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1

Bourgeois, Thomas Charles. "Instantiative phonology." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/185709.

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Instantiative Phonology presents a model of grammatical organization whose conceptual orientation arises from the Communication System Hypothesis, the notion that natural languages are communication systems and as such have properties predicted by the Mathematical Theory of Communication (Shannon 1948). Following from this general notion is the empirical hypothesis that phonological processes identify the carriers of grammatical information and instantiate the grammatical constituents of a particular language. The thesis concerns itself with evaluating the empirical relevance of this Hypothesis of Instantiation with respect to grammatical systems. Initially, this research develops a learning mechanism with the capacity to learn a fragment of the purely phonologically conditioned rules of American English based solely on their output in a phonetic representation. While this learner demonstrates sufficient capacity to learn the fragment of American English, it cannot learn the details of this fragment if its rules apply in some order other than that supported by attested data. The properties of this learning mechanism are then used to inform the internal organization of the formal aspects of the model. This model emerges with several desirable properties, including a very restrictive interpretation of both phonological rule typology and the extrinsic ordering of phonological rules. Following this exposition, the model is evaluated through a broad investigation of the purely phonologically conditioned rules from a single language, Turkish. This evaluation reveals that the purely phonologically conditioned rules of Turkish make crucial reference to a subset of phonological features with the necessary and sufficient capacity to generate the "distinctive" inventory of the language. Further, these rules refer to the Turkish grammatical constituents syllable, morpheme, and word over a wide range of different phonological contexts, supporting the notion consistent with the Hypothesis of Instantiation that the purely phonologically conditioned rules of a language provide the user with an efficient and reliable parser of that language. This research concludes that the Hypothesis of Instantiation is borne out in language systems.
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2

Lemus, Jorge Ernesto 1961. "Phonology at two levels: A new model of lexical phonology." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/289144.

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This dissertation proposes a new model of Lexical Phonology: the Two-Level Theory (TLT). The TLT consists of dividing phonological rules into two different sets. One set is active at the Lexical Level, and the other set is active at the Postlexical Level. Lexical rules are active at the Lexical Level and, possibly, at the Postlexical Level, too (the choice being language specific). This new model is a simplification of previous models that hold that rules found at the Lexical Level can be further subdivided into other strata, producing multilevel representations. This new model of Lexical Phonology is tested with regard to a number of phonological problems in Pipil (Chapter 2), in Spanish (Chapter 3), and in Malayalam (Chapter 4). These analyses within the TLT demonstrate that the multiple levels of previous analyses of comparable phenomena within these languages are unnecessary.
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3

Féry, Caroline, Sam Hellmuth, Frank Kügler, and Jörg Mayer. "Phonology and intonation." Universität Potsdam, 2007. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2008/2221/.

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The encoding standards for phonology and intonation are designed to facilitate consistent annotation of the phonological and intonational aspects of information structure, in languages across a range of prosodic types. The guidelines are designed with the aim that a nonspecialist in phonology can both implement and interpret the resulting annotation.
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4

Gorecka, Alicja. "Phonology of articulation." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/12786.

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5

Bird, Steven. "Constraint-based phonology." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/23727.

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6

Green, Antony D. "Phonology limited." Universität Potsdam, 2007. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2007/1551/.

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Phonology Limited is a study of the areas of phonology where the application of optimality theory (OT) has previously been problematic. Evidence from a wide variety of phenomena in a wide variety of languages is presented to show that interactions involving more than just faithfulness and markedness are best analyzed as involving language-specific morphological constraints rather than universal phonological constraints. OT has proved to be a highly insightful and successful theory of linguistics in general and phonology in particular, focusing as it does on surface forms and treating the relationship between inputs and outputs as a form of conflict resolution. Yet there have also been a number of serious problems with the approach that have led some detractors to argue that OT has failed as a theory of generative grammar. The most serious of these problems is opacity, defined as a state of affairs where the grammatical output of a given input appears to violate more constraints than an ungrammatical competitor. It is argued that these problems disappear once language-specific morphological constraints are allowed to play a significant role in analysis. Specifically, a number of processes of Tiberian Hebrew traditionally considered opaque are reexamined and shown to be straightforwardly transparent, but crucially involving morphological constraints on form, such as a constraint requiring certain morphological forms to end with a syllabic trochee, or a constraint requiring paradigm uniformity with regard to the occurrence of fricative allophones of stop phonemes. Language-specific morphological constraints are also shown to play a role in allomorphy, where a lexeme is associated with more than one input; the constraint hierarchy then decides which input is grammatical in which context. For example, [ɨ]/[ə] and [u]/[ə] alternation found in some lexemes but not in others in Welsh is attributed to the presence of two inputs for the lexemes with the alternation. A novel analysis of the initial consonant mutations of the modern Celtic languages argues that mutated forms are separately listed inputs chosen in appropriate contexts by constraints on morphology and syntax, rather than being outputs that are phonologically unfaithful to their unmutated inputs. Finally, static irregularities and lexical exceptions are examined and shown to be attributable to language-specific morphological constraints. In American English, the distribution of tense and lax vowels is predictable in several contexts; however, in some contexts, the distributions of tense [ɔ] vs. lax [a] and of tense [æ] vs. lax [æ] are not as expected. It is shown that clusters of output-output faithfulness constraints create a pattern to which words are attracted, which however violates general phonological considerations. New words that enter the language first obey the general phonological considerations before being attracted into the language-specific exceptional pattern.
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7

Cole, Jennifer Sandra. "Planar phonology and morphology." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/14637.

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8

Rasin, Ezer. "Modular interactions in phonology." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2018. https://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/121841.

