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Journal articles on the topic 'Bukharin'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Kowalenko, Nadezhda. "Bukharin's Response to the “Lessons of October” as a Reflection of Views in the Internal Party Discussion (1920s)." ISTORIYA 13, no. 5 (115) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840019083-0.

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The article discusses the work of N. I. Bukharin “How not to write the history of October”. The work is a response to L. D. Trotsky’s famous work “Lessons of October” and contains Bukharin’s retrospective view of one of the most important episodes in the history of the party — the October armed uprising. The text of the work, it seems, helps to understand Bukharin’s positions in the intra-party discussion with Trotsky and the left opposition led by him and complements other works of Bukharin (in the 1920s, the leading ideologist of the party), created by him in polemics with the left and devoted directly to party building. The article aims to analyze this Bukharin text and analyze Bukharin’s perception of October Eve as the most important episode in the life of the party.

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2

Reese, Roger R. "Red Army Opposition to Forced Collectivization, 1929-1930: The Army Wavers." Slavic Review 55, no. 1 (1996): 24–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500977.

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Some years ago, in his biography of Nikolai Bukharin, Stephen Cohen postulated that there was a reservoir of latent support in the Party's rural and urban cadres for Bukharin's moderate alternative to Stalin's rapid industrialization and the forced collectivization of agriculture of the first five-year plan. Cohen did not suspect that potential support for Bukharin and his policies of gradual industrialization and retention of private farming also existed in the Red Army's company and battalion party cells, as well as among some regimental leadership of the political administration of the Red Army (PUR). At first glance, Cohen's seems to have been a natural omission; after all, the army, with its hierarchy of commissars and political officers (politruki) ostensibly dedicated to the general line of the Party, appeared obedient and loyal to the dictates of the party Central Committee. PUR showed apparently little interest in the struggle between Stalin and Bukharin over future industrial policy.

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3

Pavlov, N. V., and M. L. Fedorov. "Nikolai Ivanovich Bukharin." Soviet Review 31, no. 4 (July 1990): 53–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rss1061-1428310453.

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4

Shkarenkov, Leonid Konstantinovich. "Nikolai Ivanovich Bukharin." Soviet Studies in History 28, no. 4 (April 1990): 40–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rsh1061-1983280440.

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5

Pavlov, N. V., and M. L. Fedorov. "Nikolai Ivanovich Bukharin." Soviet Studies in History 28, no. 4 (April 1990): 74–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rsh1061-1983280474.

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6

Omodeo, Pietro D. "After Nikolai Bukharin." History of the Human Sciences 29, no. 4-5 (October 2016): 13–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952695116667866.

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7

Marzani, Carl. "Back to Bukharin." Monthly Review 36, no. 11 (April 4, 1985): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-036-11-1985-04_4.

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8

Lih, Lars T., and Donny Gluckstein. "The Tragedy of Bukharin." Russian Review 55, no. 1 (January 1996): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/131937.

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9

White, James D. "Chinese studies of Bukharin." Soviet Studies 43, no. 4 (January 1991): 733–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668139108411958.

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10

Пинчук, В. Н. "N. I. BUKHARIN’S SOVIET MARXIST PHILOSOPHY IN 1917–1928." Вестник Рязанского государственного университета имени С.А. Есенина, no. 1(66) (June 8, 2020): 13–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.37724/rsu.2020.66.1.002.

