Relevant bibliographies by topics / Bureau for Democracy

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Bureau for Democracy'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Bureau for Democracy"

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Espeland, Wendy Nelson. "Bureaucratizing Democracy, Democratizing Bureaucracy." Law & Social Inquiry 25, no. 04 (2000): 1077–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2000.tb00317.x.

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This article analyzes the relationship between how rationality is conceived and how democracy is practiced in the Bureau of Reclamation, a water development agency in the Department of Interior. The efforts of some inside the agency to institutionalize rational decision-making models, partly in response to new environmental law, expanded the number and range of interest groups that participated in its decisions fry incorporating their preferences into their models for evaluating plans. But the terms under which people could express their values and interests were strictly controlled in ways that some felt misrepresented their concerns. How we conceive of rationality has important implications for how and which people are included in bureaucratic decision making.
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Fleischman, Richard, Thomas Tyson, and David Oldroyd. "THE U.S. FREEDMEN'S BUREAU IN POST-CIVIL WAR RECONSTRUCTION." Accounting Historians Journal 41, no. 2 (December 1, 2014): 75–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/0148-4184.41.2.75.

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The transition from slavery to freedom in the post-Civil War American South featured the efforts of the Freedmen's Bureau (FB) to help ex-slaves overcome an extremely hostile, racist environment that included the need to articulate new labor relations structures given the demise of the plantation system, to overcome the limitations on equality legislated by the infamous Black Codes, to address the pressing need to educate masses of highly illiterate black children, and the need to provide protection for freedmen from unscrupulous landowners. This paper seeks to measure the degree to which accounting and those performing accounting functions for the FB were able to ameliorate these dire conditions that have caused Reconstruction to be perceived as one of the most negative epochs in the history of American democracy.
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Ellmers, Stephen. "REVIEW: Riveting National Press Club tales of espionage." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 25, no. 1&2 (July 31, 2019): 295–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v25i1.491.

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Bureau of Spies: The secret connections between espionage and journalism in Washington, by Steven T. Usdin. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books. 2018. 360pp. ISBN 9781633884762.DON’T be fooled by Bureau of Spies’ provocative title. Steven Usdin’s careful and considered account of how foreign and domestic agitators have manipulated the American media and subverted that country’s democracy is thoroughly researched and extremely well written. It contains riveting descriptions of America First’s Nazi propaganda efforts as well as the extent of Russian intelligence’s attempts to hoodwink US delegates and voters. However, the setting for these seismic events is in the 20th Century rather than the 21st.
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Tosstorff, Reiner. "Gerd Callesen, Socialist Internationals: A Bibliography of Publications of the Social-Democratic and Socialist Internationals, 1914–2000. Bonn and Gent: Bibliothek der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2001. 167 pp. Free of charge." International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (April 2004): 173–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904230137.

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This is a very useful bibliographical tool produced by the efforts of the International Association of Labour History Institutions (IALHI). This association comprises more than one hundred archives, libraries and research centers all over the world, though the vast majority are located in Europe, and not all of them have the same importance, reflecting the geographical and political unevenness of socialism's history. This particular volume aims to list all the publications of the social-democratic internationals after 1914, i.e. from the time of the political split due to the support for World War I by most social-democratic parties. This means that the left-wing, beginning with the Kienthal-Zimmerwald movement during the war and leading to the “Communist International” from 1919 on, is not represented here. But also left-wing splits from social democracy in later years, as in the 1930s with the “London Bureau” of left-wing socialist parties (and also the Bureau's predecessors) are excluded here, as they openly campaigned against social democracy. Also, a few international workers' institutions (mainly in the cultural field) that had been founded before 1914, but tried to maintain their independence after 1914 faced with the political split, are therefore not listed as well.
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Abrar, Ana Nadhya. "Central Java’s assault on media ethics: How the governor turned watchdogs into pet poodles." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 25, no. 1&2 (July 31, 2019): 242–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v25i1and2.466.

