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1

Schickler, Bonnie M. "U.S. intelligence reform a bureaucratic politics approach." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4689.

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This study investigates the current bureaucratic struggles that exist within the U.S. intelligence community as a result of the Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act (IRTPA) of 2004. The first part of this research examines the history of intelligence reform in the United States beginning with the National Security Act of 1947. The second part provides an in-depth discussion of the 2004 legislation as well as an examination of the main bureaucratic conflicts that have arisen between the Director of National Intelligence (DNI) and the rest of the U.S. intelligence community. This study used the bureaucratic politics model to explain the development of the current disagreements, the reasons behind the DNI's struggle for power, and the intelligence community's inability to adapt to the reform. This research determined that the current conflicts have occurred as a result of the unclear authorities issued to the DNI by IRTPA and have been further exacerbated by interest-driven intelligence agencies and a well-developed culture that has proven difficult to abandon. This research also provides insight into several alternative approaches that can be used to explain the current U.S. intelligence reform process. Additionally, recommendations were made for reducing the bureaucratic friction that currently exists within the intelligence community and to strengthen the overall authority of the Director of National Intelligence.
ID: 029049859; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2010.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 99-108).
M.A.
Masters
Department of Political Science
Sciences
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2

Yang, Xiaomeng. "Bureaucratic politics and Japan's foreign aid policy-making." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/mq30834.pdf.

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3

Nelson, Susan Hobbs. "The bureaucratic politics of democracy promotion the Russian democratization project /." College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/3506.

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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2006.
Thesis research directed by: Government and Politics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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4

Tanwir, Maryam. "Bureaucratic perceptions of governance : intersections of merit, gender and politics." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609137.

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5

Franchino, Fabio. "Executive and bureaucratic politics in the European Union : bureaucratic preferences, executive discretion and procedural control of the European Commission." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2000. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1542/.

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The neofunctionalist literature asserts that supranational institutions play a crucial role in shaping the process of European integration. Yet, it is not apparently obvious why institutions with far less capabilities and resources than national ones can be so effective. The thesis tries to explain this puzzle focusing on the European Commission. It takes up two related questions: Which motives drive this institution. Under which conditions does it reach its objective (and, hence, affect integration). In other words, the thesis applies domestic theories of bureaucratic and executive politics to the European Union. First, it tests Niskanen's and Dunleavy's hypotheses on bureaucratic preferences on the Union competition and regional policies. It asserts the preeminence of the work-related preferences of the Commission, consisting of managerial discretion and broad scope of functions. Second, it uses a formal model of EU legislative politics and the work of Epstein and O'Halloran and of Gilligan and Krehbiel to quantitatively test the factors that increase the statutory discretion delegated to the Commission. The results show that the uncertainty facing Union legislators about policy actions, policy types and informal decision rules are the most important determinants. Finally, it uses the work of McCubbins and Page to quantitatively test the factors that increase the likelihood and the stringency of procedural controls of the Commission's functions. The results show that unanimity, level of conflict among the Union institutions and uncertainty are key determinants for the establishment of these controls. Level of conflict and uncertainty are also important factors affecting the degree of stringency in control. In conclusion, the Commission enjoys broader discretion and, hence, affects integration when 1) qualified majority is used in the Council and 2) only the Commission is in charge of implementation. However, we should be cautious about its actual room of maneuver because broader discretion correlates positively with the stringency of control.
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Hand, Robert W. "The Clinton Administration's Russia policy (1993-1997) : misperceptions, networks, bureaucratic politics, and temporal effects." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2015. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=227958.

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This thesis examines the first post-Soviet interplay between the US and Russia—the Clinton Administration's policy toward Russia from 1993 to 1997 (the “Clinton Policy”). The thesis uses Rational Action Theory and a unique combination of widely-proven and accepted perspectives on US presidential administration bureaucratic processes, presidential decision-making, political elite perceptions, the effects of bureaucratic organisation on policy decisions, and temporal effects to examine this critical point in US foreign policy. The thesis validates the point of view that the Clinton Policy was formulated and implemented with a myopic view of both Yeltsin and Russia as a result of personal histories and bias, bureaucratic inertia, and temporal dynamics. It further highlights that the Clinton Administration continued to resource and reinforce this unsuccessful policy despite objective indicators that its trajectory was not as desired or predicted. In a broader context, the thesis suggests that future US presidential administrations seeking to influence another country at so deep a level as to effect a major socio-political and structural change such as the implementation of democracy must have a significant resolve and commitment for an extended period, an initial and continuing assessment of the affected nation that is as complete and impartial as possible, and the mechanisms and will to discontinue an unsuccessful policy.
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7

McMylor, Peter Martin. "Capitalism, managerialism and the market : the problem of politics in the culture of bureaucratic individualism." Thesis, Durham University, 1987. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/6878/.

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This thesis addresses a core problem of the human sciences: the relationship between communal and individual forms of life. In so doing it seeks to raise questions about the acceptance of liberal individualism. This is achieved by the development of certain themes in the work of the philosopher Alasdair Maclntyre, especially those present within his major work After Virtue. This thesis is not a critical study of Maclntyre, but instead attempts to extract, from the work of this major anti-liberal philosopher, elements that can be profitably developed by the human sciences and contribute to a renewal of a socialist politics which is more than one more version of liberal progressivism. The introductory chapter outlines the nature of the problems posed for any kind of communal ism in a liberal polity, the major themes from Maclntyre's work in the last three decades are outlined, in relationship to the question of liberal modernity. This is followed in Chapter One by an outline of some cultural themes concerning concepts of self and community briefly touched on in Maclntyre's work. Chapter Two looks at the impact of liberal culture on its major ideological competitor, Marxism, stressing Maclntyre's complex relationship with the Marxian tradition. Chapters Three and Four examine some of the historical assumptions embodied within Maclntyre's After Virtue. Chapter Three looks at the impact of the capitalist market on our social and moral attitudes. The account of this process is shown to be closely related to the work of the historian Karl Polanyi. Chapter Four looks at the historical relationship between liberalism and bureaucratic practices. In conclusion, Chapter Five examines Maclntyre's alternative to liberal individualism, and connects his narrative account of a human life with other recent developments, in thought and experience.
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Finch, Guy Robert. "Replacing the V-Bombers : RAF strategic nuclear systems procurement and the bureaucratic politics of threat." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/a1f8f757-8755-4755-a605-f4f6ed7225a7.

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9

Al-Rahim, Taha Ahmed Abd. "Bureaucratic politics in the Sudan : a study of access to residential land in Greater Khartoum." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1985. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7972/.