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Thesis: Ph. D. in Linguistics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2018
Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 153-162).
This thesis makes two separate claims about the architecture of phonology: (1) The computation of stress takes place in a distinct cognitive module from segmental phonology. This module is informationally encapsulated from segmental features. (2) Phonological generalizations over underlying representations can be captured in the lexicon. The claim in (1) suggests a departure from a consensus view in generative phonology since the 1950's. According to this view, multiple phonological computations, including the computation of word stress and segmental processes, are carried out in a single cognitive module known as phonology. In Chapter 1 I challenge this view in two steps. I first argue for a new phonological universal based on the stress patterns of around 400 languages: (3) STREss-ENCAPSULATION UNIVERSAL: the distribution of stress is never directly conditioned by segmental features. After reanalyzing reported counterexamples to the universal, I argue for an account of the universal in terms of a modular decomposition of phonology along the lines of (1). The claim in (2) suggests a return to the architecture of early generative phonology, in which phonological generalizations could be captured in the lexicon (using constraints on underlying representations) as well as in the mapping from underlying representations to surface forms. Most recent work in phonology has abandoned that architecture, taking the lexicon to be merely a storage place for lexical items. Chapter 2, written jointly with Roni Katzir, presents an argument for constraints on underlying representations from learnability. In Chapter 3 I develop a new theory of blocking in non-derived environments, a phenomenon that has posed a long-standing puzzle for phonological theory since the 1970's. I argue that the new theory, which relies on constraints on underlying representations, offers a better account of the phenomenon than its predecessors.
by Ezer Rasin.
Ph. D. in Linguistics
Ph.D.inLinguistics Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Linguistics and Philosophy
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9

Chew, Peter. "A computational phonology of Russian." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324285.

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10

Farris-Trimble, Ashley. "Cumulative faithfulness effects in phonology." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3330793.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Linguistics, 2008.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Jul 20, 2009). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-10, Section: A, page: 3926. Adviser: Daniel A. Dinnsen.
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11

Heo, Yong. "Empty categories and Korean phonology." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1994. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/29201/.

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This thesis discusses the behaviour of empty nuclei in Korean. The theory of Charm and Government is the framework on which my analysis is based. GP claims that a nucleus which dominates a vowel that regularly undergoes elision in specific contexts is underlyingly empty. Whether or not an empty nucleus is realised phonetically is not a question of representation, but is a question of interpretation. In the first chapter, I present the relevant facts involving word (or domain)-internal empty nuclei. [i]-zero alternation in verbal suffixation is also shown in this chapter. In the second chapter, I discuss the syllable structure of Korean. I propose that the rhyme does not branch in this language. Following this, an apparent consonant cluster is in fact separated by an empty nucleus. This is followed by the third and fourth chapters with the consideration of domain-internal and final empty nuclei in Korean. I show that the domain-final empty nucleus in Korean is licensed. A domain-internal empty nucleus may or may not be phonetically interpreted depending on proper government and inter-onset government. The properties of domain-final empty nuclei in Korean are discussed in the fifth chapter. We will see that domain-final empty nuclei in Korean do not have government-licensing properties. As for the apparent exceptional cases where [i] is pronounced in domain-final position, I account for these with evidence that they are morphologically complex. In the final chapter, I discuss [i]-zero alternation in verbal and nominal suffixations. In the case of nominal suffixation, [i]-zero alternation between the stem and suffix is exactly the same as in morphologically simplex words, thus, is accounted for by proper government and interonset government. On the other hand, [i]-zero alternation in verbal suffixation is somewhat different from that in morphologically simplex words.
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12

Csirmaz, Aniko. "Semantics and phonology in syntax." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/33695.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2005.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 235-248).
In this thesis I argue that morphology should be allowed to interpret not only the information provided by the syntactic component, but also compositional semantic properties. This conception of grammar requires morphology to interact LF and the semantic component in addition to syntax. Applying this hypothesis, I account for the alternation between partitive and non-partitive structural case in Finnish, which is affected by the semantic property of divisibility. I argue that the property of divisibility, which is relevant for case alternation, is determined within Spell-out domains, which are interpreted immediately following Spell-out. Building on these domains as affecting case marking, I derive the differences between divisibility affecting case morphology and the property of divisibility as determined in the final semantic interpretation. I also discuss the properties of negated event predicates in detail, and argue for a specific view of the semantic import of negation on aspect. I show that in spite of the apparent semantic similarities, the effects of negation on Finnish case marking cannot be assimilated to the instances of case alternation determined by divisibility.
(cont.) I extend this conclusion and discuss the nature of divisibility licensed by negation crosslinguistically in more detail. Finally, I consider further areas where the interaction between semantics and morphology or the phonological form can be detected. I argue that while some of these interactions can be treated by assuming that the latter components are sensitive to semantic properties, not all interactions can be described this way. In general, however, permitting the interaction between semantics and morphology or phonology is desirable and leads to a more economical system, where the number of non-convergent derivations is minimized.
by Aniko Csirmaz.
Ph.D.
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13

Kern, Gretchen. "Rhyming grammars and Celtic phonology." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/101523.