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This study examines the coverage of Indonesia's main newspapers, Suara Merdeka and Radar Semarang (Jawa Pos group), about the Governor of Central Java, Indonesia, Ganjar Pranowo, in 2016, during his midterm period in leading the province. It highlights how the Governor, who initially removed help for journalists, became a figure that journalists like. The qualitative content analysis of 20 articles that took part in the journalism competition for journalists held by Public Relations Bureau Regional Secretary of Central Java Province showed that the news stopped at Ganjar Pranowo without trying to find deeper meaning from the field. The news frames used by the newspapers reflected that journalists who are members of the Press Club at the Central Java Provincial Secretariat Bureau were reluctant to be critical toward Ganjar Pranowo. Ganjar Pranowo was portrayed solely in the context of his success in leading Central Java based on assumptions made by journalists. The newspapers is no longer a neutral agent, but is rather tendentious. Unlike in other countries, in Central Java the Press Club is not beneficial for the development of democracy and the establishment of journalists.
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CHATTERJEE, SHIBASHIS, and SREYA MAITRA ROYCHOUDHURY. "Institutions, Democracy and ‘Corruption’ in India: Examining Potency and Performance." Japanese Journal of Political Science 14, no. 3 (August 13, 2013): 395–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109913000169.

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AbstractThe success of India's democracy hinges on the pivotal role played by its auxiliary institutions in negotiating major challenges through slow and persistent transformation. However, an objective audit of the performance of these institutions in the recent past would indicate a decline in operations and an acute crisis of corruption. Key institutions responsible for governance – Parliament, civil services, judiciary, the Election Commission, the Central Bureau of Investigation, the Central Vigilance Commission, and the Comptroller and Auditor General – have been put under the spotlight by an alert and mobilized civil society, urging immediate measures for ensuring their operational efficiency and integrity. This essay undertakes a critical examination of the present performance and efficiency of major democratic institutions in India, in the light of their prescribed roles and the malaise of corruption that plagues them. It argues that in order to articulate a comprehensive institutional response to the problem, relevant measures of political reform and constant vigil by civil society would prove crucial. The article is divided into six sections; first, a brief outline of the structure and changing nature of the institutional political set-up in India is provided; the second section examines the existing literature on ‘corruption’, and the third section highlights the increasing incidence of corruption in India at various politico-administrative tiers. The fourth section delineates the inception and role of anti-corruption institutions in India, signifying the early response to corruption. The fifth section critically reviews the theoretical and statistical evidence of performance-decline in the major institutions at present and gauges the potency of corruption; the sixth section explores the existing and prospective institutional responses for tackling corruption and the final section presents concluding observations.
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Wignaraja, Ponna. "Pro-poor Growth and Governance in South Asia—Decentralisation and Participatory Development." Pakistan Development Review 44, no. 4II (December 1, 2005): 1159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v44i4iipp.1159-1171.

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The launch of the SAPNA study “Pro-poor Growth and Governance in South Asia: Decentralisation and Participatory Development”, during the 21st Annual Conference of the Pakistan Society for Development Economics was most fortunate. The presence of Minister Daniyal Aziz in the Chair was not accidental. When the Prime Minister of Pakistan visited Sri Lanka recently, he was presented with a copy. He immediately saw in this Pro Poor Growth Strategy, the link between Pakistan’s attempt at decentralisation reforms to deepen political democratic processes and the need for a more balanced growth path, which could also result in greater economic democracy. He suggested that Minister Aziz chair this session and evolve a more holistic conceptual framework to guide his own work in the National Reconstruction Bureau.
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Birskyte, Liucija. "The Impact of Trust in Government on Tax Paying Behavior of Nonfarm Sole Proprietors." Annals of the Alexandru Ioan Cuza University - Economics 61, no. 1 (July 1, 2014): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/aicue-2014-0004.

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Abstract The paper explores the relationship between the taxpayers’ trust in government and their willingness to pay taxes. When honored, trust promotes feelings of goodwill between individuals, strengthens democracy, and reduces transaction costs in economic exchange. Literature on government regulation finds that if citizens trust the government they are more likely to comply with laws and regulations. In this article, the index of trust in government calculated by the American National Elections Studies (ANES) and the AGI (adjusted gross income) gap produced by the Department of Commerce’s Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) are used to test an empirical model if trust in government has a positive impact on tax compliance of the least compliant taxpayers group - nonfarm sole proprietors - controlling for the deterrent effects of tax enforcement. The results indicate that the higher trust in government improves tax compliance. The paper contributes to the existing literature on tax compliance by combining survey and statistical income reporting data to find evidence that perceptions about the trust in the government translate into actual tax payments
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Matsa, David A., and Amalia R. Miller. "Who Votes for Medicaid Expansion? Lessons from Maine's 2017 Referendum." Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 44, no. 4 (April 12, 2019): 563–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/03616878-7530801.

