This book offers three case studies, of Germany, the United States, and Canada. For each, it offers a detailed account of the horizontal effect jurisprudence of its apex court—not in isolation, but as a central feature of a broader account of that country’s constitutional development. The case studies show how the choices courts make about horizontal rights reflect existing normative and political realities and, over time, help to shape new ones.

This chapter presents a unified model of legislative elections, parties, and roll call voting, built around a party leadership election. First, a legislative caucus selects a party leader who campaigns based on a platform of a disciplinary system. Once elected, that leader runs the legislative session, in which roll call votes occur. Then elections occur, and incumbents face re-election with the positions they incrementally adopted. When the caucus is ideologically homogeneous, electorally diverse, and policy motivated, members will elect a leader who solves the collective action problem of sincere voting with “preference-preserving influence.” That leader will threaten to punish legislators who bow to electoral pressure to vote as centrists. Consequently, legislators vote sincerely as extremists and get slightly lower vote shares, but they offset that lost utility with policy gains that they couldn’t have gotten without party influence. Party leaders will rarely pressure legislators to vote insincerely.

The EU’s Public Procurement Act builds on the assumptions that the customer has no long-lasting relationship with sellers, that it has a clear idea of what it needs and prefers before the buying decision, and that it is easy to compare offers from various sellers. Such conditions apply to some markets but not to others. According to procurement theories, different types of markets require different procurement strategies. Based on a study of the procurement of management consulting and using procurement theories, we analyse how public procurement officials and their customers handle market situations that do not fit the laws for public procurement. Buyers and sellers of services avoid market rules in various ways: they are able to find compromises and decoupling strategies that lead to reasonably useful deals for both parties. On the other hand, the success of these strategies reduces the incentive to try to change the laws to fit this type of market.

Age of Promises explores the issue of electoral promises in twentieth century Britain—how they were made, how they were understood, and how they evolved across time. It does so through a study of general election manifestos and election addresses. The premise of the book is that a history of the act of making promises—which is central to the political process, but which has not been sufficiently analysed—illuminates the development of political communication and democratic representation. The twentieth century saw a broad shift away from politics viewed as a discursive process whereby, at elections, it was enough to set out broad principles, with detailed policymaking to follow once in office, following reflection and discussion. Over the first part of the century, parties increasingly felt required to compile lists of specific policies to offer to voters and detailed, costed pledges. We live in an age of growing uncertainty over the authority and status of political promises. In the wake of the 2016 EU referendum––during which an (alleged) promise was famously written on the side of a bus––controversy erupted over parliamentary sovereignty. Should ‘the will of the people’ as manifested in the referendum result be supreme, or did MPs owe a primary responsibility to their constituents and/or to the party manifestos on which they had been elected? Age of Promises demonstrates that these debates build on a long history of differing understandings about what status manifestos and addresses should have in shaping the actions of government.

Sixteen states came to be ruled by communist parties during the twentieth century. Only five of them remain in power today. This book explores the nature of communist regimes—what they share in common, how they differ from each other, and how they differentially evolved over time. The book finds that these regimes all came to power in the context of warfare or its aftermath, followed by the consolidation of power by a revolutionary elite that came to value “revolutionary violence” as the preferred means to an end, based upon Marx’s vision of apocalyptic revolution and Lenin’s conception of party organization. All these regimes went on to “build socialism” according to a Stalinist template, and were initially dedicated to “anti-imperialist struggle” as members of a “world communist movement.” But their common features gave way to diversity, difference, and defiance after the death of Joseph Stalin in 1953. For many reasons, and in many ways, those differences soon blew apart the world communist movement. They eventually led to the collapse of European communism. The remains of communism in China, Vietnam, Laos, North Korea, and Cuba were made possible by the first three transforming their economic systems, opening to the capitalist international order, and abandoning “anti-imperialist struggle.” North Korea and Cuba have hung on due to the elites avoiding splits visible to the public. Analytically, the book explores, throughout, the interaction among the internal features of communist regimes (ideology and organization), the interactions among them within the world communist movement, and the interaction of communist states with the broader international order of capitalist powers.

The chapters in Part III, “Eddies,” seek to step behind this justice facade and explore the lived experience of victim participation as well as the ways in which this experience was mediated by another Cambodian intermediary organization, Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam). Chapter 7 builds upon the previous chapters by unpacking how the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) sought to produce a certain liberal democratic, right-bearing juridical subjectivity even as alternative subjectivities also mediated the experience of Cambodians in and around the court. Specifically, Chapter 7 focuses on a non-governmental organization outreach tour, which included attending the first day of two weeks of civil party testimony in which relatives of S-21 victims testified. Three international civil parties—each in many respects exemplary victims embodying the qualities of wound, suffering, helplessness—spoke. Even as they did, it was evident that there were cracks in this justice facade revealing underlying complexities obscured and pushed out of sight. Such fissures were also evident when the outreach participants visited Tuol Sleng and performed a ceremony for the spirits of the dead, highlighting Buddhist subjectivities backgrounded by the juridical process.