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Thesis: Ph. D. in Linguistics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2015.
Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 158-161).
This dissertation broadens our understanding of a typology of poetic rhyme through the analysis of three rhyming traditions that show unconventional patterns in the contents, position, and size of rhyme domains. The rhyme domain (RD) is a string of segments that stand in correspondence with another string of segments in a poetic constituent. In Early Irish poetry, strict identity of consonants in RDs is not required, but consonants instead correspond based on membership in defined classes. These classes correlate with sonority levels. Though analysis of VCC and bisyllabic rhymes, which match for sonority, but not featural identity, across the RD, I show that poetic rhyme can be sensitive to the sonority profile of a rhyme, and not just to similarity of segments. Statistical analysis of a rhyming corpus provides further evidence for this. Old Norse skaldic rhyme shows an unusual position for RDs. Rather than occurring at the end of two lines in a couplet, both RDs appear in the middle of a single line. One of these RDs will occupy the penultimate syllable of a bisyllabic word, which means that the rhyme will begin and end word-internally. This gives evidence for rhyme being based not on a syllable rime, but on the interval: a metrical constituent that spans from one vowel to the following vowel including all intervening consonants. The four types of Welsh cynghanedd I analyze present challenges in terms of the size, position, and contents of the RD. In all four types, the RDs occur with in a single line, like skaldic, but the position, size, and number of the RDs are less predictable. The RDs may span the entire line, or may contain only a single interval or consonant each. My analysis shows that all four types of cynghanedd can be analyzed as separate poetic grammars drawing on the same set of constraints in different rankings. A few constraints maintain a fixed ranking across all four cynghanedd grammars. Analysis of these three apparent outliers contributes to the development of a typology of rhyme, showing that even extreme cases draw on familiar concepts to define their RDs.
by Gretchen Kern.
Ph. D. in Linguistics
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14

Barrios, Shannon L. "Similarity in L2 phonology." Thesis, University of Maryland, College Park, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3600018.

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Adult second language (L2) learners often experience difficulty producing and perceiving non-native phonological contrasts. Even highly proficient bilinguals, who have been exposed to an L2 for long periods of time, struggle with difficult contrasts, such as /r/-/l/ for Japanese learners of English. To account for the relative ease or difficulty with which L2 learners perceive and acquire non-native contrasts, theories of (L2) speech perception often appeal to notions of similarity. But how is similarity best determined?

In this dissertation I explored the predictions of two theoretical approaches to similarity comparison in the second language, and asked: [1] How should L2 sound similarity be measured? [2] What is the nature of the representations that guide sound similarity? [3] To what extent can the influence of the native language be overcome?

In Chapter 2, I tested a `legos' (featural) approach to sound similarity. Given a distinctive feature analysis of Spanish and English vowels, I investigated the hypothesis that feature availability in the L1 grammar constrains which target language segments will be accurately perceived and acquired by L2 learners (Brown [1998], Brown [2000]). Our results suggest that second language acquisition of phonology is not limited by the phonological features used by the native language grammar, nor is the presence/use of a particular phonological feature in the native language grammar sufficient to trigger redeployment. I take these findings to imply that feature availability is neither a necessary, nor a sufficient condition to predict learning outcomes.

In Chapter 3, I extended a computational model proposed by Feldman et al. [2009] to nonnative speech perception, in order to investigate whether a sophisticated `rulers' (spatial) approach to sound similarity can better explain existing interlingual identification and discrimination data from Spanish monolinguals and advanced L1 Spanish late-learners of English, respectively. The model assumes that acoustic distributions of sounds control listeners' ability to discriminate a given contrast. I found that, while the model succeeded in emulating certain aspects of human behavior, the model at present is incomplete and would have to be extended in various ways to capture several aspects of nonnative and L2 speech perception.

In Chapter 4 I explored whether the phonological relatedness among sounds in the listeners native language impacts the perceived similarity of those sounds in the target language. Listeners were expected to be more sensitive to the contrast between sound pairs which are allophones of different phonemes than to sound pairs which are allophones of the same phoneme in their native language. Moreover, I hypothesized that L2 learners would experience difficulty perceiving and acquiring target language contrasts between sound pairs which are allophones of the same phoneme in their native language. Our results suggest that phonological relatedness may influence perceived similarity on some tasks, but does not seem to cause long-lasting perceptual difficulty in advanced L2 learners.

On the basis of those findings, I argue that existing models have not been adequately explicit about the nature of the representations and processes involved in similarity-based comparisons of L1 and L2 sounds. More generally, I describe what I see as a desirable target for an explanatorily adequate theory of cross-language influence in L2 phonology.

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15

Flemming, Edward. "Phonetic Detail in Phonology." Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227274.

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Assimilation and coarticulation both involve extending the duration of some property or feature. The similarities between these phenomena can be seen by comparing Basque vowel raising with vowel -to -vowel coarticulation in a language like English. In Basque the low vowel /a/ is raised to [el following a high vowel. This gives rise to alternations in the form of the definite suffix, /-a/ (de Rijk 1970): (1) sagar –a; 'apple (def.)'; mutil-e 'boy (def.)'. In an English sequence containing a low vowel preceded by a high vowel, like [-ilæ-] in 'relapse', the high vowel also conditions raising of the low vowel. But in spite of the parallels between these cases, standard analyses regard Basque vowel raising as phonological whereas the English vowel raising is regarded as non-phonological, being attributed to a phonetic process of coarticulation. In this paper, we will argue that this distinction is untenable. We will see that coarticulation can affect the distribution of contrasts, and therefore must be specified in the phonology. This opens up the possibility of giving a unified analysis of assimilation and coarticulation. Analyzing coarticulation as phonological implies that phonological representations contain far more phonetic detail than is usually assumed to be the case. Vowel-to-vowel coarticulation involves fine degrees of partial assimilation in that vowels assimilate only partially in quality, and the effects may extend through only part of the duration of a segment (e.g. Ohman 1966). This conclusion thus flies in the face of the standard assumption that the richness of phonological representations should be severely restricted in order to avoid over-predicting the range of possible phonological contrasts. So before we turn to evidence that coarticulation is phonological, we will lay the groundwork by examining the arguments for limiting the detail in phonological representations and show that they are based on very questionable assumptions.
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16

Alvarez, J. "Aspects of the phonology of Guajiro." Thesis, University of Essex, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.355386.