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Abstract Context: In November 2017, Maine became the first state in the nation to vote on a key provision of the Affordable Care Act: the expansion of Medicaid. Methods: This study merged official election results from localities across Maine with Census Bureau and American Hospital Association data to identify characteristics of areas that support Medicaid expansion. Findings: Places with more bachelor's degree holders more often vote in favor, whereas those with more associate's degree graduates tend to vote against. Conditional on education rates, areas with more uninsured individuals who would qualify for expanded coverage tend to vote in favor, while those with more high-income individuals tend to vote against. Also conditional on education rates, greater hospital employment is associated with support for expansion, but the presence of other health professionals, whose incomes might decrease from expansion, is associated with less support. Conclusions: Voting patterns are mostly consistent with economic self-interest, except for the sizable association of bachelor's degree holders with support for Medicaid expansion. Direct democracy can shift Medicaid policy: extrapolating to other states, the model predicts that hypothetical referenda would pass in 5 of the 18 states that had not yet expanded Medicaid at the time of Maine's vote.
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Naqvi, Syed Tanwir Husain. "The Triad of Governance, Devolution, and National Prosperity." Pakistan Development Review 42, no. 4II (December 1, 2003): 629–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v42i4iipp.629-640.

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I am privileged to have the opportunity to speak to this august audience of distinguished development economists very briefly, on what I have called the ‘Triad of Governance, Devolution and National Prosperity’. This, triad, I believe, lies at the heart of what constitutes the theme of this conference, namely ‘Institutional Change, Growth and Poverty’. The National Reconstruction Bureau which I was privileged to create and lead for all the three years of General Musharraf’s tenure as Chief Executive of Pakistan, was meant to transtate into reality the vision we crystallised for addressing the persistent failure of the institutions of state to provide solutions to the ever growing political, administrative, financial, judicial and social problems that the people of Pakistan faced since independence. The vision was ‘Reconstruction of the Institutions of State for Establishing Genuine and Sustainable Democracy to ensure Durable Good Governance for an Irreversible Transfer of Power to the People of Pakistan as soon as possible’. I will first give you a fleeting birds eye view of the wide spectrum over which our National Reconstruction endeavour in pursuit of this vision was spread. In the second part of this talk, which will contain the core of what I want to put across today, I will talk about financial devolution of the state. The third part of my talk will deal briefly with the burning issue of what we should do for turning our common citizens’ poverty into prosperity.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Bureau for Democracy"

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Ollier, Sylvain. "L'observation internationale des élections dans la région de l'OSCE : Contribution à l’étude de l'effectivité du contrôle électoral international." Thesis, Montpellier 1, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012MON10014.

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Depuis la fin de la Guerre froide, l'observation internationale des élections a connu une croissance exponentielle à travers le monde et en particulier au sein de la région formée par les 56 états participants de l'Organisation pour la Sécurité et la Coopération en Europe. En raison de l'intervention concomitante d'acteurs multiples et hétérogènes, cette activité est caractérisée par le développement de diverses procédures de coopération interinstitutionnelle mais des efforts restent à fournir afin de toujours garantir la cohérence du message délivré. Le contrôle opéré se fonde sur une profusion d'engagements internationaux de nature juridique et politique qui constituent un véritable droit international électoral, constamment enrichi par la jurisprudence dynamique de la Cour européenne des droits de l'Homme. Bien que la méthodologie sur laquelle repose les évaluations auxquelles procèdent les observateurs ait acquis une fiabilité importante et que ceux-ci parviennent dans la majorité des cas à éviter l'écueil d'une politisation des conclusions, les retombées des missions d'observation électorale restent aléatoires, nuisant à l'effectivité du système de contrôle dans son ensemble. De nombreux dispositifs de suivi des recommandations existent, qu'ils soient technique, politique ou juridictionnel, mais leur mise en œuvre révèle trop souvent un manque de rigueur. Au-delà, si le mécanisme de conditionnalité démocratique instaurée par l'Union européenne permet de relayer efficacement les conclusions des observateurs électoraux dans le cadre de la procédure d'adhésion, il souffre d'une application inconsistante dans le champ de la Politique européenne de voisinage. Il s'ensuit une influence marginale de l'observation électorale internationale sur les Etats autoritaires de la région de l'OSCE
Since the end of the Cold War, international election observation has grown exponentially worldwide and especially within the region formed by the 56 participating States of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. Due to the concomitant action of multiple and heterogeneous actors, this activity is characterized by the development of various procedures for inter-institutional cooperation but efforts are still needed in order to always ensure the consistency of the message delivered. The control operated is based on a wealth of international legal and political commitments which constitute a genuine international electoral law, constantly enriched by the dynamic jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights. The methodology underlying the assessments made by the observers has acquired a high reliability and these succeed in most cases to avoid the trap of politicized findings. However, the impact of electoral observation missions remains unequal, undermining the effectiveness of the whole control mechanism. Many devices, whether technical, political or judicial, exist for the follow-up of recommendations, but their implementation often reveals a lack of rigor. In addition, if the mechanism of democratic conditionality established by the European Union can effectively relay the findings of election observers in the context of the accession procedure, it suffers from an inconsistent application in the field of European Neighbourhood Policy. It follows a marginal influence of international election observation on authoritarian states of the OSCE area
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Langkjaer, Jenny. "Övervakning för rikets säkerhet : Svensk säkerhetspolisiär övervakning av utländska personer och inhemsk politisk aktivitet, 1885–1922." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-54782.