This book reveals how the majority of modern liberal democracies have become increasingly oligarchic, suffering from a form of structural political decay first conceptualized by ancient philosophers. The book argues that the problem cannot be blamed on the actions of corrupt politicians but is built into the very fabric of our representative systems. The book provides a compelling and original genealogy of political corruption from ancient to modern thought, and shows how representative democracy was designed to protect the interests of the already rich and powerful to the detriment of the majority. Unable to contain the unrelenting force of oligarchy, especially after experimenting with neoliberal policies, most democracies have been corrupted into oligarchic democracies. The book explains how to reverse this corrupting trajectory by establishing a new counterpower strong enough to control the ruling elites. Building on the anti-oligarchic institutional innovations proposed by plebeian philosophers, the book rethinks the republic as a mixed order in which popular power is institutionalized to check the power of oligarchy. The book demonstrates how a plebeian republic would establish a network of local assemblies with the power to push for reform from the grassroots, independent of political parties and representative government. The book proposes to reverse the decay of democracy with the establishment of anti-oligarchic institutions through which common people can collectively resist the domination of the few.

Framed in debates about the crisis of democracy, the book analyzes one of the most influential social movements of recent times: Spain’s “Indignados” or “15-M” movement. In the wake of the global financial crisis and harsh austerity policies, 15-M movement activists occupied public squares across the country, mobilized millions of Spanish citizens, gave rise to new hybrid parties such as Podemos, and inspired pro-democracy movements around the world. Based on access to key participants in the 15-M movement and Podemos, and extensive participant observation, the book tells the story of this remarkable movement, its emergence, evolution, and impact. In so doing, it challenges some of the core arguments in social movement scholarship about the factors likely to lead to movement success. Instead, the book argues that movements organized around autonomous network logics can build and sustain strong movements in the absence of formal organizations, strong professionalized leadership, and the ability to attract external resources. The key to understanding its power lies in the shared political culture and collective identity that emerged following the occupation of Spain’s central squares. These protest camps sustained the movement by forging reciprocal ties of solidarity between diverse actors, and generating a shared set of critical master frames across a diverse set of actors and issues (e.g., housing, education, pensions, privatization of public services, corruption) that enabled the movement to effectively contest hegemonic narratives about the crisis, austerity, and democracy, influencing public debate and the political agenda.

This book provides a detailed commentary on and analysis of German arbitration law and practice. This title covers both domestic and international arbitration in all its stages. The work details the legal framework for German-related arbitration and provides practical guidance on the appropriate choices, with a specific focus on particularities of German law and practice. The book navigates along the life cycle of an arbitration, commencing with the arbitration agreement, continuing with the arbitral tribunal, the arbitral proceedings and interim relief, and concluding with the arbitral award including its recognition and enforcement. At each stage, the work combines exhaustive legal analysis, clear and concise presentation, and a practical and accessible approach. Arbitration in Germany continues to grow as the country builds on its reputation as a suitable venue for international arbitration. This trend is reflected in the increasing relevance of the German Institution of Arbitration (DIS), which currently has more than 1,150 members domestically and overseas, including numerous major trade organizations and chambers of commerce, leading German companies, judges, lawyers and academics. The number of arbitration cases under the DIS Rules has more than doubled since 2005 while statistics of the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) show that Germany is the fifth most frequently chosen place of arbitration and German law is the fourth most frequently chosen law. Even where the place of arbitration is outside Germany, German arbitration law plays an increasingly important role for the recognition and enforcement of awards. This particular significance is highlighted by Germany's strong export-oriented economy and is mirrored in the fact that German parties are the second most frequently encountered nationality among parties in ICC arbitrations worldwide.

As the tragedy of the Grenfell Tower fire has slowly revealed a shadowy background of outsourcing and deregulation, and a council turning a blind eye to health and safety concerns, many questions need answers. Stuart Hodkinson has those answers. Safe as Houses weaves together Stuart’s research over the last decade with residents’ groups in council regeneration projects across London to provide the first comprehensive account of how Grenfell happened and how it could easily have happened in multiple locations across the country. It draws on different examples of unsafe housing either refurbished or built by private companies under the Private Finance Initiative (PFI) to show the terrible human consequences of outsourcing and deregulation that have enabled developers, banks, and investors to profiteer from highly lucrative, taxpayer-funded contracts. The book also provides shocking testimonies of how councils and other public bodies have continuously sided with their private partners, doing everything in their power to ignore, deflect, and even silence those who speak out. The book concludes that the only way to end the era of unsafe regeneration and housing provision is to end the disastrous regime of self-regulation for good. This means strengthening safety laws, creating new enforcement agencies independent of government and industry, and replacing PFI and similar models of outsourcing with a new model of public housing that treats the provision of shelter as ‘a social service’ democratically accountable to its residents.