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Анализируются мировоззренческие взгляды видного представителя советской номенклатуры Николая Ивановича Бухарина, который, наряду с В. И. Лениным, И. В. Сталиным, Л. Д. Троцким, Л. Б. Каменевым, Г. Е. Зиновьевым и А. В. Луначарским, входил в так называемый круг большевистских вождей. В отличие от многих высокопоставленных советских чиновников его отличали философская эрудиция и талант публициста. Его мировоззрение существенным образом повлияло на проведение внутренней и внешней политики Советского государства в 1917–1928 годах. В работах Бухарина в полной мере отражены его аксиологические, гносеологические и этические позиции. Так, для Бухарина главной политической ценностью является пролетарская диктатура, основным в гносеологии объявляется диалектический материализм, а этика большевистской власти вполне допускает «пролетарское принуждение», в том числе и расстрелы. Проведенное исследование позволило выявить, что Бухарин, как и все другие советские государственные деятели, являлся ортодоксальным марксистом, для которого авторитет Ленина был непререкаем. Вместе с тем его философское мировоззрение достаточно оригинально, о чем свидетельствуют его попытки классифицировать «фальсификации» марксизма, разделяя их на «фаталистический и примиренческий» марксизм, предложить четыре фазы смены капитализма социализмом как революции (идеологическая, политическая, экономическая и техническая) и ввести теорию равновесия в исторический процесс. Являясь главным теоретиком отечественного марксизма после смерти Ленина Бухарин объявляет идеализм всего лишь формой религии, который успешно преодолевается наукой и материализмом. Будучи руководителем Коммунистического интернационала, он пропагандировал, в частности в докладе 1928 года на VI конгрессе Коминтерна, глобалистскую идею коммунистов всех стран о необходимости установления мировой диктатуры пролетариата путем проведения пролетарских революций и мировой революции. The article analyzes the worldview of an outstanding Soviet philosopher Nikolay Ivanovich Bukharin, who was one of the Bolshevik leaders together with V. I. Lenin, I. V. Stalin, L. D. Trotsky, L. B. Kamenev, G. E. Zinoviev, and A. V. Lunacharsky. Unlike many other high-ranking officials, Nikolay Ivanovich Bukharin was renowned for his philosophical erudition and genuine journalistic talent. His worldview greatly influenced the Soviet Union’s domestic and foreign policy in 1917–1928. N. I. Bukharin’s works reflected the philosopher’s axiological, gnoseological and ethical views. Proletarian dictatorship was N. I. Bukharin’s major political value. Dialectical Marxism determined his gnoseological views. The ethics of Bolshevism evinced a high tolerance for proletarian violence. The present research shows that N. I. Bukharin was not unlike other Soviet officials in his adherence to orthodox Marxism and his worship of Lenin. However, N. I. Bukharin’s philosophical approach was rather unique. Thus, he attempted to classify some falsifications of Marxism, distinguished between fatalistic Marxism and conciliatory Marxism, spoke about four phases of the transition from capitalism to socialism (ideological, political, economic, and technical), and introduced the theory of historical balance. Being a leading theoretician of Soviet Marxism, Bukharin stated that idealism was a mere form of religion and, therefore, was to be replaced with scientific materialism. Delivering a report to the 6th Congress of the Communist International in 1928, he underlined the necessity of fighting for global proletarian dictatorship by means of proletarian revolutions and world revolutions.

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11

CENGİZ, Mehmet. "An Analysis On Bukhari's (D. 256/870) Fıqhi and Usuli Identity:Specific To Ijma and Qıyas (Comparison)." ULUM 4, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 335–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.54659/ulum.1023215.

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Abstract Bukhari, regarded fiqhu'l-hadith defender in third Hijri and best ahlu’l-hadith representative, is distinguished scholar having “faqih” identity just as “muhaddis” identity. Almost period’s scholars when he lived emphasized seriously on Bukhari’s fiqh identity. Nonetheless, Bukhari's work “al-Camiu's-Sahih”, most reliable book after Qur'an, shows us he has unique istinbat’s methodology. Thus, it is said “Bukhari's fiqh is in chapters”. In study, aim is to determine Bukhari’s methodologcal identity in terms of ijmâ and qiyas from edul-i-shar’iyye. Because Bukhari uses different legal language by using concept “luzûmü'l-cemâat” instead ijma concept used in established method and interpreting with “ahlü'l-ilm” concept. In addition, “Does Bukhari accept qiyas as evidence or does he reject qiyas validity?” an answer to question sought, it is seen he acts within framework of a method accepting evidence dependant on place and rejects it dependant on place. In study, it will be tried to analyze Bukhari’s methodological views on ijmâ issues, Madina’s ijma people, sükûtî ijma and qiyas substantiveness, taking into account Bukhari commentators’ comments and trying to reveal fıqhı/usuli identity.