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This study examines the process of the distribution of residential land in Greater Khartoum, Sudan, and inquires into the processes which constrain the access of the urban population to residential plots. The main objective is to analyse the constraints which bear upon the implementation of urban housing policy, and to develop an adequate explanation of their sources and underlying mechanisms. The study employs a broad framework of analysis that combines a structural analysis of the political economy with an institutional analysis of policy and organisational process. It will be argued that the limitations inherent in the urban housing policy in Sudan can be explained in terms of the prevailing policy planning model and the underlying structural constraints which arise from the nature of the political economy. The study consists of seven chapters. Chapter One provides an overview of perspectives of policy implementation in the Third World. The relevance of some of these perspectives to an approach that relates policy problems to social structure will be considered. Chapter Two presents an exposition of the Sudanese economy and highlights the question of how dominant economic interests influence public policy. Chapter Three addresses the links between social structure and public policy by analysing the prevalent model of policy planning in Sudan. It will be argued that there is a correspondence between the social content of the policy model and the interests of dominant economic classes identified in Chapter Two. Chapter Four focuses on the effect of the policy model on urban social policy. Two policy areas will be examined: the policy of regional development and its impact on housing problems in the capital; and the policy of urban land development. Chapter Five investigates the concrete limits on access to residential land at the level of housing agencies. Their organisational patterns, rules of allocation and operational processes will be examined. Chapter Six narrows the focus on the limits on access by examining the upgrading process in one of the capital's illegal settlements. Chapter Seven concludes the argument on the source and the incidence of constraints on policy implementation. We will synthesise the processes underlying the constraints identified in the preceding chapters, and advance a broad explanation of the nature and the incidence of these constraints.
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Akbar, Jason A. "Institutional Reform in Japan: The Impact of Electoral, Governmental, and Administrative Reforms on the Policymaking Process." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1331730692.

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11

Sweeney, Simon. "Explaining the European Union's Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) : power, bureaucratic politics and grand strategy." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2015. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/11216/.

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This study explores the meaning and operation of the European Union Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) from the Saint Malo Declaration in December 1998 up to the European Council of December 2013. Applying a comprehensive strategic culture framework, the study affirms that CSDP began as an intergovernmental initiative but its institutional structure and implementation reflects a non-traditional type of intergovernmentalism, lacking the usual interests-based interstate bargaining. The study affirms that there is an emergent European strategic culture that co-exists with member state strategic cultures. It further identifies a credibility gap between the Union’s stated security and defence ambitions and its current level of capability and actorness. The explanation for these shortcomings lies in a form of bureaucratic politics suffused throughout CSDP processes. The bureaucratic politics explanation of CSDP stands in sharp contrast to suggestions that the policy area exhibits Europeanisation, finding this concept too vague to be analytically useful in understanding what CSDP represents. The original contribution of the study is that the often suggested need for CSDP to be driven by Grand Strategy in the academic literature is inappropriate and unfeasible because member states consistently fail to define their common interests, and the form of bureaucratic politics of CSDP conflicts with the development and implementation of Grand Strategy. While Grand Strategy cannot work, bureaucratic politics may in the long-term incrementally deliver an EU strategic culture, strategic actorness and enhanced capability. The study therefore concludes that despite shortfalls, the bureaucratic politics approach is the most effective way to analyse CSDP in a scholarly sense and also as a means to achieve the declared ambitions of CSDP.
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Garrastazu, Antonio. "Interest Groups and the Politics of Trade after the Cold War: The Case of the U.S.-Jordan, Singapore and Chile Free Trade Agreements." Scholarly Repository, 2008. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_dissertations/40.

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The politics of trade after the Cold War has transformed United States foreign policy. In fact, given the surge of interest in free trade agreements (FTAs) and the far-reaching political and economic repercussions of globalization, this thesis argues that the post-Cold War period, reinforced by the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, constitute a critical juncture in the history of U.S. international economic policy and trade diplomacy. The U.S. began to seek FTAs after 1989 as a way to maintain its strategic influence in international relations and counterbalance the formation of trading blocs such as the European Union (EU). Yet, despite its hegemony, the U.S. has succeeded in negotiating and implementing relatively few FTAs. Addressing this paradox, this dissertation seeks to answer two basic questions: First, why does the U.S. have relatively few FTAs compared to other economically powerful countries belonging to the Organization for Economic Development and Cooperation (OECD)? Second, why has the U.S. taken longer to negotiate and conclude certain FTAs over others? These questions will be examined by analyzing the evolution of interest group coalitions and the persistent conflict surrounding FTAs and international trade in general since the end of the Cold War. To further this analysis, the dissertation will study the influence of interest groups, bureaucratic politics, and the role of institutions, as well as the interaction among state and civil society actors, on the politics of trade. The dissertation will focus on the immediate aftermath of the Cold War period, which set the tone for current U.S. trade policy, and will examine the negotiations leading to the agreements signed with Jordan, Singapore, and Chile.
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13

Moseley, Alice. "The governance of collaboration in local public service delivery networks." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/49795.

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Multi-agency collaboration is often advocated as a means of tackling cross-cutting areas of public services and viewed as a solution to service fragmentation, with local agencies on the receiving end of government exhortations to collaborate. Yet there is relatively little research examining the effectiveness of policy tools and mechanisms aiming to stimulate local collaboration. This thesis examines the influence and dynamics of vertical and horizontal coordination tools, investigating their potential to enhance collaboration in local public service delivery networks and to reduce negative externalities. A theoretical framework is employed which synthesises models of policy implementation and bureaucratic decision-making. The empirical research is conducted in relation to organisations working with the homeless in England, and the research methods include a survey of Local Authorities and interviews with civil servants and frontline professionals. While governmental attempts to foster collaboration are partially effective, there are weaknesses with some of the policy tools employed, and limits to State control. Local actors’ collaborative decision-making is influenced more by ‘bottom-up’ than by ‘top-down’ factors. Moreover, the competitive context in which service providers operate leads them to pursue strategies to promote their own organisational interests rather than working towards a dominant common interest. The strategies employed are broadly in line with a bureaucratic politics perspective, and include failure to share information, possessiveness over client outcomes and projecting an image of success rather than sharing problems. Nevertheless, formal collaborative mechanisms do have the potential to alleviate externalities associated with fragmented systems. With strong local management and appropriate central facilitation, they can help to meet client needs and to counter fragmentation, ultimately leading to better services.
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14

Sum, Ngai-ling Ivin. "The changing nature of colonial-bureaucratic authoritarianism in Hong Kong and its implications for public policies." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 1989. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B31976086.

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15

Sum, Ngai-ling Ivin, and 岑艾玲. "The changing nature of colonial-bureaucratic authoritarianism in Hong Kong and its implications for public policies." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1989. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31976086.

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16

Mayne, Richard Oliver. "Behind the scenes at Naval Service headquarters, bureaucratic politics and the dismissal of Vice-Admiral Percy W. Nelles." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ40495.pdf.

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17

Wallis, Christopher. "The thinker, the doer and the decider : Zbigniew Brzezinski, Cyrus Vance and the bureaucratic wars of the Carter administration." Thesis, Northumbria University, 2018. http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/37648/.