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17

Phakkahn, Naiyapak. "Phonology and Grammar Sketch of Yoy." Thesis, California State University, Long Beach, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10638626.

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Yoy is an endangered language of Thailand and Laos. The language belongs to the Tai-Kadai language family; however it has not yet been determined exactly which branch the language belongs to. Yoy has not been studied before and very limited resources are available regarding the classification of this language. The main objective of this thesis is to present a phonological description of Yoy by analyzing a set of 1,000 lexical items from selected speakers of the language. It also presents the grammar sketch which includes a description of word structure and syntactic structure of the language. The sketch structure of the grammar partially follows the outline of the language description from Grammar of Lao by Enfield.

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18

Higgins, Ewa Czaykowska. "Investigations into Polish morphology and phonology." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/14450.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 1989.
Title as it appeared in M.I.T. Graduate List, February, 1989: The interaction of phonology and morphology in Polish.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 281-291).
by Ewa Czaykowska Higgins.
Ph.D.
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19

Meredith, Scott (Scott Emery). "Issues in the phonology of prominence." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/14158.

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20

Lindbäck, Hannes. "Contact Effects in Swedish Romani Phonology." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för lingvistik och filologi, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-437346.

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This thesis examines possible contact effects in the segmental phonology in an idiolect of Swedish Romani. From data gathered from one speaker of Swedish Romani I describe the phonology on a segmental level and then compare this with the phonology of its progenitor, Proto-Northwestern Romani. The traces of interference could in almost every case be explained as features gained from contact with Swedish. When features were judged to have entered Swedish Romani from a different language, intense contact with Swedish could possible explain why these features have remained in Swedish Romani.
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21

Diakite, Boubacar. "Some Aspects of Nko Tonal Phonology." Thesis, Indiana University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10931503.

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This dissertation offers to make new insights into certain aspects of the tonal phonology in mutually intelligible dialects of the Nko (Mande) language, namely the two major (with larger number of speakers) dialects of, Bamana and Maninka, and the two minor dialects, Jula and Mandingo. Theoretical analyses of tone assignment and tonal interaction in these languages have been diverse, often conflicting, and at times contradictory. The divergence between tonal analyses reported in the literature is likely to have arisen for a variety of reasons including dialectal variation, limited data, and limited speaker access. Among these proposed analyses are those that support the presence of specific tonal configurations considered to be marked structures in the language (Green 2010), as well as those that draw upon the proposition of multiple abstract floating tones whose spreading, deletion, and surface effects are predicted only by complex derivations (cf. Rialland & Badjime 1989). Moreover, an attempt will be made to bring together generalizations that previous analyses did not make regarding the tonal patterns of the Nko dialects. Specifically, I argue for three novel analyses: 1) that the definite marker in Nko is a Mid tone suffix, rather than an abstract Low tone suffix as analyzed in previous literature, 2) that Nko noun forms are derived from an underlying form that I refer to as ‘citation form’ which can be distinct from both the surface definite and indefinite nouns, and 3) that a final High tone is used as a marker of nouns in the major dialects of Nko (Courtenay 1974). These analyses have implications for the understanding of the tonal structure of Nko, especially with respect to the nature of lexical and grammatical tones in both the major and minor dialects. My analysis is consistent with that of other researchers in positing just two lexical tones, Low and High. The posited Mid tone to mark definiteness is a grammatical tone. Further, I agree with previous research in viewing that the surface tonal contours found in these varieties are due to the restricted tonal inventory and are not lexical tones. These result from multiple tones associating to the same syllable. Several analyses of tone in Nko dialects will be discussed and a full picture of the tonal schemas (or melodies) in the language is proposed.

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22

Kennedy, Robert A. "Confluence in phonology: Evidence from Micronesian reduplication." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/280362.

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This dissertation explores the phonological systems of Micronesian languages, in search of patterns that are consistent throughout the family and others that are unique to subgroups and individual languages. Using data from Pohnpeian, Mokilese, Pingilapese, Puluwat, Chuukese, Woleaian, Marshallese, and Kosraean, the study focuses on reduplicative morphology as an illustrative window into the phonology of each language. Each language is treated with an Optimality-Theoretic analysis, and consequently the phonology of each is attributed to the same set of principles. However, as a whole, the analyses cannot explain the existence of common and unique patterns within the family. A model of language change called Confluence is presented in order to account for typological trends among related languages. The model acknowledges that learners of languages settle on a grammar based on ambient data; thus, the acquired grammar should approximate the grammar that produces the ambient data. However, a number of perceptual and articulatory factors have the result that the set of data that the learner perceives is unlike the set of data that the ambient grammar would predict. As a consequence, the learner's grammar may differ from that of the ambient grammar. Because of the inclusion of perceptual and articulatory biases in the model, Confluence predicts several outcomes. First, a particular pattern might be resistant to change, or the same innovation might be likely to occur independently in different languages, and either way it is an observable property of otherwise divergent languages. Second, two or more co-occurring grammatical traits of a particular language can be shown to have a common source. Each of the predictions of Confluence is supported in the language analyses. Examples of robust patterns include coda consonant restrictions, moraic feet, and bimoraic reduplicative prefixes. Two examples of recurring innovations are the introduction of final vowel deletion and the avoidance of initial geminate consonants in favor of some other structure. Phonological patterns that co-occur in a principled manner include geminate inventories and morpheme alignment, foot structure and final vowel lenition, and a cluster of properties that consists of length contrasts, word maximality, morpheme alignment, and segment inventories.
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23

Pickering, Michael John. "A tree theoretical phonology on contemporary Finnish." Thesis, Lancaster University, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.291439.