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12

Khamidov, Obidjon Khafizovich, and Komiljon Rakhmatovich Rakhimov. "THE SCIEN THE SCIENTIST, WHO H , WHO HAS MADE BUKH ADE BUKHARA THE “DOME OF ARA THE “DOME OF ISLAM”." Scientific Reports of Bukhara State University 3, no. 2 (February 28, 2019): 158–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.52297/2181-1466/2019/3/2/13.

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This article describes the famous scientist from Bukhara, Abu Hafs Kabir-Khazrati Imam Bukhari, who has made Bukhara the "dome of Islam". The whole Islamic world is known by the name of Abu Hafs Kabir Bukhari great fikhshunos and philosopher, theologian, the great muhaddis, , the Sultan of the scribes and the captain, Imam Bukhari's contemporaries and mentor Abu Hafs Ahmad ibn Hafs ibn Zibarqan ibn Abdullah ibn Bahr al-Kabir Al-Ijliy al-Bukhari Al-Faqih Al-Hanafi

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13

Dore, M. "Nikolai Ivanovich Bukharin: A Centenary Appraisal." History of Political Economy 24, no. 1 (January 1, 1992): 254–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-24-1-254.

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14

Salter, J. "N.I. Bukharin and the Market Question." History of Political Economy 22, no. 1 (March 1, 1990): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-22-1-65.

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15

Hunter, Holland. "Nikolai Ivanovich Bukharin: A centenary appraisal." Journal of Comparative Economics 15, no. 3 (September 1991): 529. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0147-5967(91)90039-v.

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16

Freire, José Carlos. "Gramsci e a filosofia política de seu tempo." Griot : Revista de Filosofia 3, no. 1 (June 14, 2011): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31977/grirfi.v3i1.494.

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O presente artigo procura refletir sobre o modo pelo qual Gramsci debate com os autores de seu tempo, a fim de recolocar o marxismo no terreno da história e da dialética. Tomamos como referência o confronto de Gramsci com o neo-idealismo italiano, representado por Benedetto Croce, e com o marxismo economicista, representado por Nicolai Bukharin. Com isso, procuraremos analisar se Gramsci seria autenticamente um marxista ou, dito de outro modo, até que ponto ele teria se afastado de Marx pela aproximação a Hegel. O confronto de Gramsci com o neo-idealismo de Croce e o determinismo de Bukharin evidenciará, como veremos, sua perspectiva crítica.

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17

Gilberg, Trond, and Aleksander Kan. "Nikolai Bukharin and the Scandinavian Labor Movement." American Historical Review 99, no. 1 (February 1994): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166257.

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18

Kononov, Illia F. "Nikolay Bukharin: Sociology and Theory of Socialism." Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniya, no. 5 (May 2021): 117–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013216250014305-8.

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19

Skordoulis, Constantine D. "Bukharin and the Social Study of Science." Studies in East European Thought 67, no. 1-2 (May 21, 2015): 75–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11212-015-9230-9.

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20

McNally, Mark. "Revisiting the Gramsci–Bukharin relationship: Neglected symmetries." History of European Ideas 37, no. 3 (September 2011): 365–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.histeuroideas.2010.12.003.

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21

Cummings, Jordan Louis. "What if Bukharin and Trotsky Had Made Friends?" Socialism and Democracy 27, no. 2 (July 2013): 181–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08854300.2013.795261.

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22

Liebich, André. "“I Am the Last”—Memories of Bukharin in Paris." Slavic Review 51, no. 4 (1992): 767–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500137.

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23

Bordiugov, G. A., and V. A. Kozlov. "The Turning Point of 1929 and the Bukharin Alternative." Soviet Studies in History 28, no. 4 (April 1990): 8–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rsh1061-198328048.

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24

Biggart, John. "Bukharin and the origins of the ‘proletarian culture’ debate." Soviet Studies 39, no. 2 (April 1987): 229–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668138708411687.

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25

Forrester, Sibelan. "How it All Began: The Prison Novelby Nikolai Bukharin." Translation Review 56, no. 1 (November 1998): 91–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07374836.1998.10524079.