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When President Jimmy Carter entered the White House, he desired a decision-making structure that would be collegial and provide him with a diverse range of policy options from his principal advisors, Secretary of State Cyrus Vance and National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski. However, their differing outlooks coupled with a desire to control and manage U.S. foreign policy led to a furious and bitter battle to influence the administration's agenda. This thesis analyses the relationship between Vance and Brzezinski and their struggles for the ear of the president. It was a conflict exacerbated by the institutional rivalry between the National Security Council and the State Department as they battled with one another to affect policy. As issues arose, the president's advisors, supported by their constituencies, jostled to orchestrate the administration's strategies and approach. Subsequently, tensions increased as the conflict between Vance, Brzezinski and their departments developed into unbridled bureaucratic warfare within the Carter administration. This study utilises the bureaucratic politics paradigm to illustrate how the influence of advisors and organisations can impact on presidential decision-making. While President Carter wanted to be the main decision maker in his administration, his insistence on a system that provided him with a range of advice precipitated the struggles between Vance and Brzezinski. As their disputes intensified, Carter was unable to effectively manage the views and advice of his advisors and formulate a clear strategy. As this thesis demonstrates, the bureaucratic politics model provides an effective framework to analyse the development and implementation of U.S. foreign policy. While historians have neglected or played down the significance of their clashes, this thesis argues that the rivalry between Vance, Brzezinski, and their respective departments had a clear and visible effect on U.S. foreign policy. The bureaucratic wars raged throughout Carter's time in office, contributing to a tapestry of inconsistencies that resulted in the administration's inability to create a settled foreign policy agenda.
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Blankshain, Jessica Deighan. "Essays on Interservice Rivalry and American Civil-Military Relations." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11505.

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How does interservice rivalry affect American civil-military relations? In three essays, I develop theoretical propositions about the relationship between interservice rivalry and civil-military outcomes; propose a two-stage model of civil-military interaction surrounding use of force decisions; and investigate the correlates of interservice rivalry with a focus on budget pressure.
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Kirchhoff, Christopher. "Fixing the national security state : commissions and the politics of disaster and reform." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/226849.

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In the U.S. federal system, 'crisis commissions' are powerful instruments of social learning that actively mediate the politics of disaster and reform. Typically endowed with the legal authority to establish causes of dramatic policy failures and make recommendations to prevent their recurrence, commissions can prompt major governmental reorganizations. Yet commissions are also frequently accused of being influenced by dominant interests and faulted for articulating incomplete or politically expedient narratives of failure. Even when commission conclusions are accepted, the reforms they propose are not always adopted. Using the 9/11 Commission as a conceptual backdrop, this dissertation explores the relationship between disaster, public investigation, and reform by undertaking a detailed study of the Space Shuttle Columbia Accident Investigation Board and Iraq Study Group. Together, the cases constitute a study of the national security state seeking to correct failures across different domains of state power: border security, war-making capability, and dominance in space. I argue that commissions, as one-shot diagnostic and therapeutic instruments, are more effective than standing political institutions at confronting entrenched ways of seeing and knowing in complex systems of the national security state, which are defined by the interaction of ideology, large bureaucracies, and advanced technologies. The ability of commissions to see critically for society itself is not given but rather constructed through investigative and deliberative processes that must overcome the action of political interests. Commission credibility is therefore not an essential trait that derives a priori from the inherent stature of its members, but is rather the output of the investigative phase as commissions identify, compile, and publicize errors made by the state. In this adversarial process, an aggressive professional staff emerges as a determinant of commission success, leading to an important distinction between investigative commissions with 'super staffs' and advisory commissions that lack them. Process tracing recommendations over a multi-year period nevertheless reveals dynamics of agency and resistance at play between commissions and the institutions they attempt to reform, highlighting the partial success commissions are likely to achieve at coercing entrenched institutions to implement their recommendations.
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Sakaguchi, Sean Y. "The Modern Administrative State: Why We Have ‘Big Government’ and How to Run and Reform Bureaucratic Organizations." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1325.

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This work asserts that bureaucratic organization is not only an inevitable part of the modern administrative state, but that a high quality bureaucracy within a strongly empowered executive branch is an ideal mechanism for running government in the modern era. Beginning with a philosophical inquiry into the purpose of American government as we understand it today, this paper responds to criticisms of the role of expanded government and develops a framework for evaluating the quality of differing government structures. Following an evaluation of the current debate surrounding bureaucracies (from both proponents and critics), this thesis outlines the lessons and principles for structuring and managing an efficient bureaucracy. Finally, this paper concludes with two case studies – Puerto Rican bureaucratic failures and Japanese/Chinese national development – to consider the effects of compliance and non-compliance to the lessons outlined in this work. The inquiry finds that principles such as specialization, political autonomy, effective information systems, higher accountability standards, and managerial emphasis on policy implementation are all critical to superior bureaucratic governance.
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Fernandes, Ivan Filipe de Almeida Lopes. "Burocracia e política: a construção institucional da política comercial brasileira pós-abertura econômica." Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-26082010-132117/.

