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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Burmese and Mon

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Academic literature on the topic 'Burmese and Mon'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Burmese and Mon"

1

Lieberman, Victor. "Excising the ‚Mon Paradigm’ from Burmese historiography." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 38, no. 2 (May 25, 2007): 377–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463407000094.

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2

McCormick, Patrick, and Mathias Jenny. "Contact and convergence: The Mon language in Burma and Thailand." Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale 42, no. 2 (May 13, 2013): 77–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19606028-00422p01.

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Mon has long been in contact with the dominant Burmese and Thai languages. The documented history of more than a thousand years allows us to trace changes in the language over time. This study looks at the divergent Mon varieties spoken today in Burma (Myanmar) and Thailand respectively, both influenced to different degrees and in different domains by the dominant national languages, Burmese and Thai. The study brings together insights from areal linguistics and history, painting a picture of the development of Mon in the two countries and its changing structure. Le mon a été depuis longtemps en contact avec les langues dominantes que sont le birman et le thai. Une documentation historique de plus d'un millénaire nous permet de suivre l'évolution de cette langue à travers les époques. Cette étude s'intéresse aux variétés divergentes de mon parlées aujourd'hui en Birmanie et en Thaïlande respectivement, toutes deux influencées à des degrés divers et dans des domaines différents par les languges nationales dominantes, le birman et le thaï. Cette étude s'appuie à la fois sur la linguistique aréale et l'histoire afin de brosser un tableau du développement du mon dans ces deux pays et de son évolution structurelle.

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Nuchprayoon, Issarang, Chalisa Louicharoen, and Warisa Charoenvej. "Glucose-6-phosphate dehydrogenase mutations in Mon and Burmese of southern Myanmar." Journal of Human Genetics 53, no. 1 (November 28, 2007): 48–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10038-007-0217-3.

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Bauer, Christian. "Mon–Aslian contacts." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 55, no. 3 (October 1992): 532–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00003700.

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In an article concerning the prehistory of Kelantan G. Benjamin provided an etymology for the toponym ‘Lebir’ as deriving from the Old Mon [OM] word for ‘sea, river’, OM Iḅir, Iḅīr, modern Mon LM ḅś, SM /бi/. He went on to say that there is evidence to assume early Malay–Mon contacts; in fact, it was only by the twelfth century A.D. that a language-shift at the expense of Mon occurred in an area of what is today southern Thailand and northern Malaysia. By implication this might also mean that there were contacts between groups speaking Aslian languages and Mon.In support of his hypothesis Benjamin referred to epigraphic evidence, in particular to Mon inscriptions from southern Thailand as the earliest written in any vernacular. In fact, there are only two inscriptions, previously claimed to be written in Mon, Nś. 2, discovered in 1971, from Nakhorn Sri Thammarat [Ligor] and Nś. 3 from the same area. The Thai Government's Fine Arts Department [FAD] dates Nś. 2 to the later half of the thirteenth century A.D., at a time when Benjamin assumes the language-shift Mon > Malay/Thai in the peninsula to have already taken place. But the difficulty is not only how to reconcile the comparatively late date—based on palaeographical grounds—with Benjamin's chronological framework; the inscription is largely illegible and classed by the FAD in its most recent publication as written in ‘Old Mon and Old Burmese’. The other inscription which the FAD has interpreted as Old Mon is Nś. 3/RIS XXVII, dated by Cœdès to the sixth century. But Cœdès himself was unable to determine the language of this one line inscription, and it cannot be ascribed to Old Mon.

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Sawanakunanon, Yanin. "Segment Timing in Twelve Southeast Asian Languages." MANUSYA 17, no. 3 (2014): 124–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26659077-01703007.

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In several studies the duration of segments (i.e. consonants and vowels) is measured to classify languages according to their speech rhythm. This research investigates whether Principal Component Analysis (PCA), a new method of analyzing segment-timing parameters for language classification, can be used to classify twelve Southeast Asian languages according to their timing patterns. The twelve Southeast Asian languages examined are Malay, Cebuano, Standard Thai, Southern Thai, Tai Yuan, Vietnamese, Hmong, Mien, Burmese, Sgaw Karen, Mon and Khmer.