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24

McMahon, April M. S. "Constraining lexical phonology : evidence from English vowels." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.236336.

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25

Mtenje, Alfred Dailex. "Issues in the nonlinear phonology of Chichewa." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260912.

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26

Johnson, Winifred M. "Aspects of the lexical phonology of French." Thesis, University of Essex, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.279434.

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27

Sarvestani, Karl Reza. "Aspects of Sgaw Karen Phonology and Phonetics." Thesis, State University of New York at Buffalo, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10930871.

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The Sgaw Karen language remains underdocumented and underdescribed; this dissertation attempts to contribute to the understanding of Sgaw Karen phonetics and phonology by examining a variety spoken within a refugee community n Buffalo, New York. It includes an anlysis of the segmental and tonal inventories and relates these findings to previously published analyses of other Sgaw Karen varieties. Special attention is paid to the acoustic phonetics of the tone system, with particular regard to the role played by voice quality.

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28

Suphi, Menekșe Sezin. "Non-linear analyses in English historical phonology." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/18646.

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29

Mathur, Gaurav 1972. "The morphology-phonology interface in signed languages." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/8843.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2000.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 198-202).
This thesis provides a novel way of looking at verb agreement in signed languages by using an interaction of several processes within the Distributed Morphology framework. At the center of the model is a phonological re-adjustment rule, ALIGN-Sphere, which handles various forms of agreement, including orientation change, path movement, hand order, and/ or a combination of these. Further evidence is taken from cross-linguistic data from American Sign Language, German Sign Language, Australian Sign Language, and Japanese Sign Language, as well as from interaction with several other morphemes. An Optimality-Theoretic analysis is sketched in which the output of the ALIGN-Sphere process is filtered by various phonetic constraints and may be replaced by an alternative form that does not otherwise violate phonetic constraints. The model outlined above leads to a new typology of signs: first there are spatial verbs, followed by plain verbs which do not have two animate arguments, followed by aligning verbs which by definition have two animate arguments. These aligning verbs contain a subset of verbs that are in theory capable of undergoing ALIGN-Sphere without violating phonetic constraints. This subset in turn contains another subset of verbs that are listed as actually undergoing ALIGN-Sphere in a particular language. The model rests on the assumption that the referential use of space lies outside of the grammar. By removing the referential space from the grammar removes the modality difference between spoken and signed languages with respect to 'agreement.' The remaining differences will lie in how agreement is implemented, but that is no longer a modality difference. Both spoken and signed languages make use of different processes within the morphology component to generate the agreement system (e.g. impoverishment, vocabulary insertion, and phonological re-adjustment rules), but otherwise they draw on the same set of processes made available by the grammar.
by Gaurav Mathur.
Ph.D.
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30

Spaargaren, Magdalena Jeannette. "Change in obstruent laryngeal specifications in English : historical and theoretical phonology." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/4079.

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Two traditions have arisen from an ongoing debate concerning cross-linguistic laryngeal representations in series of obstruents. The first, ‘traditional’ approach assumes universally identical laryngeal representations: /p, t, k/ are unspecified and /b, d, g/ carry |voice|. The second, Laryngeal Realism (LR), assumes underlyingly different representations between languages: ‘aspiration languages’ have unspecified /b, d, g/, and /p, t, k/ specified for |spread|. ‘Voice languages’ have unspecified /p, t, k/, and /b, d, g/ specified for |voice|. In this thesis, I use historical data in order to determine which of these two traditions is correct. Chapter 1 introduces the thesis subject and places it in the broader context of representational models of theoretical phonology and general historical linguistics. In chapter 2, I discuss the discrepancy between traditional laryngeal features and their cross-linguistic implementation, the basis of the debate outlined above. The two traditions are then discussed in detail. It is shown that evidence for LR is drawn from surface facts in aspiration- and voice languages such as respective presence or absence of aspiration of /p, t, k/, respective absence or presence of voicing in /b, d, g/ and asymmetry in assimilation processes in favour of one of the features. Present-Day English (PDE) is best described in LR when these criteria are taken into account, e.g., [ph]in, [b 0]in, and invariable assimilation to ‘voicelessness’, e.g., cats /t+z/→[ts], sacked /k+d/→[kt]. In the following chapters, I present data from historical laryngeal modifications in English which have never been considered together in this respect before. In Chapter 3, I present new evidence that the laryngeal situation just described for Present-Day English dates back to the very beginning of its recorded history. This is shown in the fact that all laryngeal assimilation throughout the history of English is exclusively assimilation to ‘voicelessness’ or |spread| - as in pre-Old English [pd] > [pt] cepte ‘kept’, [td] > [tt] mette ‘met’, [kd] > [kt] iecte ‘increased’, [fd] > [ft] pyfte ‘puffed’, [sd] > [st] cyste ‘kissed’. LR can easily capture this asymmetry because |spread| is the only active member in the laryngeal opposition. |voice| is unspecified in English and can therefore never partake in phonological processes. Chapters 4, 5 and 6 deal with historical English data traditionally interpreted as ‘voicings’, i.e. addition of |voice|, and ‘devoicings’, i.e. loss of |voice|. Therefore, these data are potentially problematic for LR in that, according to this framework, |voice| is not specified in English. However, I show that LR can unproblematically deal with these phenomena as laryngeal lenition, removal of |spread|, and fortition, addition of |spread|. In fact, some of the lenition processes provide extra back up for LR. Processes in word-initial position, e.g., dialectal [v]ather, and final position, e.g., i[z], knowle[d3], are highly marked when viewed as ‘voicings’. However, when viewed as simple lenitions, as in LR, they are natural processes, which are predicted to be found in languages. Therefore, I show in this thesis that all available data from English historical laryngeal modification support LR, and that LR in its turn sheds an interesting new light on the data. It is superior to traditional accounts in that it can account for otherwise puzzling phenomena such as asymmetric assimilation and initial and final ‘voicings’.
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31

Vousden, Janet. "Serial control of phonology in speech production." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1996. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3026/.