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During the 19th century the European states experienced a new kind of threat to their existence. The military threats from other countries were now accompanied by civilian threats that inspired mass protest, terrorism and other menaces to the established order. In Sweden, these threats were mainly seen as connected to the rising labor movement and to a growing number of foreign citizens. The aim of the dissertation is to examine surveillance for national security carried out by the Stockholm Criminal Investigation Department and its Police Bureau between 1885 and 1922. Apart from examining what specific surveillance methods that were used, the dissertation gives an answer to the question why the surveillance was carried out, and why it was carried out the way it was. It also discusses how differences and similarities between the surveillance in Sweden and other countries can be explained and how the surveillance between 1885 and 1922 relates to the corresponding activities during the latter part of the 20th century. The main conclusions are that there was a lack of formal rules regulating the surveillance, and that it therefore was based on the following of routines. The bureaucratization process that characterized the period influenced the surveillance, which came to be performed as a bureaucratic machine, characterized by a tendency of expansion. This meant that the surveillance activities were constantly expanded and became more and more extensive. The expansion is connected to the surveillance phenomenon, which could be said to have an unlimited scope. Furthermore, it is suggested that this specific historic legacy has affected the development of Swedish security police activity during the second half of the 20th century.
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Bayraktar, Serdar Ulas. "Local participatory democracy : the Local Agenda 21 Project in Turkish cities." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2006. https://spire.sciencespo.fr/notice/2441/5405.

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La présente étude vise à identifier les facteurs contextuels locaux qui déterminent l'impact démocratique éventuel des nouveaux mécanismes participatifs. A cette fin, nous avons entrepris une analyse comparative de deux villes turques, Bursa et Mersin, où l'impact d'une initiative participative commune, le processus d’agenda 21 local, a été très sensiblement dissemblable. Trois facteurs principaux semblent déerminer cette différence observée par rapport à l'impact démocratique des mécanismes participatifs semblables. Tout d'abord, les caractéristiques et les attitudes personnelles des maires nous apparaissent très influents par rapport a l'évolution et au résultat du processus participatif. Deuxièmement, nous avons constaté que la capacité et la tendance de la coopération et de la mobilisation collective de la société civile locale déterminent sensiblement le fonctionnement aussi bien que l'impact politique de tels mécanismes participatifs. Et finalement, la présence des coalitions urbaines parmi les acteurs principaux d'une ville nous a apparu comme un facteur très important quant a l'efficacité démocratique de nouveaux mécanismes participatifs
The present study aims at identifying the local contextual factors that determine the eventual democratic impact of new participatory mechanisms. For this purpose, we undertook a comparative analysis of two turkish cities, Bursa and Mersin, where the impact of a common participatory initiative, the local agenda 21 process, has been very significantly dissimilar. Three main factors appeared to be determining in this difference observed between the eventual democratic impact of the similar participatory mechanisms. First of all, the personal characteristics and attitudes of the mayors seemed to affect the evolution and the outcomes of the participatory process. Secondly, the ability and the tendency of cooperation and collective mobilisation of the local civil society have significantly determined the functioning as well as the eventual impact of such participatory mechanisms. And finally, the presence of urban coalitions among the main actors of a city appeared as a very important factor that facilitates the democratic efficiency of new participatory mechanisms
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Hatzinger, Kyle. "Democracy of Death: US Army Graves Registration and Its Burial of the World War I Dead." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2020. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1707387/.