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6

Kanchanapradit, Jarun, and Wanida Bhrammaputra. "Rājādhirāt: From the History to an Influential literature for Mon-accented Thai traditional Repertoires." International Journal of Creative and Arts Studies 2, no. 2 (December 18, 2015): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24821/ijcas.v2i2.1795.

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This article aimed to study Mon-accented Thai traditional repertoires through Rājādhirāt literature, which owe its origin from the Chronicles of the Mon. It is the story about the battle between the king Rājādhirāt of Pegu and King Farang Mang Kong of Ava. The translated Thai language prose version was arranged by Chao Phraya Phra Khlang (Hon), a poet master during King Rama I. Later during King Rama V, the Rājādhirāt was adapted for theatrical play – Lakorn Pan Tang – leading to development in musical front in order to assign appropriate Mon-accented musical pieces for the characters, their expressions, and story. Anthropologically, Rājādhirāt Literature was not only an entertainment, but also a revival of Mon-accented Thai traditional repertoires which have been associated with the Thai society for so long. The repertoires served as a reminder of once-flourishing Mon history through literature, play, music. Analysis of historical evidence, concerned persons such as the translator of Rājādhirāt from Burmese to Thai language, experienced Thai musician who played and assigned the repertoires; and expressive interpretation of musical repertoires from Rājādhirāt play by the Fine Arts Department are the integral process that made this article present another perspectives of Mon-accented Thai traditional repertoires while featuring relationship between literature, play and music in Thailand.

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7

O'Connor, Richard A. "Agricultural Change and Ethnic Succession in Southeast Asian States: A Case for Regional Anthropology." Journal of Asian Studies 54, no. 4 (November 1995): 968–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2059956.

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In the first millennium A.D. mainland Southeast Asia's first great states arise, but then in the span of a few centuries these Indianized realms collapse and their Pyu, Mon, Khmer, and Cham peoples decline. In their place Burmese, Tai, and Vietnamese states arise and go on to rule the mainland as their peoples come to dominate the second millennium. Case by case these shifts appear to be ethnic and political successions wherein the strong displace the weak, but seen together regionally the similarities suggest an agricultural change whereby an irrigated wet rice specialization from upland valleys displaced gardening and farming complexes native to the lowlands.

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8

Daniels, Christian. "SCRIPT WITHOUT BUDDHISM: BURMESE INFLUENCE ON THE TAY (SHAN) SCRIPT OF MÄNG2 MAAW2 AS SEEN IN A CHINESE SCROLL PAINTING OF 1407." International Journal of Asian Studies 9, no. 2 (July 2012): 147–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479591412000010.

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This article substantiates for the first time that Tay (Shan) script was written on a Ming dynasty scroll dated 1407. In the past, Tay scholars have assumed that early Tay script exhibited uniquely Tay characteristics from the outset, and only gradually acquired Burmese features after the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The data presented here demonstrates beyond doubt that the Tay borrowed heavily from the Burmese script to create their writing system before the fifteenth century. It also shows that the 1407 Tay script resembled the Ahom script more than the lik6 tho3 ngök6 script, and on the basis of this similarity concludes that lik6 tho3 ngök6 was not the progenitor of Tay scripts, as previously thought, and that the Ahom script preceded it.The impact of Burmese script on the Tay writing system from the outset raises the broader issue of borrowing from Burman culture during the Pagan and early Ava periods. The Tay of Mäng2 Maaw2 and surrounding polities turned to Pagan and Ava for a written script, but shunned Theravada Buddhism, the religious apparatus that we assume always accompanied the spread of writing. Their adoption of a writing system stands out as a rare case of script without Buddhism in northern continental Southeast Asia. To the Tay, Pagan and Ava were dominant political powers worthy of emulation, and the adoption of their writing system attests the magnitude of its influence. It is hypothesized that such borrowing arose out of Tay aspirations for self-strengthening their polities, possibly in an endeavour to rival the Burman monarchy. Tay script emerged in an age when the Burman language had just become predominant among the elites of Pagan and early Ava. Two features of this case stand out. First, the Tay borrowed at a time when Burmese script was relatively novel and still the preserve of the Burman elite, a fact which reinforces the notion of borrowing for prestige value as well as practical utility. Second, the Tay gravitated towards the northern parts of Pagan and Ava, rather than the southern areas where Mon language retained predominance in inscriptions.