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26

Kozlov, Nicholas N. "Nikolai Ivanovich Bukharin: Reconsiderations on a 'neo-Narodnik litterateur'." Review of Radical Political Economics 17, no. 4 (December 1985): 28–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/048661348501700403.

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27

Lih, Lars T. "The Mystery of the ABC." Slavic Review 56, no. 1 (1997): 50–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500655.

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Bukharin in 1917-1920 was one of those who suggested an extremely radical line of instant socialism… a Utopian and optimistic set of ideas concerning a leap into socialism, which would seem to have little to do with the reality of hunger and cold.Alec Nove, An Economic History of the USSR, 1969

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28

Ulunyan, Artyom. "The British Non-Recognition of Bukhara's Independence in 1922: Assessments, Forecasts, and Mechanism." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 1 (2022): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018264-8.

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The article examines the British vision and assessments of the situation in Bukhara in the winter of 1921–1922, immediately after the split of the Union of Bolsheviks and Young Bukharians, which previously led to the creation of the so-called Bukhara People's Soviet Republic in the fall of 1920. Drawing on British archival sources, the article examines the decision-making process and projections for future development and outlines the mechanism of interaction between the various institutions of the British Indian administration and its decisions regarding Anglo-Bukharian relations. The United Kingdom needed to prevent any threat to its Indian possessions. Therefore, the recognition of the independent statehood of Bukhara immediately after the overthrow of the emir by the Bolsheviks and the Young Bukharans, and the establishment of the pro-Soviet regime, became particularly important. The problem of recognition affected a wide range of issues, including British positions in the East, its relations with individual countries of the region, primarily with Afghanistan, and the establishment of relations with Soviet Russia, which, on the one hand, showed its interest in promoting them, and on the other, engaged in anti-British activities in the East with an emphasis on India. The Afghan authorities, pursuing their own goals in Central Asia, persistently appealed to the British to recognize the independence of Bukhara, referring to the Soviet and Afghan examples. British diplomats reacted cautiously to all appeals, without losing sight of the Afghan plans and goals of London. Their final refusal to participate in the Bukhara chaos is caused, to a greater extent, by the lack of a real force on which the British could rely. Thus, the very idea of British recognition turned out to be unviable because of the nature of the puppet regime established in the BNSR, and because of the unwillingness of the British to aggravate their relations with Soviet Russia.

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29

Hidas, Peter I. "Soviet and Hungarian Historians About Trotsky, Bukharin, Zinov'Ev and Radek." East Central Europe 16, no. 1-2 (1989): 153–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633089x00104.

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30

Day, Richard B. "The blackmail of the single alternative: Bukharin, Trotsky and Perestrojka." Studies in Soviet Thought 40, no. 1-3 (1990): 159–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00818977.

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31

Golubev, E. B. "On One Significant Fragment of N. I. Bukharin’s Report at the XIII Congress of the RCP(b): Talgenism pro et contra." Modern History of Russia 12, no. 1 (2022): 185–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.111.

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Talgenism, as a new teaching method, was discussed at the XIII Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) in N. I. Bukharin’s report “On work among young people” in 1924. This article analyzes details and presumed possible consequences of that critical speech against Talgenism. Bukharin’s criticism became well-known among the pedagogical community more than thirty years ago after half a century of oblivion. Then, in the late 1980s, the study of the history of the discovery and spread of the unique method of collective mutual learning of A. G. Rivin (Talgenism) began. Materials of followers and supporters, and also of opponents of A. G. Rivin, were found in archives, magazines, newspapers, and books. Bukharin’s critical speech was also discovered. However, at the same time, an opinion formed among teachers that the result of such a crushing “rout” (at the party congress) was immediate: the criticized material was seized and extirpated. The author argues that this position is erroneous, as he discovered an article by A. Vyshnepolskaya on Talgenism, which Bukharin criticized at the congress, in the archival collection of the Russian National Library. In addition, it became possible to find important details about the author of the text and the publication itself and put it into circulation. The analysis of the relationship between power and education in 1920–1930 is carried out and reveals assumptions about the reasons for criticism of the new teaching method, and the virtues of Talgenism are analyzed. The article is provided with information about the fate of the Moscow Committee of party personnel, whose work was criticized at the congress.