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The United States entered World War I without a policy governing the burial of its overseas dead. Armed only with institutional knowledge from the Spanish-American War twenty years prior, the Army struggled to create a policy amidst social turmoil in the United States and political tension between France and the United States.
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Péran, Thomas. "La théorie de l'État de Georges Burdeau." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019USPCB048.

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L'objet de cet ouvrage est, à titre principal, de se prononcer sur la qualité d'auteur d'une théorie de l'État de Georges Burdeau. Rédiger une théorie de l'État, c'est aller bien au-delà de la simple énonciation de termes explicatifs, aussi pertinents soient-ils. Ce qui compte, c'est leur agencement cohérent, et celui-ci ne s'obtient que par l'identification d'un concept de ramification. C'est l'idée de droit qui joue ce rôle dans le Traité de science politique de Georges Burdeau. Faisant partie de ceux que l'on pourrait désigner par l'expression de « juristes constitutionnalistes ouverts », Georges Burdeau enrichit sa définition de l'État et la fait commencer bien en amont de la pratique classique de la doctrine. Sociologiques, polémologiques et spiritualistes, les vues de Burdeau sur le droit et sur l'État s'apparentent à un nouveau réalisme institutionnel qui contribue assurément à apporter une profondeur supplémentaire à la science du droit. Empruntant beaucoup aux économistes néo-classiques étudiant les structures concurrentielles de marché, l'auteur en transpose magistralement les mécanismes dans ses analyses de la lutte politique. Il dresse ainsi une géopolitique des forces et n'hésite pas à établir que l'État est de la dialectique organisée
The main purpose of this work is to establish whether Georges Burdeau has the quality of a State Theory's author. Writing a State Theory is to go beyond the mere enunciation of explanatory terms, however relevant they may be. What counts is their coherent arrangement, and this can only be achieved through the identification of a branching out concept. The "Idea of Law" plays this role in Georges Burdeau's Political Science Treaty. Georges Burdeau is a part of the so-called "open constitutional lawyers", he enriches his definition of the State, and makes it begin very upstream of the classical doctrine practice. Sociological, polemological and spiritualist, Burdeau's views on the Law and on the State are similar to a new institutional realism which certainly contributes to bring a greater depth to the Science of Law. Borrowing much from neo-classical economists studying competitive market structures, the author masterfully transposes the mechanisms in his analyses of the political struggle. He thus sets up a new geopolitics of forces and does not hesitate to establish that the State can be defined as an organized dialectic
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Pernu, Lauriina. "Towards democracy : How can we explain the democratisation process in Myanmar?" Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-53012.

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Myanmar (former Burma) has not had an easy path towards democracy. Once a British colony, the country has struggled with the violent military junta for several decades. The international community has been said to have failed in trying to stabilise Myanmar, in spite of good intentions. Although Myanmar is still far from being a consolidated country, there has, however, been some progress with democratisation.   This research will study how we can explain the democratisation process in Myanmar. It will concentrate on three key events which are analysed within a framework of two theories: Joseph S. Nye’s soft power, and realism. This study is conducted as a theory testing case study and is therefore using a qualitative method. Previous research in the form of democratisation theories from Diamond and Linz & Stepan are discussed as well. With the help of the theoretical framework, the study aims to discover whether the democratisation process can be explained with the help of those theories.
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Nivesjö, Jon. "On Economic Sanctions and Democracy - The function of economic sanctions as a tool to promote democratic development." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23508.