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The aim of this thesis is to further our understanding of the processes which control the sequencing of phonemes as we speak: this is an example of what is commonly known as the serial order problem. Such a process is apparent in normal speech and also from the existence of a class of speech errors known as sound movement errors, where sounds are anticipated (spoken too soon), perseverated (repeated again later), or exchanged (the sounds are transposed). I argue that this process is temporally governed, that is, the serial ordering mechanism is restricted to processing sounds that are close together in time. This is in conflict with frame-based accounts (e.g. Dell, 1986; Lapointe & Dell, 1979), serial buffer accounts (Shattuck-Hufnagel, 1979) and associative chaining theories (Wickelgren, 1969). An analysis of sound movement errors from Harley and MacAndrew's (1995) corpus shows how temporal processing bears on the production of speech sounds by the temporal constraint observed in the pattern of errors, and I suggest an appropriate computational model of this process. Specifically, I show how parallel temporal processing in an oscillator-based model can account for the movement of sounds in speech. Similar predictions were made by the model to the pattern of movement errors actually observed in speech error corpora. This has been demonstrated without recourse to an assumption of frame and slot structures. The OSCillator-based Associative REcall (OSCAR) model, on the other hand, is able to account for these effects and other positional effects, providing support for a temporal based theory of serial control.
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32

Newell, Heather. "Aspects of the morphology and phonology of phases." Thesis, McGill University, 2009. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=32399.

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This thesis offers evidence that phases (Chomsky 1995) induce word-internal cycles of morphological and phonological interpretation. Phases proposed in the syntactic literature are shown to have effects word-internally, therefore supporting a representational theory of morpho-phonology (e.g. Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz 1994)). It is argued that phases exist at the nP, aP, vP, vP, DP, and CP syntactic levels. These phases are shown to have differing behaviour with regards to the domain which is sent to PF upon merger of the phase head. DP, CP, and vP are argued to be complement spellout phases following Nissenbaum (2000). nP, aP, and vP, however, offer evidence that the head of a phase is interpreted at PF with its complement. A possible motivation for this difference in interpretation domain is discussed. It is in derivations where syntactic material spans one (or more) of these boundaries that cyclic domains may be found within words at PF. Phonological and morpho-syntactic patterns induced by wordinternal phases are investigated. Main stress patterns in Cupeño, Turkish, and Ojibwa are analysed. Turkish and Cupeño seemingly irregular main stress patterns are argued to be regular at the phase level. Main stress is assigned in these languages at the interpretation of the first phase. In other words, main stress is cyclic and immovable in these languages. Ojibwa main stress assignment is then shown to be insensitive to word-internal phase boundaries. Word internal phases are present in Ojibwa, as demonstrated by hiatus resolution strategies and footing patterns in the language (Piggott & Newell 2007). Main stress is assigned to the word, regardless of
Cette thèse présente des données qui montrent que les phases (Chomsky 1995) provoquent des cycles d'interprétation morphologique et phonologique internes au mot. Les phases proposées dans la littérature syntaxique ont des effets internes aux mots, représentant ainsi une théorie morpho-phonologique (c.à.d. une morphologie distribuée (Halle & Marantz 1994)). On propose que les syntagmes existent aux niveaux syntaxiques nP, aP, vP, DP, et CP. Il est démontré que ces syntagmes se comportent différemment selon le domaine envoyé à PF au cours de la fusion du syntagme de tête. On montre que DP, CP, et vP sont des syntagmes compléments spellout d'après Nissenbaum (2000). Cependant, nP, aP, et vP montrent que la tête d'un syntagme est interprétée avec son complément à PF. Une raison possible de cette différence dans le domaine d'interprétation est proposée. C'est dans les dérivations où le matériel syntaxique s'étend sur une (ou plusieurs) de ces frontières que l'on peut trouver des domaines cycliques internes aux mots à PF. Les structures phonologiques et morpho-syntactiques provoquées par les syntagmes internes aux mots sont explorées. Les structures relatives au stress majeur en cupeño, turc, et ojibwa sont analysées. Il est proposé que les structures de stress majeur apparemment irrégulières en turc et en cupeño sont régulières au niveau du syntagme. Dans ces langues, le stress majeur est assigné au niveau de l'interprétation du premier syntagme. Autrement dit, dans ces langues le stress majeur est cyclique et fixe. On montre ensuite que l'assignement du stress majeur en ojibwa est insensible aux frontières des syntagmes internes
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33

Bird, Sonya F. "The phonetics and phonology of Lheidli intervocalic consonants." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/280137.