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32

Коваленко, Н. В. "Н.И. БУХАРИН О ЛИТЕРАТУРНОМ ПРОЦЕССЕ И ЛИТЕРАТУРНОЙ ПОЛИТИКЕ В ПОСЛЕРЕВОЛЮЦИОННЫЙ ПЕРИОД." Диалог со временем, no. 79(79) (August 20, 2022): 88–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2022.79.79.005.

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Выступление Н.И. Бухарина на литературном совещании 1925 г. отражает идеи в области литературной политики как части системы взглядов на развитие культуры и становление новой социокультурной модели в послереволюционный период. Анализ текста показал, что основой взглядов Бухарина было сочетание заимствованных им у А.А. Богданова представлений об обществе как о системе взаимосвязанных элементов и о классовой культуре и его собственных представлений о культурном «созревании» пролетариата как класса уже после революции, а также о переходном периоде между капитализмом и социализмом как об отдельном историческом этапе. In this paper the author examines the speech of N. I. Bukharin at the literary conference of 1925, which reflected his ideas in the field of literary policy as part of the system of views on the development of culture and the formation of a new socio-cultural model in the post-revolutionary period. The analysis of the text showed that the basis of these views of Bukharin was a combination of the ideas he borrowed from A.A. Bogdanov about society as a system of interrelated elements and about class proletarian culture and his own ideas about the cultural «maturation» of the proletariat as a class already after the revolution, as well as about the transition period between capitalism and socialism as a separate historical stage.

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33

Amin, Samir. "Contemporary Imperialism." Monthly Review 67, no. 3 (July 2, 2015): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-067-03-2015-07_2.

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Lenin, Bukharin, Stalin, and Trotsky in Russia, as well as Mao, Zhou Enlai, and Den Xiaoping in China, shaped the history of the two great revolutions of the twentieth century. As leaders of revolutionary communist parties and then later as leaders of revolutionary states, they were confronted with the problems faced by a triumphant revolution in countries of peripheral capitalism and forced to "revise"…the theses inherited from the historical Marxism of the Second International.… With the benefit of hindsight, I will indicate here the limitations of their analyses. Lenin and Bukharin considered imperialism to be a new stage ("the highest") of capitalism associated with the development of monopolies. I question this thesis and contend that historical capitalism has always been imperialist, in the sense that it has led to a polarization between centers and peripheries since its origin (the sixteenth century), which has only increased over the course of its later globalized development.<p class="mrlink"><p class="mrpurchaselink"><a href="http://monthlyreview.org/index/volume-67-number-3" title="Vol. 67, No. 3: July 2015" target="_self">Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the <em>Monthly Review</em> website.</a></p>

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34

Rogozhnikova, Tatiana. "Suggestive Resources of Complex Verbal Models." SHS Web of Conferences 50 (2018): 01146. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20185001146.

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The article describes the results obtained in the decoding process of the suggestive potential of verbal models. A verbal model is defined by the author as a materialised model of any complexity level (sound-letter, word, text), bearing an inner form through the outer manifestation of which latent information content and resource of impact of a particular model is implemented. Any text is considered as a “translator” from the language of idiostates to the language of reality control. For the article the author has selected the examples which are centered around the texts written by N. I. Bukharin during the most complicated period of his life. The author discussed the dramatic result of the collision of two and more suggestions: suggestively strong intense texts created by N. I. Bukharin and the Powers reaction on them. One more group of the analyzed texts covers the quatrains (mantras), which were used for preparing warriors in medieval China. The author has made the model of the suggestive effect trajectory of sound-resonant sets of the given quatrains and has traced the picture of unusual brain rhythmic activity which appears in the course of the intensive multiple repeating of the texts by the training recruits.

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35

Podoksenov, A. M., and V. А. Telkova. "Prishvin and Bukharin: Drama of Soviet Leader as Seen by Writer." Nauchnyi dialog 11, no. 3 (April 28, 2022): 301–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2022-11-3-301-318.