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A política comercial brasileira e o arcabouço institucional em que é coordenada e formulada passaram por importantes transformações a partir da abertura econômica em 1990. Suas estruturas administrativas foram completamente remodeladas. Estas mudanças incentivaram a politização e pluralização da política comercial de forma que a sua tomada de decisão e implementação passaram a ocorrer em um novo contexto, marcado por novos condicionantes e demandas num ambiente de comércio exterior muito mais complexo e competitivo. A complexificação da agenda comercial mobilizou novos atores burocráticos que não haviam participado da política comercial desenvolvimentista, tornando evidente o aumento do seu grau de politização. Posto isto, analisamos o processo de construção das instituições que regem a política de comércio exterior pós-abertura econômica, tendo como foco analítico as relações entre a mudança institucional e a dinâmica político-burocrática interna do Poder Executivo. Analisamos aqui o conflito interno ao Poder Executivo entre as diferentes agências e órgãos burocráticos que tinham ou tenham competências e interesses envolvidos neste campo mais complexo no qual a política comercial atual foi e é disputada e produzida e como foi a ação da Presidência da República em termos de seu grau de envolvimento efetivo em cada uma dessas alterações. Optamos por analisar as instituições que compõem o quadro de coordenação desta política. O primeiro corte de estudo foi o processo de extinção da Carteira de Comércio Exterior do Banco do Brasil (Cacex), principal símbolo e a síntese da institucionalidade do modelo desenvolvimentista de industrialização por substituição de importações sobre o comércio exterior. O segundo estudo analisa a formação, reformas e consolidação da institucionalidade do modelo da Câmara de Comércio Exterior (Camex) adotado no início do governo Cardoso e, após algumas transformações, consolidado no governo Lula. A pesquisa foi dividida em duas etapas distintas, mas com interconexões mútuas. A primeira etapa consistiu na proposição de um quadro teórico que permitisse a derivação das hipóteses utilizadas na pesquisa empírica a partir de uma avaliação crítica do que já foi produzido sobre a influência e as implicações da participação da burocracia no jogo político. Na segunda parte 7 foi realizada a pesquisa empírica na qual se avaliou o impacto da política burocrática na construção das instituições da política comercial brasileira. Para a execução empírica da pesquisa foi feito um levantamento dos dispositivos legais que alteraram o aparato institucional, das preferências reveladas dos atores e percepções de atores e pesquisadores que participaram dos processos decisórios e, finalmente, de outros instrumentos analíticos mais objetivos e menos sensíveis a questões subjetivas. Por fim, a partir do exame dos dados obtidos, ponderou-se ao final da pesquisa que o conflito interno no Poder Executivo foi uma variável importante, embora não tenha sido a única determinante do processo de construção institucional da política comercial brasileira pósabertura econômica, e que o quadro analítico forneceu conceitos fundamentais para a análise e explicação das interações entre a política burocrática e esta construção institucional.
The Brazilian trade policy and its institutional framework have undergone major changes since the economic opening in 1990. Its administrative structures have been completely rebuilt. These changes have encouraged the politicization and pluralization of the trade policy so that decision making and policy implementation have begun to occur in a new context, characterized by new constraints and demands in a foreign trade environment more complex and competitive. The complexity of the new trade agenda has mobilized bureaucratic actors who had not participated of the developmentist trade policy, demonstrating the increase in its degree of politicization. We analyze the building process of the institutions that conduct the post-economic trade policy liberalization, focusing on the analytical relationships between institutional change and the bureaucratic politics dynamics inside the executive branch. Here we analyze the internal conflict in the executive branch among the different agencies that have competences and interests involved as well as how was taken the Presidential action in terms of its actual degree of involvement in each of these changes. We choose to study the institutions that compose the coordination framework of the Brazilian trade policy. In the first cut, we study the process of extinction of the Carteira de Comércio Exterior do Banco do Brasil (Cacex), the main symbol and synthesis of the developmentist institutional model of industrialization through import substitution in the foreign trade. In a second step, we study the process of formation, reforms and consolidation of the Camex model, adopted in the beginning of Cardoso\'s government and, after some transformations, consolidated under Lula\'s government. The research strategy was divided in two distinctive stages, but with mutual interconnections. The first one consisted of the proposition of a theoretical framework that would allow the derivation of the hypothesis used in the empirical research from a critical assessment of what had been produced about the influences and implications of the bureaucratic participation in the political process. In the second one, it was conducted an empirical research in which it was assessed the impact of the bureaucratic politics in the trade policy institutional building. In order to implement the empirical research, the legal devices that changed the institutional 9 apparatus has been surveyed as well as the revealed preferences of actors and perceptions of actors and researchers who have had a participation in decision making processes and, ultimately, other objective analytical tools less sensitive to subjective issues. Finally, from the obtained data, it was pondered that the internal conflict within the Executive Branch was an important variable, although not the sole determinant of the process of institutional building of the Brazilian trade policy after the economic opening, and that the analytical framework has provided fundamental concepts for the analysis and for the explanation of the interactions between politics and bureaucracies and this institution-building process.
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22

Randall, David J. "The Politics of Medicaid Contracting and Privatization." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1337598681.

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23

Erlandsson, Magnus. "Striderna i Rosenbad : Om trettio års försök att förändra Regeringskansliet." Doctoral thesis, Stockholm University, Department of Political Science, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-6848.

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This dissertation examines the last thirty years of internal reforms in the Swedish Government Offices. Analysis of the evolution of personnel politics, the formation of one agency and the attempts to introduce a collective activity planning model, show that the immediate problems of the early 1970’s – an over dimensioned staff, territory battles and unclear division of responsibility for personnel and organisation – remains to this day, notwithstanding the many reforms to approach them. One principal explanation behind this is that the key players for successful reorganisations – the politicians – do hardly ever partake. Instead, and on the basis of the perspective of bureaucratic politics, this dissertation demonstrates that the internal development of the Government Offices should be explained as the result of struggles between different bureaucratic actors, with diverse views on problems and their solutions, and with various prospects and strengths to affect the outcome. Due to the choice of politicians to leave this policy field open to bureaucratic politics, the policy is essentially shaped and decided within a bureaucratic context. The dissertation ends in a conclusion that there is an almost constant bureaucratic battle behind internal organisation of the Government Offices, a conflict where tradition, values and strong bureaucratic actors play an important part, and where institutional change is exceptional, since the preserving powers in these processes have the upper hand. But politicians can change – in spite of these traditions, values and bureaucratic agents – if they have the determination. The theoretical aim of this dissertation, through a critical assessment of the bureaucratic politics perspective – an evaluation motivated by the empirical data and inspired by two challenging and related theoretic models; sociological and historical institutionalism – is to display the qualities and shortcomings of the bureaucratic politics model, to develop and improve the original model of bureaucratic politics, and making it more expedient for future studies of institutional change in central political organisations.

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Howell, Dennis H. "Japan's Security Decisions: Allison's Conceptual Models and Missile Defense Policy." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/42780.

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This research project assesses the continued utility of Allisonâ s three policy-making models in analyzing contemporary foreign policy problems. It also explores the effect of cultural considerations on Allisonâ s concepts by delving into the unique themes of Japanese politics. The climate in which this policy decision is made is framed through a discussion of the strategic environment and Japanese defense policy following the Cold War and 9/11. The rational actor, organizational process, and bureaucratic politics models are applied to Japanâ s 2003 decision to field a missile defense system through a qualitative analysis of English-language secondary hard-copy and online sources. Some Japanese government materials are reviewed as well; the Japanese language, however, presented challenges to research. Despite the expectation that the rational actor model best describes the Japanese approach to missile defense, this project shows the true value of Allisonâ s theories lies in their capacity to expose issues relevant to policy problems from varying perspectives. Japanâ s missile defense policy likely resulted from a combination of the three models, each influenced in varying degrees by the cultural aspects of Japanese politics.
Master of Arts
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25

Kanzler, Katja. "The Politics of Imaging the "Machine in the Garden" in Antebellum Factory Literature." Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2016. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-213491.