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The purpose of this paper is to examine if economic sanctions is a useful tool to promote the democratic development of a state. I am interested in exploring the effectiveness of the most common reasons for implementing sanctions; to change specific behavior incompatible with democracy or to incur regime transformation. In order to examine this, we look at the intent of implementing economic sanctions, how democratic development is measured, and the importance of human rights as a part of a democratic state. By applying these findings on opposing versions of modernization theory, I find measurable economic data that I can look at in connection with two case studies. The episodes chosen for the case studies are current sanctions being leveled against the Islamic Republic of Iran, and Myanmar. In the case studies themselves, I discover that Iran and Myanmar are very different in both the intentions behind their autocratic regimes, and the results of the sanctions against them. In examining the economic effects, I find it difficult to find data for both cases, and I fail to locate parts of the economic data I intended to look at. In the end, I conclude that while economic sanctions can have some impact on specific goals and the foundation for support of democracy, they are unlikely to be the deciding factor in democratic development.
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Hochstedler, Robert. "United States counter-narcotics policies towards Burma, and how the illegal myanmar regime is manipulating those policies to commit ethnic genocide." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Jun%5FHochstedler%5FNSA.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Aurel Croissant. "June 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p.123-129) Also available in print.
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McCauliff, Kristen L. "Burkas, books, and blogs selling a story of Middle Eastern democracy in the United States /." 2009. http://purl.galileo.usg.edu/uga%5Fetd/mccauliff%5Fkristen%5Fl%5F200912%5Fphd.

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Books on the topic "Bureau for Democracy"

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United States. Bureau for Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance. Office of Democracy and Governance. Guide to technical services. Washington D.C: U.S. Agency for International Development, Bureau for Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitatian Assistance, Office of Democracy and Governance, 2005.

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United, States Bureau for Democracy Conflict and Humanitarian Assistance Office of Democracy and Governance. Guide to technical services. Washington D.C: U.S. Agency for International Development, Bureau for Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitatian Assistance, Office of Democracy and Governance, 2005.

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Unsafe for democracy: World War I and the U.S. Justice Department's covert campaign to suppress dissent. Madison, Wis: University of Wisconsin Press, 2008.

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The passport backlog and the State Department's response to the Western Hemisphere Travel Initiative: Hearing before the Subcommittee on International Operations and Organizations, Democracy, and Human Rights of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, One Hundred Tenth Congress, first session, June 19, 2007. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2007.

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Luto en la democracia. [Dominican Republic: s.n.], 2000.

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Aung Suu Kyi and Burma's struggle for democracy. Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm Books, 2011.

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Aung San Suu Kyi: Standing up for democracy in Burma. New York: Feminist Press at the City University of New York, 1999.

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Burma. Sa taṅʻʺ nhaṅʻʹ Cā nayʻ jaṅʻʺ Lupʻ ṅanʻʺ, ed. If we really desire peaceful transition and national reconsolidation and other articles. [Yangon]: The News and Periodical Enterprise, 2004.

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(Burma), Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. Eight seconds of silence: The death of democracy activists behind bars. 3rd ed. Mae Sot, Tak, Thailand: Publ. and distribution, Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), 2006.

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Stewart, Whitney. Aung San Suu Kyi: Fearless voice of Burma. Minneapolis: Lerner Publications, 1997.

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Book chapters on the topic "Bureau for Democracy"

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Søndergaard, Rasmus Sinding. "“A Positive Track of Human Rights Policy”: Elliott Abrams, the Human Rights Bureau, and the Conceptualization of Democracy Promotion, 1981–1984." In The Reagan Administration, the Cold War, and the Transition to Democracy Promotion, 31–50. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96382-2_2.

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Diller, Janelle M. "The National Convention: an Impediment to the Restoration of Democracy." In Burma, 27–54. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230389083_2.

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Gogas, Periklis, and Theophilos Papadimitriou. "The Burgas–Alexandroupolis Pipeline: Macroeconomic Impact for Greece." In The Konstantinos Karamanlis Institute for Democracy Series on European and International Affairs, 187–200. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-34534-0_15.

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"The Bureau-Shaping Model." In Democracy, Bureaucracy and Public Choice, 188–223. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315835228-17.

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"Comparing Budget-Maximizing and Bureau-Shaping Models." In Democracy, Bureaucracy and Public Choice, 224–62. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315835228-18.

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Aronson, Amy. "From Protest to Dissent: Wartime Activism and the Founding of the ACLU." In Crystal Eastman, 163–92. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199948734.003.0008.