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The ideological and political context of M. Prishvin’s views on the life of Soviet society and his assessment of the activities of N. I. Bukharin after the October Revolution are studied. The study of Prishvin’s diary works will contribute to an unbiased and objective idea of the writer’s ideological position and of his artistic heritage as a whole. It is shown how, in the course of applying the artistic images and ideas of F. M. Dostoevsky to the analysis of the leaders of Bolshevism activities and destinies, Prishvin comes to the conclusion that the organizers and inspirers of social violence against people will inevitably die, becoming victims of their own destructive ideas. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the 18-volume “Diary” of the writer, previously unpublished due to censorship restrictions, which became available to readers only in the post-Soviet period. It is shown that the fanaticism of serving the idea of the class struggle gives rise to the moral inferiority of the party-state elite, from whose midst come Stalin’s rivals — “pretenders for power”. For the first time in Prishvin studies, an attempt was made to show how, using the example of the fate of Bukharin, a typical representative of the BolshevikLeninists, the writer reveals not only the tragic inconsistency of his beliefs, but also draws historiosophical conclusions about the internal flaws of the revolutionary ideology.

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Lih, Lars T. "Political Testament of Lenin and Bukharin and the Meaning of NEP." Slavic Review 50, no. 2 (1991): 241–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500200.

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Lenin's last writings have given rise to a surprising range of interpretations. Despite this diversity, consensus holds that in these articles Lenin was striking new ground, extending his critique of war communism, and deepening his conception of the New Economic Policy. Another widely held view is that Nikolai Bukharin, inspired by the last articles, went further down the path opened by Lenin. Few agree about the content of Lenin's new direction, although one may note the following coincidence: Lenin is always seen as rejecting whatever the author in question does not like about original Bolshevism.

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Skagestad, Peter. "On history's witness stand: Rubashov, Bukharin, and the logic of totalitarianism." Inquiry 31, no. 1 (January 1988): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00201748808602136.

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Klyushkin, I. V., E. E. Krasnoshchekova, K. T. Valeeva, and M. N. Nasrullaev. "Assessment of the immunological status in patients of a surgical hospital." Kazan medical journal 74, no. 3 (June 15, 1993): 218–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/kazmj64704.

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In patients with a surgical profile, the humoral link of the immune system was studied for the production of 3 classes of immunoglobulins (IgA, IgM, IgG), the formation of circulating immune complexes (CIC), bactericidal activity of blood serum (BASK) in comparison with the clinical picture of the disease. Serum immunoglobulins were determined according to Mancini, CEC by the conventional method according to D. K. Novikov (1987), BASK by the method of V. I. Nikitenko and O. V. Bukharin.

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39

Tychinskikh, Z. A. "Where did the Tobolsk and Tyumen Bukharans “disappear” to (historical and demographic characteristic of the ethno-estate group at the end of the 19th — first third of the 20th c.)." VESTNIK ARHEOLOGII, ANTROPOLOGII I ETNOGRAFII, no. 2(57) (June 15, 2022): 202–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.20874/2071-0437-2022-57-2-16.

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One of the significant ethnic components that became part of the Siberian-Tatar community at the later stages of ethnogenesis were Bukharans / Siberian Bukharans. This ethnic group emerged in Western Siberia during the 16th–19th centuries from migrants from Central Asia. Despite the considerable amount of research on the Siberian Bukharans, transformation of this ethno-estate group in the twentieth century and the process of its inclusion into the group of Siberian Tatars remain an underexplored question. The aim of this work is to study the ethno-demographic processes that took place among the Siberian Bukharians at the end of the 19th — first third of the 20th century. Based on the materials of the First General Census of 1897, the All-Union Census of 1926, and other statistical sources, historical and demographic characteristics of the Bukharan population of Western Siberia at the end of the 19th — first third of the 20th century are given. The dynamics of changes in their numbers, settling and composition that had occurred since the end of the 19th century is considered. Special attention is paid to the problem of assimilation of the Bukharans by the Siberian Tatars in the aspect of the question of their “disappearance” in the districts of the Ural Region according to the Census of 1926. It has been revealed that, as a result of the zoning carried out in the 1920s by the Soviet state, the accounting system of the Bukharans and Tatars changed. The problem of the specifics of the tax relations of different estates of the Turkic-Tatar popula-tion, which existed earlier, disappeared with the arrival of the new government and the change in realities. The former settlements of the Tatars and Bukharans were distributed according to the territorial principle, since the state no longer saw any differences between the indigenous Siberian Tatars and Bukharans. In this connection, there appeared a “distribution” of the Bukharans and Tatars by districts, which did not coincide with the actual places of their traditional residence. As a result, there was an increase in the Bukharans in the Tarsky district due to the Tatar population of the district, whereas the former Bukharan population of the Tobolsk and Tyumen dis-tricts was counted as Tatars in the Census of 1926.