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9

Pain, Frédéric. "“Brāhmaṇa” as an honorific in “Indianized” mainland Southeast Asia: a linguistic approach." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 82, no. 1 (February 2019): 111–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x19000284.

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AbstractThis article aims at demonstrating that the Old Khmerb/vraḥoriginates from a syllabic depletion of the Sanskrit wordbrāhmaṇathrough a monosyllabization process, a widespread diachronic phenomenon among the Mon-Khmer languages of Mainland Southeast Asia. The paper will also show that this term must have been originally used as an honorific for deities and, consequently, for royalty. It therefore respectfully disagrees with two other current hypotheses according to whichb/vraḥwould be an autochthonous Mon-Khmer word or would originate in the Sanskrit/Pali wordvara-“excellent, splendid, noble”. After being borrowed from Sanskrit, the Old Khmerbraḥspread via a contact phenomenon: from Old Khmer to Old Siamese, from Old Siamese to Old Shan through the “Thai Continuum”, and from Old Shan to Old Burmese. The implications of this paper are twofold: firstly, it will sketch out a pattern for the historical relationships between different peoples of Mainland Southeast Asia; then, it will propose a first phase of Indianization in Southeast Asia, namely a local reconnotation of Indo-Aryan terms according to autochthonous socio-political contingencies, and consequently bring a draft answer to the “Woltersian” question: what is the local connotation of Indo-Aryan terms?

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10

Revire, Nicolas. "Facts and Fiction: The Myth of Suvaṇṇabhūmi Through the Thai and Burmese Looking Glass." TRaNS: Trans -Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia 6, no. 2 (July 2018): 167–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/trn.2018.8.

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AbstractMost scholars think that the generic name ‘Golden Land’ (Sanskrit, Suvarṇabhūmi; Pali, Suvaṇṇabhūmi) was first used by Indian traders as a vague designation for an extensive region beyond the subcontinent, presumably in Southeast Asia. Some Pali sources specifically link Suvaṇṇabhūmi with the introduction of Buddhism to the region. The locus classicus is the Sri Lankan Mahāvaṃsa chronicle (fifth century AD) which states that two monks, Soṇa and Uttara, were sent there for missionary activities in the time of King Asoka (third century BC). However, no Southeast Asian textual or epigraphic sources refer to this legend or to the Pali term Suvaṇṇabhūmi before the second millennium AD. Conversely, one may ask, what hard archaeological evidence is there for the advent of Buddhism in mainland Southeast Asia? This article re-examines the appropriation of the name Suvaṇṇabhūmi in Thailand and Burma for political and nationalist purposes and deconstructs the connotation of the term and what it has meant to whom, where, and when. It also carefully confronts the Buddhist literary evidence and earliest epigraphic and archaeological data, distinguishing material discoveries from legendary accounts, with special reference to the ancient Mon countries of Rāmaññadesa (lower Burma) and Dvāravatī(central Thailand).

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Books on the topic "Burmese and Mon"

1

Mvanʻ, Maṅʻʺ Taṅʻ. Mvanʻ-Mranʻ mā Cā pe poṅʻʺ kūʺ. Do puṃ, Ranʻ kunʻ: ʼOṅʻ puiṅʻ maṅʻʺ Cā pe, 2006.

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2

Vedagū. Likʻ Manʻ tarai ṇaʼaʻ. [Mawlamyaine?: s.n., 2006.

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3

Archaeological aspects of Pyu, Mon, Myanmar. Yangon: Thin Sapay, 2011.

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4

The early coins of Myanmar/Burma: Messengers from the past : Pyu, Mon, and Candras of Arakan (first millenium AD). Bangkok: White Lotus Press, 2012.

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5

Lha, Panʻʺ. Mra Ceti Mvanʻ kyokʻ cā: Mvanʻ - Mranʻ mā. Ranʻ kunʻ: Muiʺ Kraññʻ Cā pe, 1997.

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6

Svaṅʻ, Rvhe La Maṅʻ. Paññā la roṅʻ cā lakʻ choṅʻ. Kamā rvatʻ, Ranʻ kunʻ: Saṅʻʺ Cā pe, 2007.