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This dissertation explores the phonetics and phonology of intervocalic consonants in Lheidli, a dialect of Dakelh (Carrier) Athapaskan spoken in the interior of British Columbia. Through a series of studies on Lheidli, I show quantitatively what has previously been noted impressionistically in the Athapaskan literature: intervocalic consonants are remarkably long. The implication of these consonants for the structure of Lheidli is approached from two perspectives. First, I investigate their role from a purely phonetic approach, focusing on their effect on the perceived rhythmic structure of Lheidli. I propose a new model of rhythm, the Enhancement/Inhibition model, in which the perception of rhythm is created by the interplay between primary and secondary correlates of rhythm. Within the proposed model, the Lheidli data show that one of the important secondary correlates is inherent segmental duration, an element that has not yet been considered in the literature. Second, I investigate the role of intervocalic consonants from a phonological approach, focusing on their effect on syllabification. I present the results of a series of studies on the distribution of vowel duration and quality, the distribution of consonant duration, native speaker syllabification intuitions, and the interaction between stress placement and intervocalic consonant duration. Together these studies lead me to analyze Lheidli intervocalic consonants as non-contrastive, moraic geminates. I conclude by discussing the implications of the Lheidli data for phonetic and phonological theory. I argue the duration of intervocalic consonants is encoded in the Lheidli grammar as part of the language-specific phonetics. Furthermore, because this duration interacts with syllabification, it is encoded in the phonology as weight. Although in Lheidli the phonetic duration of intervocalic consonants is encoded in the phonology as well as the grammar, I propose that not all language-specific phonetic properties are specified in the grammar. This is the case for rhythm, for example, which is an effect of other phonetic and phonological factors of the language rather than being a linguistic primitive itself.
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34

Yoshida, Shohei. "Some aspects of governing relations in Japanese phonology." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.295146.

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35

Bouhadiba, F. A. N. "Aspects of Algerian Arabic verb phonology and morphology." Thesis, University of Reading, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.383612.

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36

Al-Sulaiti, Latifa Mubarak. "Some apects of Qatari Arabic phonology and morphology." Thesis, Lancaster University, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.239834.

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37

Pagoni, Stamatia. "Modern Greek phonological variation : a government phonology approach." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.294233.

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38

Muller, Jennifer S. "The Phonology and Phonetics of Word-Initial Geminates." The Ohio State University, 2001. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1364226371.

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39

Randoja, Tiina Kathryn. "The phonology and morphology of Halfway River Beaver." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/5749.

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This dissertation is an examination of word formation and the phonological properties of the verb in Halfway River Beaver (HRB), a Northern Athapaskan language of British Columbia. Due to various types of discontinuous dependencies between verb prefixes, I adopt the traditional analysis of the Athapaskan verb into verb theme, verb base, and verb form (Sapir and Hoijer 1967, among others) to determine the sequence of affixation in the morphology. The resulting representation structures prefixes in a way which is vastly different from their surface ordering; the differences seem bizarre, as they are not encountered in non-Athapaskan languages. I propose a mapping protocol to arrive at the correct surface sequence, whereby affixes are inserted into a thematic template. It is argued that this template is a motivated structure, because it represents both the theme, which is the lexical entry of the verb, and the division of the verb into phonological rule domains. Two aspects of verb prefix phonology are considered. First, I account for the phonological similarity of two nonadjacent rule domains of the surface verb, the disjunct and the stem domains, in terms of the mapping protocol developed earlier. Secondly, I investigate the very complex and seemingly arbitrary phonological alternations undergone by prefixes in the conjunct domain, which intervenes between the disjunct and stem domains. These alternations are shown to be systematic in an analysis which adopts the notions of syllable template mapping and extraprosodicity. Conjunct prefix vowels are considered to be mostly epenthetic and vowel quality is seen to be largely predictable. The morphological and phonological analyses are preceded by a chapter which describes the properties of HRB verb prefixes in detail.
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40

Blount, Martha Marie. "Phonology and silent reading : beyond phonemes /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/9106.

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41

Melvold, Janis Leanne. "Structure and stress in the phonology of Russian." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/13963.

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42

Bu, Tianrang. ""Regularities" and "irregularities" in Chinese historical phonology." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1525534507019502.

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43

Chau, Ho Fai. "Mandarin loanword phonology : an optimality theory approach." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2001. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/319.

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44

Gerfen, Henry James 1962. "Topics in the phonology and phonetics of Coatzospan Mixtec." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282111.

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This dissertation examines the phonology and phonetics/phonology interface in Coatzospan Mixtec (CM). I focus on two major prosodies, glottalization and nasalization, in CM. First, I provide detailed phonological analyses of both within the context of Optimality Theory, OT (Prince and Smolensky 1993). This is important because often the treatment of a subset of data obscures more problematic aspects of a system. For example, the analysis of nasalization extends our understanding of how constraints can combine in a grammar. I motivate the conditional union of two Alignment (McCarthy and Prince 1993a) constraints to characterize attested patterns of root nasality, while ruling out impossible forms. The treatment of glottalization explores the implications of freedom of input in OT. I show that we cannot equate input with underlying; encoding the traditional sense of underlying representation requires viewing UR's as sets of optimal inputs lexical items. Regarding the phonetics/phonology interface, I pursue dual goals. Chapter 3 extends Grounding (Archangeli and Pulleyblank 1994a) to the opportunistically grounded relation between glottalization and stress. Although not inherently sympathetic to stress, glottalization is optimally realized under stress in the phonology of CM. Chapter 4 extends grounding by using sequential grounding (Smolensky 1993) to characterize the behavior of opaque consonants. Second, building on research in phonetic implementation (Pierrehumbert 1980, Keating 1990b), I show that a phonologically specified (+constricted glottis) must be implemented for only a part of the duration of the specified vowel. Similarly, orality targets in CM fricatives are also implemented at segment edges. The data support a view where targets are temporally located within segments (Huffman 1989). However, the location of targets may vary from edge to edge. Voiced fricatives implement orality upon release; voiceless fricatives do so at the onset of closure. The data also argue for a more complex notion of the relationship between phonetic data and phonological information than that of Cohn (1990). Partial implementation of a feature in a segment does not entail the phonetic rather than phonological presence of that feature. Phonetic data must be interpreted in the context of the phonological system from which they derive.
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45

Jensen, Sean. "A computational approach to the phonology of connected speech." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2000. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/12710/.