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Chattopadhyay, Paresh. "Capitalism as Socialism in the Early Soviet Doctrine: Lenin, Trotsky, Bukharin, Preobrazhensky." Review of Radical Political Economics 28, no. 3 (September 1996): 74–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/048661349602800306.

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Sabadini, Mauricio de Souza, and Fábio Antonio De Campos. "capital financeiro na origem do imperialismo." Revista Fim do Mundo, no. 6 (December 21, 2021): 21–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2675-3871.2021.v2n6.p21-52.

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O objetivo deste artigo é discutir a categoria capital financeiro, tendo como referência sua utilização no debate clássico do imperialismo. Para isso, revisitaremos autores centrais da interpretação fundante do imperialismo, como Hilferding, Hobson, Bukharin, Rosa Luxemburgo, Kautsky e Lenin, procurando apontar as possibilidades e os limites da utilização desta categoria na apreensão de fenômenos específicos do capitalismo. Ao mesmo tempo, procuraremos também indicar a importância da mediação teórica para uma adequada compreensão das relações concretas do capital financeiro, de modo a historicizar a categoria dentro do contexto socioeconômico da época.

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Windholz, George. "I.P. Pavlov vs. N.I. Bukharin: The critical mind and the arrogance of power." Integrative Physiological and Behavioral Science 28, no. 2 (April 1993): 143–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02691217.

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Apalkov, D. I. "ON THE ROLE OF GRIGORY ORDZHONIKIDZE IN THE INNER-PARTY STRUGGLE OF THE 1920s." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 3(58) (2022): 193–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2022-3-193-198.

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The article examines the role of Grigory Ordzhonikidze in the inner-party struggle of the 1920s. The purpose of the article is to determine what position Ordzhonikidze held at different stages of the inner-party struggle. The transcripts and other documents of the leadership of the Bolshevik Party, stored in the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History (RGASPI), became the basis for the research. Contrary to the popular opinion in historiography, the author states that Ordzhonikidze acted independently and was not an obedient satellite of Joseph Stalin during the inner-party struggle. After being appointed the Chairman of the Central Control Commission, he tried to some extent to alleviate the severity of political conflicts and prevent the use of harsh punishments against Stalin's opponents. There is a version in historiography according to which in 1928, during the conflict between Stalin and the Rykov – Bukharin group, Ordzhonikidze initially supported the «right wing» of the Politburo, but then suddenly revised his views and supported Stalin’s position. Based on the analysis of archival documents, the author concludes that this statement is invalid. At the same time, Ordzhonikidze, although he was on friendly terms with Stalin and shared his views on the peasant question had a conciliatory attitude and was inclined to seek a compromise with the «right». Ordzhonikidze's conciliatory attitude disappeared after the Trotskyists published a recording of a secret conversation between N. I. Bukharin and L. B. Kamenev. This compromising material formed among the Bolshevik leadership the perception of the «right wing» of the Politburo as an opposition group capable of splitting the «monolithic unity» of the party. For this reason, at the beginning of 1929, when the supreme party court over the «right» was held at the joint meetings of the Politburo and the Presidium of the Central Control Commission, Ordzhonikidze acted as one of the main accusers.

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Beilharz, Peter. "M. Haynes, Nikolai Bukharin and the Transition from Capitalism to Socialism (Croom Helm, 1985)." Thesis Eleven 18-19, no. 1 (August 1987): 232. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/072551368701800124.