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This essay brings a fundamentally Americanist question to bear on Leo Marx’s fundamental piece of Americanist scholarship: What cultural work does the machine-in-the-garden trope perform in literary texts, texts that—as Marx highlighted—emphatically invoke the socio-economic upheavals of industrialization? Rather than asking what the trope means, I am interested in what it does in textual environments that, literally or metaphorically, navigate a protean discourse of class.1 I want to pursue this question in a reading of two texts that directly engage with industrialization and its machinery, two pieces of literature written in markedly different circumstances—one by an eminently canonical writer of the American Renaissance, Herman Melville, the other by a woman who worked in the factories of Lowell, the period’s model industrial town. My reading of these texts aims to draw attention to the ways in which representations of the machine in the garden are perspectivized: While engaging with the juxtaposition of nature and technology, these representations always also work on negotiating social subjectivities—on defining, contrasting, authorizing, critiquing subject positions in the rapidly shifting social matrix of an industrializing USA. In other words, I propose to not only attend to the texts’ images of the machine in the garden but also to the imaging that they depict. The texts with which I will be concerned dramatize this imaging as work that is deeply situated and entangled in other practices of selffashioning, practices which resonate with industrialism’s new regimes of social difference. Herman Melville’s short-story "The Tartarus of Maids" (1855) constructs a narrator who renders his encounter with industrialism in a rhetoric greatly informed by the machine-in-the-garden trope. By correlating this figurative practice with the notably limited and biased perspective of its narrator—a perspective whose marking laminates class and gender—the text exposes the work of socio-economic self-fashioning enabled by the trope. The sketch "A Merrimack Reverie" (1840), published in the "factory-girl"2 magazine The Lowell Offering, develops a motif that seems to invert the trope Marx identified—the motif of horticulture in the factory. This motif unfolds much ambiguity in the text which, I will suggest, registers the precarious quality of the magazine’s project to establish the ‘factory girl’ as an affirmative subject position
"Der vorliegende Beitrag ist die pre-print Version. Bitte nutzen Sie für Zitate die Seitenzahl der Original-Version." (siehe Quellenangabe)
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26

Kanzler, Katja. "The Politics of Imaging the "Machine in the Garden" in Antebellum Factory Literature." Campus Verlag, 2014. https://tud.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A29939.

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This essay brings a fundamentally Americanist question to bear on Leo Marx’s fundamental piece of Americanist scholarship: What cultural work does the machine-in-the-garden trope perform in literary texts, texts that—as Marx highlighted—emphatically invoke the socio-economic upheavals of industrialization? Rather than asking what the trope means, I am interested in what it does in textual environments that, literally or metaphorically, navigate a protean discourse of class.1 I want to pursue this question in a reading of two texts that directly engage with industrialization and its machinery, two pieces of literature written in markedly different circumstances—one by an eminently canonical writer of the American Renaissance, Herman Melville, the other by a woman who worked in the factories of Lowell, the period’s model industrial town. My reading of these texts aims to draw attention to the ways in which representations of the machine in the garden are perspectivized: While engaging with the juxtaposition of nature and technology, these representations always also work on negotiating social subjectivities—on defining, contrasting, authorizing, critiquing subject positions in the rapidly shifting social matrix of an industrializing USA. In other words, I propose to not only attend to the texts’ images of the machine in the garden but also to the imaging that they depict. The texts with which I will be concerned dramatize this imaging as work that is deeply situated and entangled in other practices of selffashioning, practices which resonate with industrialism’s new regimes of social difference. Herman Melville’s short-story "The Tartarus of Maids" (1855) constructs a narrator who renders his encounter with industrialism in a rhetoric greatly informed by the machine-in-the-garden trope. By correlating this figurative practice with the notably limited and biased perspective of its narrator—a perspective whose marking laminates class and gender—the text exposes the work of socio-economic self-fashioning enabled by the trope. The sketch "A Merrimack Reverie" (1840), published in the "factory-girl"2 magazine The Lowell Offering, develops a motif that seems to invert the trope Marx identified—the motif of horticulture in the factory. This motif unfolds much ambiguity in the text which, I will suggest, registers the precarious quality of the magazine’s project to establish the ‘factory girl’ as an affirmative subject position.
"Der vorliegende Beitrag ist die pre-print Version. Bitte nutzen Sie für Zitate die Seitenzahl der Original-Version." (siehe Quellenangabe)
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27

Ashooh, Jessica P. "Beltway battles : ideology and infighting in US foreign policy toward the Middle East 2001-2006." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2d7b6074-1ac5-43ee-8095-6debb5e71896.

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The record of American foreign policy in the Middle East between 2001 and 2006 is marked mostly by failures of the Bush Administration to achieve its stated objectives, including reducing terrorism, stopping the spread of weapons of mass destruction, and spreading liberal democracy. Still, there are also notable bright spots, including the case of Libya’s diplomatic rehabilitation. What is it, then, that accounts for this success in the face of so many other failures where the policy goals were markedly similar? I argue that a partial explanation of this discrepancy can be found in the nature of infighting between ideological realists and neoconservatives within the foreign policy bureaucracy. In doing so, process tracing is used to examine policy development toward four country cases: Iraq, Iran, Lebanon, and Libya, with Libya acting as the control. The object of these case studies is to demonstrate existence of a previously undescribed model of bureaucratic infighting, based on competing ideological differences regarding the fundamental direction and conduct of US foreign policy. I call this the Ideological Infighting, or I2, Model. Whereas previous works of US foreign policy analysis have focused only on the roles of individuals’ ideology or on bureaucratic interests, this study unites both. In doing so, it describes the policy effects that result from ideological disagreements within the executive agencies, rather than viewing a presidential administration as an ideologically coherent entity. It also refines understandings of the relationship between the President and his advisors. Finally, although this work deals specifically with the Middle East, the model is generalizable to all areas of US foreign policy.
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Kalashnyk, Leonid. "Environmental Decision-making in the Pskov Region of the Russian Federation." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2345.

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The break-up of the Soviet Union handed down the Russian Federation a number of Soviet environmental legacies ranging from contaminated areas to the old bureaucratic procedures and outdated practices. In the post-Soviet years of transition to a free-market economy Russia began to face increasingly acute tension between environmental security and economic development, and the state’s ability to effectively pursue environmental policies deteriorated. Current environmental policy-makers are faced with a multitude of challenges that range from complicated environmental systems to the inconsistent legislative framework and resource deficiencies. Although researchers have paid some attention to these problems, environmental decision-making remains a poorly illuminated area and constitutes a theoretically challenging problem. This paper addresses the regional environmental decision-making process in the Russian Federation. Using the Pskov region on the border with Byelorussia and the two future EU members Estonia and Latvia as a case study, this paper seeks to supply a better understanding of how environmental decisions are made on the regional and local levels with a special focus on constraints affecting environmental policy-making. The study attempts to explain the environmental decision-making process in light of the two competing theories of decision- making, incrementalism and the bureaucratic politics model. It is primarily based on interviews made in the Pskov region in the autumn of 2002.

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Franks, Carl. "From the Destruction of Memory to the Destruction of People : Social Movements and their Impact on Memory, Legitimacy and Mass Violence - A Comparative Study of the West German Student Movement and the Serbian "Anti-Bureaucratic Revolution"." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Hugo Valentin-centrum, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324321.