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7

Lha, Panʻʺ. Rvhe caññʻʺ khuṁ Mvanʻ kyokʻ cā, Mvanʻ-Mranʻmā. Ranʻ kunʻ: Tuiṅʻʺ Laṅʺ Cā pe, 2000.

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8

Ren tong, guan xi yu bu tong: Zhong Mian bian jing yi ge Meng Gaomian yu qun you guan cha ye de she hui sheng huo = Identity, relationships and difference : the social ife of tea in a group of Mon-Khmer speaking people along the China--Burma frontier. Kunming: Yunnan da xue chu ban she, 2011.

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9

Ṅrimʻʺ, Kyoʻ. Pu guṃ Mruiʹ hoṅʻʺ Mranʻʺ ka pā Gū prokʻ krīʺ Bhu rāʺ. [Rangoon]: Ūʺ Canʻʺ Vaṅʻʺ, 1992.

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10

Orwell, George. Burmese days. London: Penguin, 1989.

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Book chapters on the topic "Burmese and Mon"

1

"8 The Place of Written Burmese and Mon in Burma’s Early History." In The Mists of Rāmañña, 179–200. University of Hawaii Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780824874414-009.

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2

Turner, Alicia. "The Irish Buddhist Wins Burmese Hearts." In The Irish Buddhist, 49–72. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190073084.003.0003.

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This chapter deals with the period 1900–2, discussing the ordination and early Burmese career as a monk of the Irish Buddhist U Dhammaloka. It addresses the religious politics of his higher ordination, offers a detailed account of his prestigious ordination ceremony and examines the meaning of his monastic name “Dhammaloka.” During successful tours of rural Burma in the two years after his ordination Dhammaloka rapidly became a celebrity monk, drawing audiences of thousands with his call to revitalize Buddhism and his challenges to Christian missionaries. The chapter sets Dhammaloka in the wider context of the Burmese Buddhist politics of the day and assesses the extent to which he became a characteristic Theravada monk despite his Irish origins.

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3

Turner, Alicia. "Trampling on Our Religion." In The Irish Buddhist, 73–84. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190073084.003.0004.

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In 1901, within a year of his ordination and appearance on the public stage, the Irish Buddhist monk U Dhammaloka initiated conflict around an issue that would become central to Burmese nationalism in subsequent years. Europeans wearing shoes on Buddhist pagodas was both a sign of disrespect from a Burmese point of view, and fundamental to preserving racial hierarchies from a colonial point of view. Dhammaloka’s successful thematizing of the issue gave rise to a very public conflict with the authorities, and helped to make him a celebrity monk. The chapter examines how the conflict developed, explores the colonial and racial politics of footwear, and notes its wider impact.

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4

Green, Alexandra. "Word and Image." In Buddhist Visual Cultures, Rhetoric, and Narrative in Late Burmese Wall Paintings, 161–89. Hong Kong University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5790/hongkong/9789888390885.003.0005.

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As Chapter Four demonstrates, the murals were part of the efflorescence of Nyaungyan and Konbaung dynasty literary activity, visual counterparts to vernacular, Pāli, and dramatic productions. The narratives in the Burmese wall paintings were new tellings of old stories, drawing on Pāli texts and oral traditions, that were shaped to serve the purposes of the temples that housed the murals, reflecting the established repertoire, the desires and goals of donors, and the roles of the artists and monk producers. This chapter explores the various ways in which Burmese wall paintings connected with and related to “words,” both of the written and spoken variety. Textually and visually, Burmese wall paintings incorporated literary concepts in three main ways. First, the prose captions of the murals functioned as glosses to the visual narrative. Secondly, the popularization of drama and narration in Burmese society connected with a focus on an extended narrative format in the murals. Thirdly, the embellishments of descriptive prose and poetry paralleled the illustration of elaborate settings in the murals. The wall paintings formed a nexus of oral, visual, and textual traditions, linking them together through biographical memorialization.

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Turner, Alicia. "Dhammaloka’s Last Years and a Mysterious Death." In The Irish Buddhist, 223–50. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190073084.003.0011.