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Skradol, Natalia. "“There Is Nothing Funny about It”: Laughing Law at Stalin's Party Plenum." Slavic Review 70, no. 2 (2011): 334–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.70.2.0334.

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In this article, Natalia Skradol analyzes the laughing interventions of the participants at the Russian Communist Party plenum in 1937 at which Nikolai Bukharin was charged with conspiring against the leaders of the state. The era of high Stalinism was a state of exception, where the production and administration of law was based on unacknowledged ad hoc considerations that took shape only in the direct verbal interactions between participants. Thus the laughter at the plenum was completely consistent with laughter's function as a consolidating force among those representing the Stalinist system of legality. Elements of comedy made it possible for mechanisms of oppression to be exercised unhindered, without being framed, or limited, by any mediating factors.

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Furr, Grover. "Yezhov vs. Stalin: The Causes of the Mass Repressions of 1937–1938 in the USSR." Journal of Labor and Society 20, no. 3 (December 11, 2017): 325–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24714607-02003004.

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This article outlines the causes of the mass repressions of 1937–1938 in the Soviet Union. Primary-source evidence strongly supports the hypothesis that these repressions were the result of anti-Stalin conspiracies by two groups, which overlapped somewhat: the political Opposition of supporters of Grigorii Zinoviev, of Trotskyists, of Rightists (Bukharin, Rykov, and their adherents); and of military men (Marshal Mikhail Tukhachevsky and others); and high-ranking Party leaders, nominally supporters of Stalin, who opposed the democratic aspects of the “Stalin” Constitution of 1936. It discusses Stalin’s struggle for democratic reform and its defeat. The prevailing “anti-Stalin paradigm” of Soviet history is exposed as the reason mainstream scholarship has failed to understand the mass repressions, misnamed “Great Terror.”

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Åslund, Anders. "Politics, Murder, and Love in Stalin's Kremlin: The Story of Nikolai Bukharin and Anna Larina." Europe-Asia Studies 64, no. 7 (September 2012): 1323–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2012.701385.

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Kößler, Reinhart. "Imperialismus und Globalisierung." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 33, no. 133 (December 1, 2003): 521–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v33i133.649.

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The article revisits classical theory of imperialism, stressing the commonalities in seeing imperialism as an outgrowth of the basic dynamics and restructuring of capitalism, as well as the controversy over the conceptualisation of this dynamic. During World War I, the Bolshevik theorists, Bukharin and Lenin, took up the theme and gave it important twists that had grave consequences, both for later Comintern policy and for Soviet planning practice. In comparison to the classical theories, conceptualisations of globalisation address a similar, though also markedly changed situation in much more complex ways. The article discusses mainly the issues of the state and US hegemony, in connection with claims for a resuscitation of Kautsky's concept of ultra-imperialism and the different forms of wars that haunt the present, in contradistinction to the early 20th century.

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Pereira, Vinícius Vieira. "As primeiras preocupações com a periferia do sistema capitalista nas teses do imperialismo de Kautsky e Bukharin." Nova Economia 27, no. 2 (August 2017): 51–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0103-6351/3012.

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Resumo: A partir das contribuições de Karl Kautsky e Nikolai Bukharin, datadas das primeiras décadas do século XX, bem como de toda herança que guardam das ideias originárias de Marx, o artigo analisa como esses dois teóricos interpretaram os efeitos do processo histórico de expansão mundial das relações burguesas de produção sobre as regiões ainda não capitalistas do globo, as mesmas que, posteriormente, passariam a ser tratadas sob o amplo conceito de periferia. Diante de um cenário de autêntico imperialismo capitalista, buscar-se-á resgatar as impressões e preocupações que levaram ambos os autores à percepção ideal de um processo real de polarização da economia mundial em um centro, desenvolvido e rico, e em uma periferia, pobre e retardatária, argumento que dominaria as discussões desenvolvimentistas algumas décadas depois.

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Perabo, Betsy. "The disposition of fissile materials: An extended interview with Oleg Bukharin, Thomas Cochran, and Wolfgang Panofsky." Nonproliferation Review 1, no. 2 (March 1994): 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10736709408436538.

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