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Challenges to the legitimacy of established collective memory can prove so inflammatory that mass violence, ethnic cleansing and even genocide have followed in their wake. However, if few doubt that the ethno-nationalist memory wars during the 1980s collapse of Yugoslavia contributed to the real wars and ethnic cleansing witnessed in the 1990s, no previous research has been able to explain why this is so. This paper pinpoints the determinant variable and causal link between attacks on memory and subsequent mass violence (or a lack thereof). It uses a theoretical model that ties together memory, legitimacy and power to compare the cases of West Germany’s 1968 student movement and Serbia’s 1986-1989 anti-bureaucratic revolution before establishing that the level of prior state repression is one factor that determines whether memory challenges will turn violent. The paper recommends further theory building over the permeable boundary that separates state and civil society, particularly in terms of how accessible state functions are to those social movements that seek to challenge and delegitimise memory.
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30

Olson, Jeremiah. "SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION AND POLITICAL DECISION MAKING IN THE AMERICAN PRISON SYSTEM(S)." UKnowledge, 2013. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/polysci_etds/5.

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With over two million inmates, the United States’ prison population is the largest in the world. Nearly one in one hundred Americans are behind bars, either in prisons or pre-trial detention facilities. The rapid growth in incarceration is well-documented. However, social science explanations often stop at the prison gates, with little work on treatment inside prisons. This black box approach ignores important bureaucratic decisions, including the provision of rehabilitative services and the application of punishment. This dissertation offers a systematic analysis of treatment decisions inside the American prisons. I use a mixed methods approach, combining multiple quantitative datasets with environmental observation at four prisons, and original interviews of twenty-three correctional staff members. I offer the only large-n comparative analysis of American state prisons. Characteristics of the inmates as well as characteristics of staff are explored. I am able to analyze data at the state, facility and individual level. All of this is to answer a crucial and somewhat overlooked question; how do prison staff decide who should be punished and who should receive rehabilitative treatment? I find that theories of social construction offer insight into the treatment of American prison inmates. Specifically, I find that socially constructed racial categories offer explanatory value for inmate treatment. Black and Hispanic inmates are less likely to receive important rehabilitative programs, including access to mental health and medical care. Black and Hispanic inmates are also more likely to receive punishment including the use of solitary confinement in administrative segregation units. I find, consistent with theories of representative bureaucracy that staffing characteristics also impact treatment decisions, with black and Hispanic staff members expressing lower preferences for punishment and prisons with higher percentages of black staff members utilize administrative segregation less. I provide a historical overview of the changing social constructions of crime and prisons inside the United States, from colonial to present day America. I argue that the treatment of prisoners changes as our conception of crime changes. I discuss recent bipartisan attempts at prison reform and offer my own suggestions for reform of the American prison system.
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31

Ismajlov, Rufat. "First day of the Cuban Missile Crisis: Airstrike, Invasion or Blockade? : Analysis of the Inter- and Intragroup conflicts inpolitical decision making outcome by U.S. government with regard to the situation in Cuba, during October the 16th 1962, within Bureaucratic Politics Approach." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-5309.

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The Cuban Missile Crisis has been considered by political scientists and historians as one of the most critical point in U.S. – Soviet relations during the Cold War and probably the only case of the possibility of the nuclear exchange was on highest level. The Cuban Missile Crisis was considered to be a part of continued political game of the ideological struggle between the leaders of United States and Soviet Union. However, the fact of the existence of Soviet nuclear missiles in Cuba created situation for U.S. government to decide what course of actions should be taken and not escalate a further confrontation, which could lead to a mutual nuclear exchange. The suggestions to such course of actions were coming from different members of the Executive Committee of the National Council or EXCOMM, which did make impact on U.S. president’s decision making in relation to Soviet installation of nuclear missiles in Cuba in October 1962.  The focus of this study relied on outcome of the decisions taken on secret meetings within the Executive Committee of the National Security Council or EXCOMM (included U.S. president as member of this committee) during the Cuban Missile Crisis in October 1962. The results of this study show if inter – and intragroup conflicts within EXCOOM made such impact on decision making outcome.
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Murgado, Amaury. "The Bay of Pigs Invasion: A Case Study in Foreign Policy Decision-Making." Master's thesis, Orlando, Fla. : University of Central Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/CFE0002522.

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33

Bell, Elizabeth, Ani Ter-Mkrtchyan, Kylie Smith, and Wesley Wehde. "Street-Level Bureaucrats Interpretation of Administrative Burden: A Mixed-Method Study of Oklahoma’s Promise Program." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2020. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/7862.

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Wehde, Wesley, and Elizabeth Bell. "Street-Level Bureaucrats Interpretation of Administrative Burden: A Mixed-Method Study of Oklahoma’s Promise Program." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2020. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/7863.

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35

Kingston, Ralph Francis Sydney. "Office politics : bureaucrats and bourgeois types in post-revolutionary France." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.398197.

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36

Chakrabarti, Indranil. "Local governance : bureaucratic performance and health care delivery in Calcutta." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1650/.

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This thesis is based on a comparative case study of two bustee neighbourhoods located in two separate wards of Calcutta, and of the factors which have affected the performance of public officials providing primary health care services to their inhabitants. It is argued that poor bureaucratic performance and a lack of accountability lie at the heart of problems with the health system in West Bengal. The thesis evaluates the effectiveness of 'governance' reforms, comprising decentralisation and the application of the principles of New Public Management (NPM), on the performance of public officials. NPM and decentralisation apply the core assumptions of neo-classical economics to the study of bureaucratic decision-making. The thesis argues that local officials in Calcutta may not always have chosen to behave in a way which maxmised their personal welfare, but that history, culture and politics may have affected the choices that they made. The thesis questions the view that decentralization necessarily leads to greater community participation challenges contemporary notions of what constitutes 'civil society' and suggests a more nuanced view of the relationship between civil society and good government. It questions NPM's claims to universality, which have resulted in its widespread application without due regard to local context, and argues that NPM inspired reforms have had a limited effect on health officials in Calcutta, in part, because of their failure to address the underlying causes of poor bureaucratic performance. The final chapter argues that the political influence of public sector workers has affected the willingness of the ruling Party to enforce the incentives to improve the performance of health care officials in West Bengal.
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37

Benoît, Cyril. "Les convergences parallèles : une économie politique de la régulation de l'accès au marché des médicaments en France et en Angleterre." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BORD0254/document.