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This chapter discusses the radical Irish Buddhist monk U Dhammaloka’s trial for sedition in Moulmein and subsequent court appeal in Rangoon, setting these in the wider context of Burmese, Indian, and imperial politics. It explores the reasons for his apparent flight to Australia after his binding-over was completed, attempts by the Burmese police to pursue him there, and the report of his death in Melbourne. It also explores his connections with Australian Theosophy and temperance and a possible link to Thursday Island. The chapter reflects on Dhammaloka’s significance in terms of his personal consistency as a Buddhist, the challenge social movements in his time faced in trying to see beyond the horizon of colonialism, and the plebeian cosmopolitanism exemplified by Dhammaloka himself, which would soon become forgotten with the rise of ethnically based nation-states.

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Turner, Alicia. "Tokyo—An Irish Burmese Monk in Imperial Japan." In The Irish Buddhist, 85–100. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190073084.003.0005.

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In 1902 the Irish Buddhist monk U Dhammaloka left Burma for Tokyo, hoping to take part in a planned sequel to the Chicago World’s Parliament of Religions of 1893. Although the event did not take place, Dhammaloka was involved in the formation of the International Young Men’s Buddhist Association (IYMBA), based in a Jodo Shinshu university. The chapter explores this event and Dhammaloka’s other activities in Japan, locating them within wider Japanese religious politics. While his anti-Christian polemic was at odds with the ecumenical “world religions” frame of his hosts, and he found himself at odds with or dismissed by various significant figures, he came away from the experience dedicated to an international Buddhist practice, which he would in fact promote more effectively than the IYMBA proved capable of doing.

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Horrall, Andrew. "The parents of Adam and Eve: missing links." In Inventing the Cave Man. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526113849.003.0003.

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This chapter argues that by the 1870s the popular idea of human prehistory in Britain had become fixated on the concept of the missing link, the as-yet undiscovered creature at the point where the evolutionary descent of humans and apes had split. British showmen and circus owners exploited this fascination by passing off all sorts of creatures as missing links, from actual monkeys to actors in disguise. The two most important missing links are analysed in detail: Pongo the first live gorilla seen in Europe, and Krao, a Burmese girl with congenital deformities. They were promoted in Britain with explicitly evolutionary language. Scientists scoffed, but the public clearly understood the deceit, which they accepted as entertaining and harmless. Pongo and Krao inspired cartoons and humorous songs. They were imitated on stage by acrobats and in pantomimes. And drawings of missing links were used in advertisements. Pongo and Krao were also the last important evolutionary freaks. The globe had been comprehensively explored, evolution and European prehistory were far better understood, and the increasingly commercialised entertainment industry strove for middle class respectability.

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Aung-Thwin, Michael A. "The Consolidation of Ava." In Myanmar in the Fifteenth Century. University of Hawai'i Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.21313/hawaii/9780824867836.003.0005.

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The two founding fathers of Ava, Thadominbya and Minkyiswa Sawkai were succeeded by four equally strong kings who continued their predecessors’ work and consolidated what the former had begun. In doing so, Mingaung the First and three of his most important successors (Hsinphyushin Thihathu, Mo Nyin Min, and Hsinphyushin Minye Kyawswa Gyi) set the stage for Ava’s efflorescence that reached fruition during the second half of the fabulous fifteenth-century. Fortunately for the Burmese speakers and their culture (and ultimately the modern Union of Myanmar), able leaders emerged at the right time to continue the “classical” tradition, which was carried for several more centuries.

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Turner, Alicia. "Multiplying Buddhist Missions—Singapore, Bangkok, Penang." In The Irish Buddhist, 101–30. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190073084.003.0006.

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This chapter discusses the activities of the Irish Buddhist monk and anti-colonial activist U Dhammaloka in Siam (today’s Thailand), the Straits Settlements, and Federated Malay States (today’s Singapore and Malaysia) in 1903–5. It discusses his alliance with the saopha (ruler) of the Shan state of Kentung on the Burmese borders, his foundation of a bilingual school at Wat Ban Thawai in Bangkok, his finding a Chinese patron in Singapore, founding of a Buddhist school and mission there and involvement with multiethnic networks, his work in Penang, and his time in India. The chapter also discusses the plebeian cosmopolitanism which he both embodied and drew on: an everyday cooperation across supposedly fixed ethnic and racial barriers that characterized both mundane labour and Buddhist revival movements in this period.

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