Short Circuiting Policy examines clean energy policies to understand why US states are not on track to meet the climate crisis. After two decades of leadership, American states are slipping in their commitment to transition away from dirty fossil fuels toward cleaner energy sources, including wind and solar. The author argues that organized combat between advocate and opponent interest groups is central to explaining why US states have stopped expanding and even started weakening their renewable energy policies. Fossil fuel companies and electric utilities played a key role in spreading climate denial. Now, they have turned to climate delay, working to block clean energy policies from passing or being implemented and driving retrenchment. Clean energy advocates typically lack sufficient power to overcome electric utilities’ opposition to climate policy. Short Circuiting Policy builds on policy feedback theory, showing the conditions under which retrenchment is more likely. Depending on their relative political influence, interest groups will work to drive retrenchment either directly by working with legislators, their staff, and regulators or indirectly through the parties, the public, and the courts. Also, the likely effects of policies are not easy to predict—an effect termed “the fog of enactment.” But over time, federated interest groups can learn to anticipate policies’ consequences through networks that cross state lines. Examining US energy policy over the past century, and Texas’s, Kansas’s, Arizona’s, and Ohio’s clean energy laws in the twenty-first century, the author shows how opponents have thwarted progress on climate policy.

The ways in which citizens experience politics on social media have overall positive implications for political participation and equality in Western democracies. This book investigates the relationship between political experiences on social media and institutional political participation based on custom-built post-election surveys on samples representative of Internet users in Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States between 2015 and 2018. On the whole, social media do not constitute echo chambers, as most users see a mixture of political content they agree and disagree with. Social media also facilitate accidental encounters with news and exposure to electoral mobilization among substantial numbers of users. Furthermore, political experiences on social media have relevant implications for participation. Seeing political messages that reinforce one’s viewpoints, accidentally encountering political news, and being targeted by electoral mobilization on social media are all positively associated with participation. Importantly, these political experiences enhance participation, especially among citizens who are less politically involved. Conversely, the participatory benefits of social media do not vary based on users’ ideological preferences and on whether they voted for populist parties. Finally, political institutions matter, as some political experiences on social media are more strongly associated with participation in majoritarian systems and in party-centric systems. While social media may be part of many societal problems, they can contribute to the solution to at least two important democratic ills—citizens’ disconnection from politics and inequalities between those who choose to exercise their voice and those who remain silent.

Climate change adaptation is the ability of a society or a natural system to adjust to the (changing) conditions that support life in a certain climate region, including weather extremes in that region. The current discussion on climate change adaptation began in the 1990s, with the publication of the Assessment Reports of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). Since the beginning of the 21st century, most countries, and many regions and municipalities have started to develop and implement climate change adaptation strategies and plans. But since the implementation of adaptation measures must be planned and conducted at the local level, a major challenge is to actually implement adaptation to climate change in practice. One challenge is that scientific results are mainly published on international or national levels, and political guidelines are written at transnational (e.g., European Union), national, or regional levels—these scientific results must be downscaled, interpreted, and adapted to local municipal or community levels. Needless to say, the challenges for implementation are also rooted in a large number of uncertainties, from long time spans to matters of scale, as well as in economic, political, and social interests. From a human perspective, climate change impacts occur rather slowly, while local decision makers are engaged with daily business over much shorter time spans.Among the obstacles to implementing adaptation measures to climate change are three major groups of uncertainties: (a) the uncertainties surrounding the development of our future climate, which include the exact climate sensitivity of anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions, the reliability of emission scenarios and underlying storylines, and inherent uncertainties in climate models; (b) uncertainties about anthropogenically induced climate change impacts (e.g., long-term sea level changes, changing weather patterns, and extreme events); and (c) uncertainties about the future development of socioeconomic and political structures as well as legislative frameworks.Besides slow changes, such as changing sea levels and vegetation zones, extreme events (natural hazards) are a factor of major importance. Many societies and their socioeconomic systems are not properly adapted to their current climate zones (e.g., intensive agriculture in dry zones) or to extreme events (e.g., housing built in flood-prone areas). Adaptation measures can be successful only by gaining common societal agreement on their necessity and overall benefit. Ideally, climate change adaptation measures are combined with disaster risk reduction measures to enhance resilience on short, medium, and long time scales.The role of uncertainties and time horizons is addressed by developing climate change adaptation measures on community level and in close cooperation with local actors and stakeholders, focusing on strengthening resilience by addressing current and emerging vulnerability patterns. Successful adaptation measures are usually achieved by developing “no-regret” measures, in other words—measures that have at least one function of immediate social and/or economic benefit as well as long-term, future benefits. To identify socially acceptable and financially viable adaptation measures successfully, it is useful to employ participatory tools that give all involved parties and decision makers the possibility to engage in the process of identifying adaptation measures that best fit collective needs.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.