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In June 1917, Congress passed the Espionage Act, suspending basic civil liberties in the name of wartime national security. Suddenly, peace work seemed dangerously untenable, even to some in movement leadership. Nevertheless, the American Union Against Militarism (AUAM) voted to test the new wartime laws, campaigning to prevent a draft and devising a new category of military exemption based on conscience. But continuing tensions threatened to rupture the AUAM from the inside. Lillian Wald and Paul Kellogg wanted to resign. Eastman proposed an eleventh-hour solution: create a single, separate legal bureau for the maintenance of fundamental rights in wartime—free press, free speech, freedom of assembly, and liberty of conscience. The new bureau became the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU). However, Eastman’s hopes to shape and oversee that work, keeping it focused on internationalism and global democracy, were not to be. The birth of her child sidelined her while Roger Baldwin, arriving at a critical time for the country and the organization, took charge and made the bureau his own.
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Storrs, Landon R. Y. "The Loyalty Investigations of Mary Dublin Keyserling and Leon Keyserling." In The Second Red Scare and the Unmaking of the New Deal Left. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691153964.003.0005.

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This chapter focuses on Mary Dublin Keyserling and Leon Keyserling, who were particularly prominent targets for the anticommunist right from 1940 through the mid-1960s. His first claim to fame was drafting the National Labor Relations Act, and her career began as a consumer activist, so they aptly represent the movements whose successes mobilized anticommunist crusaders. The Keyserlings were “purchasing-power progressives” who argued that raising working-class living standards was essential for a healthy economy and a healthy democracy. They both experienced long, bruising loyalty investigations and resigned in 1953 during the transition to the Eisenhower administration. Leon reemerged as an economic adviser to the Democratic National Committee and the AFL-CIO in the late 1950s and then as an ally of the centrist Democrat Hubert Humphrey. In 1964, President Lyndon Johnson appointed Mary head of the U.S. Women's Bureau, over the objections of congressional conservatives who revived the old disloyalty allegations.
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Cordray, Richard. "Concluding Thoughts." In Watchdog, 219–28. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197502990.003.0016.

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This chapter argues that the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau presents a model for how government can serve all Americans, helping remedy individual injustices and correct larger distortions in our market economy. Providing support to consumers—ranging from financial education to law enforcement to setting regulations that reform dysfunctional practices in the marketplace—contributes to individual well-being and strengthens families. As fully two-thirds of our economic output is consumer driven, shoring up consumers and imposing sensible regulations to curb excesses of corporate power make the economy sounder and more resilient. People are anxious about the future, and they feel the indignity of corporate indifference when their legitimate concerns are ignored or dismissed. If people lose faith in government’s ability to stand up to powerful special interests, their alienation threatens to destabilize a broad and empowered middle class. Promoting and safeguarding a marketplace that serves consumers—all Americans—is essential to our democracy.
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Beasley, Rebecca. "War Work." In Russomania, 241–318. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198802129.003.0006.

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Alliance with tsarist Russia during the First World War presented a propaganda challenge for the British government: many believed that to support Russia against Germany was to support a barbarous nation against its own subjects, and to risk tipping the balance of power in Europe away from democracy. Russian literature was strategically deployed by the War Propaganda Bureau as evidence of Russia’s civilization, and writers and critics were marshalled to overturn the anti-tsarist interpretations of Russian literature put in place by the Russian populists. Russian literature now appeared in a new guise, read not through realism but symbolism, a movement introduced to Britain through the performances of the Ballets Russes, the travel writings of Stephen Graham, and reappraisals of Dostoevsky’s writings. The chapter concludes by examining the fiction of D. H. Lawrence, Katherine Mansfield, and John Middleton Murry, which resists wartime propaganda, and finds in Russian literature a critique of Western civilisation and its war.
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Reidy, Joseph P. "Epilogue." In Illusions of Emancipation, 338–56. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469648361.003.0011.

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The defeat of the Confederacy destroyed slavery and the slaveholders' quest for an independent nation. The Freedmen's Bureau, established by Congress weeks before the surrender, aimed to construct a system of compensated labor on the ruins of slavery and to identify and protect the rights that freed people needed to function in the new world of freedom. They encountered strong opposition from former slaveholders, which President Andrew Johnson's lenient reconstruction policy appeared to encourage. When Radical Republicans gained the upper hand, they enacted sweeping legislation designed to reconstruct the seceded states on the principle of racial democracy (the Reconstruction Acts) and to safeguard black Americans' civil and political rights (a Civil Rights Act and the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments). But by failing to legislate a redistribution of Southern land, the Radicals squelched the freed people's most cherished hope for economic advancement. Although this and other setbacks-including the violent overthrow of Radical Reconstruction in 1876-dampened hopes, the quest for freedom and equality endured.
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