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This thesis attempts to answer the question "How do we store and retrieve linguistic information?", and to show how this is intimately related to the question of connected speech phonology. The main discussion begins in Chapter One with a non-linguistic introduction to the problem of looking things up, and considers in particular the hashtable and its properties. The theme is developed directly in the latter part of the chapter, and further in Chapter Two, where it is proposed not only that the hashtable is the mechanism actually used by the language faculty, but also that phonology is that mechanism. Chapter Two develops in detail a radically new theory of phonology based on this hypothesis, and examines at length its ramifications. As a foundation for understanding how the phonological and the conceptual-semantic forms of utterances are related, we undertake a detailed study of the relationship between "form" and "meaning" in Chapter Three. We propose a general algorithm, which we claim is a real mechanism driving the acquisition of morphological knowledge, that can abstract and generalise these sorts of morphological relationships. We examine its computational properties, which are surprisingly favourable, and provide a detailed quasi-experimental case-study. By Chapter Four, all the theoretical necessities for describing and ex- plaining what are traditionally believed to be phonological processes operating at the level of the sentence have been introduced. The chapter is used to show how the pieces of Chapters One, Two and Three fit together to tell this story. The chapter also offers some well-motivated speculation on new lines research suggested by some of the computational results obtained throughout this work, and provides a meta-level framework for the future development of a full-scale theory of syntactic function and its acquisition.
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46

Williams, Sheila Margaret. "LexPhon : a computational implementation of aspects of lexical phonology." Thesis, University of Reading, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.357021.

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47

Hantgan, Abbie. "Aspects of Bangime Phonology, Morphology, and Morphosyntax." Thesis, Indiana University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3601801.

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This dissertation provides a description of aspects of the phonology, morphology, and morphosyntax of Bangime. Bangime is a language isolate spoken in the Dogon language speaking area of Central Eastern Mali. Although the Bangande, the speakers of Bangime, self-identify with the Dogon, their language bears practically no resemblance to the surrounding Dogon languages. Bangime has limited productive morphological processes whereas Dogon languages are agglutinating, with productive morphemes to indicate inflectional and derivational verbal and nominal processes.

Bangime has a complex tonal system. General tendencies of the tonal patterns are described, with the many exceptions which frequently occur also outlined. Nominal tonal melodies are apparent in plural forms. Objects in verb phrases receive tonal agreement with tones on the verb in accordance with the subject of the sentence.

The tense, aspect, and mood system of the language is also complicated. Inflectional marking on the verb, auxiliaries, and the word order all contribute to the indication of the tense, aspect or mood of the sentence. An overview of these multifaceted phonological and morphological processes is provided in this dissertation with hypotheses as to how the language might have evolved.

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48

Gess, Randall Scott. "Optimality theory in the historical phonology of French /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/8377.

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49

Mtenje, Atikonda Akuzike. "Aspects of the phonology of Sukwa: an optimality theoretic analysis." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/11331.

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Phonological studies of Bantu languages have continued to be an area of investigation for many scholars over the years. These studies have discussed the language's sound patterns syllable structures, phonological processes and suprasegmental features and have based their analyses on various theories of phonology.
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50

Kang, Yoonjung. "The phonetics and phonology of coronal markedness and unmarkedness." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/8844.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2000.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 191-202).
This thesis investigates place feature restrictions in oral and nasal stop consonants with a special focus on the asymmetrical behavior of coronal and noncoronal stops. Two conflicting patterns of place restriction in outputs are attested: coronal unmarkedness and coronal markedness. This thesis shows that coronal unmarkedness is truly a default pattern of place restriction. Coronal unmarkedness is not confined to specific segmental contexts or to languages with a particular inventory structure. In addition, the coronal unmarked pattern is attested through diverse phonological processes such as assimilation, place neutralization, segmental and featural deletion, metathesis, vowel syncope and morpheme structure constraints. This follows from the context-free place markedness hierarchy proposed by Prince and Smolensky (1993). These constraints can conjoin freely with any context-specific constraints. Such conjunction predicts neutralization to coronal place to be attested in any position where place contrast reduction is found. On the other hand, although coronal markedness is also attested through diverse phonological processes such as assimilation, place neutralization, segmental and featural deletion, metathesis and morpheme structure constraints, it is found only in nonprevocalic positions and only in languages without a sub-coronal place contrast. I propose that unlike the default markedness constraint hierarchy, the reversed markedness hierarchy is projected from a perceptibility scale of place features and is therefore context-specific. I argue that a coronal stop in nonprevocalic position in a single-coronal language is perceptually less salient than noncoronal stops in corresponding positions due to a preferential weakening of tongue body articulation for coronal stops in these positions. Also discussed in this thesis is the effect of nasality of stops on the degree of place restrictions. A nasal stop tends to allow fewer place contrasts than an oral stop and a stop followed by an oral stop tends to allow fewer place contrasts than one followed by a nasal stop. Finally, previous approaches to coronal versus noncoronal asymmetry-Coronal Underspecification, Underspecification by Constraints and Perceptually Grounded Faithfulness Constraints are discussed and their inadequacy is demonstrated.
by Yoonjung Kang.
Ph.D.
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