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La thèse examine les configurations d'acteurs et d'organisations impliquées dans la régulation de l'accès au marché des médicaments en France et en Angleterre, en charge du contrôle scientifique et administratif de la fixation du prix et du remboursement de ces produits. Cette activité s'autonomise de l'appréciation clinique de leur qualité, de leur efficacité et de leur innocuité (dominant la régulation de leur approbation sur le marché) au cours des années 1980
This thesis examines the configurations of actors and organizations involved in the regulation of the market access for drugs in France and England. Since the mid-1980s, this process has entailed the development of administrative and scientific controls over the fixing of the price and the conditions of reimbursement of these products. These controls have become autonomus from clinical appreciation of their quality, efficacity and safety that dominate approval regulation as a whole
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38

Lu, Fujia. "Bureaucratic corruption and institutional changes in China : a property rights view /." Digital version accessible at:, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

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39

Akale, Catherine Mudime. "Gendered politics and the secondary status of female bureaucrats in Cameroonian governing institutions." Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.341681.

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40

Magwaza, Mayibuye Matthew. "South Africa and Japan - a bureaucratic policy analysis." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85570.

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Thesis (MA)-- Stellenbosch University, 2013.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study applies a modified bureaucratic policy process model to analyse contemporary South African – Japanese relations, particularly in regards to a proposed Economic Partnership Agreement, and the experiences of Japanese agencies within South Africa. South Africa and Japan are major trade partners, and the Japanese government has a significant presence in the African aid scene via the Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD), and through the works of the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA). South African – Japanese relations have been documented in a modest but respectable fashion by a range of researchers, including Alden, Skidmore and Osada. The bureaucratic policy process model has been used in an array of studies on international relations and decision making, notably by Graham Allison. However, it has not been previously applied to South African – Japanese relations. As a result, there is a dearth of information on how bureaucratic dynamics affect Japanese – South African relations. In response to this, a modified bureaucratic policy process model is used to analyse contemporary South African – Japanese governmental relations. A literature review of primary and secondary sources is undertaken, consisting of a historical review of South African – Japanese relations. Following this, a brief overview of contemporary literature on South African – Japanese relations is performed. This includes both secondary sources and primary sources relating to government bureaucracies current priorities and strategies. Material on TICAD is included in this section. Interviews with government officials from both the Japanese and South African governments are carried out using a modified snowball sampling system. The interviews provide insights into the different bureaucratic organization’s priorities and programmes, as well as their relationships with other organizations. From this data, two emergent themes are addressed: the failure of a contemplated Free Trade Agreement / Economic Partnership Agreement and the way in which Japanese agencies, particularly JICA, operate within the South Africa context. It is found that the FTA failed due to welfare concerns from the South African Department of Trade and Industry, as well as greater complications relating to trade agreements in general. These greater complications stem from the involvement of regional bodies such as the South African Customs Union. Japanese agencies are found to be constrained within South Africa by a lack of resources as well as by the independent and somewhat sceptical attitude of South African government agencies towards Japanese aid efforts. It is proposed that the relevance of extra national bureaucracies to the decision making process surrounding the FTA has implications for deploying the bureaucratic policy process model, which has generally only considered national bureaucracies in discussing how decisions are made. It is further suggested that South African trade deals are complicated by the country’s location within the South African Customs Union and the South African Development Community, and the consequent need to consult and negotiate with third parties who are likely to be impacted by such deals. Finally, it is suggested that because both South Africa and Japan face significant, but different economic challenges, they should prioritise improving their economic relations.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie het ’n aangepaste burokratiese beleidsprosesmodel gebruik om die hedendaagse betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan te ontleed, veral wat betref ’n voorgestelde ekonomiese vennootskapsooreenkoms tussen die twee lande en die ervarings van Japannese agentskappe in Suid-Afrika. Suid-Afrika en Japan is groot handelsvennote, en die Japannese regering handhaaf ’n beduidende teenwoordigheid op die Afrika-hulptoneel deur middel van die Tokiose Internasionale Konferensie oor Afrika-ontwikkeling (TICAD) en die werk van die Japannese Internasionale Samewerkingsagentskap (JICA). Verskeie navorsers, waaronder Alden, Skidmore en Osada, het die betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan al op beskeie dog aansienlike wyse beskryf. Die burokratiese beleidsprosesmodel is al in ’n rits studies oor internasionale betrekkinge en besluitneming gebruik, in die besonder deur Graham Allison. Tog is dit nog nooit voorheen op betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan toegepas nie. Dus bestaan daar weinig inligting oor hoe burokratiese dinamiek die betrekkinge tussen hierdie twee lande raak. In antwoord hierop is ’n aangepaste burokratiese beleidsprosesmodel dus gebruik om die hedendaagse staatsbetrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan te ontleed. Eerstens is ’n literatuuroorsig van primêre en sekondêre bronne onderneem wat uit ’n historiese oorsig van betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan bestaan het. Daarná is ’n oorsig van kontemporêre literatuur oor die verhoudinge tussen die twee lande onderneem. Dít het sowel sekondêre as primêre bronne met betrekking tot die huidige prioriteite en strategieë van staatsburokrasieë ingesluit. Hierdie afdeling sluit ook materiaal oor TICAD in. Onderhoude met staatsamptenare van die Japannese sowel as die Suid-Afrikaanse regerings is met behulp van ’n aangepaste stelsel van sneeubalsteekproefneming gevoer. Die onderhoude bied insig in die verskillende burokratiese organisasies se prioriteite en programme, sowel as hul verhoudings met ander organisasies. Twee temas wat uit hierdie data na vore gekom het, is vervolgens bespreek: die mislukking van ’n beoogde vryehandel-/ekonomiese vennootskapsooreenkoms, en die funksionering van Japannese agentskappe, veral JICA, in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks. Daar word bevind dat die vryehandelsooreenkoms misluk het weens welsynsbesware van die Suid-Afrikaanse Departement van Handel en Nywerheid, sowel as groter komplikasies met betrekking tot handelsooreenkomste in die algemeen. Hierdie groter komplikasies hou verband met die betrokkenheid van streeksliggame soos die Suider-Afrikaanse Doeane-unie. Voorts blyk Japannese agentskappe in Suid-Afrika aan bande gelê te word deur ’n gebrek aan hulpbronne, sowel as Suid-Afrikaanse staatsagentskappe se onafhanklike en effens skeptiese houding jeens Japannese hulppogings. Die studie doen aan die hand dat die relevansie van bykomende nasionale burokrasieë in die besluitnemingsproses oor die vryehandelsooreenkoms bepaalde implikasies inhou vir die gebruik van die burokratiese beleidsprosesmodel, wat meestal slegs rekening hou met enkele nasionale burokrasieë se rol in besluitneming. Voorts blyk dit dat Suid-Afrikaanse handelstransaksies bemoeilik word deur die land se lidmaatskap van die Suider-Afrikaanse Doeane-unie en die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap, en die gevolglike behoefte om oorleg te pleeg met derde partye wat waarskynlik deur sulke transaksies geraak sal word. Laastens word aangevoer dat aangesien Suid-Afrika en Japan met beduidende dog verskillende ekonomiese uitdagings te kampe het, die verbetering van ekonomiese betrekkinge tussen die twee lande nou voorrang behoort te geniet.
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41

Helyar, Frances. "Bureaucratic rationalism, political partisanship and Acadian nationalism the 1920 New Brunswick history textbook controversy /." Thesis, McGill University, 2010. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:8881/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=92358.

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42

Burnham, June. "The impact of political leadership on bureaucratic institutions in France : the case of DATAR." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1864/.

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The thesis questions the common assertion that only exceptional political leaders can implement their aims, such are the institutional constraints on their action. This assertion is examined in relation to DATAR, the regional development agency of France, where the self- confident and compartmentalised bureaucracy would be expected to provide leaders with a difficult challenge. The analytical framework is derived from Blondel's Political Leadership, one of the few texts to assume that a full spectrum of leadership potential exists. The thesis starts by showing that political leaders could shape bureaucratic organisations to their own needs. Ministers interested in regional policy adapted its structures from a weak ministerial division to a model inter-ministerial agency, DATAR, whose reputational power was substantially affected by the political leadership's support for the policy. Political leaders were able to recruit DATAR's top staff on the basis of the criteria they chose; and to make DATAR's size, budget and work activities respond to their own policy aims. Through DATAR they could create, modify and direct interministerial committees and budgets to fit their particular objectives. The thesis then assesses the leadership's impact on policy instruments in two contrasted domains to judge how much leaders are helped or hindered by bureaucratic and other institutions, including DATAR. Whether on roads policy or on regionalisation, the political leadership mostly achieved incremental change, either because that was what it sought, or because its ambitions were curtailed by internal conflict and local politicians as much as by bureaucratic opposition. Sometimes leaders failed to make headway, and occasionally they asserted their political will in a dramatic fashion. Overall, the variety and strength of outcomes demonstrate that political leaders have a capacity to make an impact on bureaucratic organisations and to re-orient bureaucratic activities towards their particular political goals that is far greater than even Blondel anticipated.
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43

Goodhart, Andrew T. "The Goldwater Nichols Act of 1986 and American Counterinsurgency: Comparing Afghanistan and Vietnam." Ohio : Ohio University, 2008. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1219627255.

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44

Beazer, Quintin Hayes. "Risk in the Regions: Bureaucratic Discretion, Regulatory Uncertainty, and Private Investment in the Russian Federation." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1308276567.

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45

Mayende, Peter Ntsikelelo Gili. "Bureaucratic intervention and the development of peasant agriculture : the case of ALDEP in Botswana." Thesis, University of Hull, 1990. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:5877.

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In an environment marked by high rates of economic growth and political stability, the state bureaucracy ln Botswana perceives its role as primarily that of 'modernisation' (as against that of maintaining the ruling party and politicians in power), and the elimination of structural biases in resource allocation. Along with other important socio-political and economic factors, since the late 1970s a section of this bureaucracy has played a major role ln the initiation, formulation and implementation of policies aimed at the redistribution of economic resources to the peasant sector. This study eschews instrumentalist, a priori and reductionist approaches which tend to see the state, including the bureaucracy, as synonymous with, and therefore as solely pursuing the interests of, the economically dominant class. It adopts an approach which sees the Botswana state as potentially autonomous vis-a-vis the economically dominant class. This facilitates the detailed analysis of the policy process focusing on the orientations and roles of the bureaucrats and their relationship to the peasantry within the context of the implementation of re-distributive policy. The thesis examines these issues ln detail by focusing on Botswana's major agricultural programme, the Arable Lands Development Programme (ALDEP). Field research was caried out in Kweneng District and Gaborone in 1988-89. Despite its 'progressive character', however, this bureaucracy is ill-equipped to deal effectively with various socio-economic situations facing some of the groups targeted to benefit from the re-distributive policies implemented since the early 1980s. The study highlights the all-too-familiar trend whereby such policies ultimately benefit better-off sections of the target group. In ALDEP's case this has to do partly with largely stereotypical notions of 'progressIve farming' developed in the Ministry of Agriculture (MoA). A direct outcome of these stereotypes is widespread resistance by small peasants to the recommended package of cultivating techniques. Since the middle peasantry fits into these stereotypes, this group has emerged to become the major beneficiaries from ALDEP, as shown by their increased output. On the other hand, the majority of small peasant households face dwindling sources of income, undermining their capacity to take part in the acquisition of inputs despite the programme's favourable grant/downpayment scheme. As it is presently constituted ALDEP therefore does not appear to provide the framework through which to improve the posi tion of these peasants. Vulnerable groups such as female-headed households have also suffered. A second form of bias manifests itself in terms of processes operating at the 'wider' political level and impinging on the implementation of peasant-focused redistributive programmes such as ALDEP. A case in point is the initiation in 1985 of the Accelerated Rainfed Arable Programme (ARAP) as a means of placating the politically precedent kulak farmers demanding an equally favourable policy. Incipient intra-bureaucratic conflict arising partly from these biases has served to weaken the autonomy of the bureaucracy and to strengthen the position of elite farmers more closely linked to the political interests of the ruling party.
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46

Mozumder, Khairuzzaman. "A case of interest maximisation? : military-civil bureaucratic behaviour and political outcomes in Bangladesh (1975-1990)." Thesis, University of Essex, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.418360.

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47

Benothmane, Ahmed. "La bureaucratie supranationale de la BM et du FMI et le Maroc." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/mq21983.pdf.

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48

Harsell, Dana Michael. "Bridging the bureaucratic divide using GPRA and the PMA to enhance the career manager and political appointee relationship /." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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49

Alshamsi, Abdul Kareem Mohammad. "The global developmental state : the triple non-alliance of state bureaucrats, domestic capital and foreign capital in Korean economic development." Thesis, Northumbria University, 2011. http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/2212/.

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50

Jann, Werner, and Sylvia Veit. "Politicisation of administration or bureaucratisation of politics? : The case of Germany." Universität Potsdam, 2010. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2010/4516/.

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Abstract:
Der Aufsatz befasst sich mit der Frage, ob sich eine wachsende Politisierung der Ministerialbürokratie und eine zunehmende Bürokratisierung der Politik in einer Hybridisierung der Karriereverläufe von Spitzenbeamten und Exekutivpolitikern auf Bundes- und Landesebene in Deutschland nachweisen lässt.
Switches between political and administrative positions seem to be quite common in today’s politics, or at least not so unusual any longer. Nevertheless, up-to-date empirical studies on this issue are lacking. This paper investigates the presumption, that in recent years top bureaucrats have become more politicised, while at the same time more politicians stem from a bureaucratic background, by looking at the career paths of both. For this purpose, we present new empirical evidence on career patterns of top bureaucrats and executive politicians both at Federal and at Länder level. The data was collected from authorized biographies published at the websites of the Federal and Länder ministries for all Ministers, Parliamentary State Secretaries and Administrative State Secretaries who held office in June 2009.
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