Journal articles: 'Burnt bones'

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Uzair, Anum, Nouman Rasool, and Muhammad Wasim. "Evaluation of different methods for DNA extraction from human burnt bones and the generation of genetic profiles for identification." Medicine, Science and the Law 57, no. 4 (August 18, 2017): 159–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0025802417723808.

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Bone exposure to heat in the presence of moisture breaks the phosphodiester bonds of the backbone, leaving sheared DNA in bone cells. This also limits the possibility of generating a complete profile of the victim. With the increasing incidence of fire outbreaks over the past few years, a paradigm shift to establish identity has been observed, from morphological identification of victims to STR profiling. For this study, 10 bone samples were taken from burnt human bodies that were recovered from different fire outbreak scenes. The DNA from these burnt human tissues was isolated using four different extraction methods: the organic extraction method, the total demineralisation method, the Qiagen kit method, and the Chelex extraction method. STR profiles of victims were generated on a genetic analyser using an AmpFlSTR Identifiler® Plus Kit and analysed on Gene Mapper ID-X. DNA isolated from bones using the total demineralisation extraction method and organic extraction method was of the highest quality due to the efficient removal of inhibitors. DNA obtained using these two methods successfully generated the STR profiles of the victims. The quality of isolated DNA obtained through the Qiagen kit was comparatively low, but STR profiles of the victims were successfully generated. The Chelex kit failed to extract good quality DNA of high quantity from the burnt bones, encountering inhibition in all samples at varying degrees. This study concludes that total demineralisation and the Qiagen kit are sophisticated and reliable methods to obtain a good yield of DNA from burnt human bones, which can be used for the identification of victims.

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Gillespie, Richard. "Burnt and Unburnt Carbon: Dating Charcoal and Burnt Bone from the Willandra Lakes, Australia." Radiocarbon 39, no. 3 (1997): 239–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033822200053236.

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A new analysis of previous results on conflicts between shell and charcoal dates and on burnt human bones, with new data presented here, suggests that alternative interpretations are possible for the archaeology and environmental history of the Willandra Lakes region. Black sediment samples from archaeological sites at Lake Outer Arumpo exhibit wide variation in burnt and unburnt carbon content; high humic acid concentrations in midden layers and in one group of hearth/ovens are absent in another, older, group of hearth/ovens. There are no acceptable results on charcoal from hearth/ovens older than ca. 31 ka bp, and no evidence that these samples are associated with numerous midden shell dates at 34–37 ka bp. Similar logic applied to humic-free residue dates on burnt human bones places five gracile skeletons (including Mungo 1) as post–Last Glacial Maximum.

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Fernández-Jalvo, Yolanda, Laura Tormo, Peter Andrews, and M. Dolores Marin-Monfort. "Taphonomy of burnt bones from Wonderwerk Cave (South Africa)." Quaternary International 495 (November 2018): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2018.05.028.

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Isaakidou, Valasia, Paul Halstead, Jack Davis, and Sharon Stocker. "Burnt animal sacrifice at the Mycenaean ‘Palace of Nestor’, Pylos." Antiquity 76, no. 291 (March 2002): 86–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00089833.

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The burnt sacrifice of bare (defleshed) bones, described in Homer's Odyssey and well documented from Archaic and Classical Greece, is now clearly attested by burnt faunal remains from the ‘Palace of Nestor’ at Mycenaean Pylos. This evidance is of great importance for understanding both the historical role of sacrifice in Greek religion and the significance of fensting in Mycenaean palatial society.

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Noy, David. "‘Half-burnt on an Emergency Pyre‘: Roman Cremations which Went Wrong." Greece and Rome 47, no. 2 (October 2000): 186–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gr/47.2.186.

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In an ideal Roman cremation, the body was carried in procession from the house of the deceased to a place outside the city, where it was burnt on a pyre until it was reduced to bones and ashes (cineres or favilla). The pyre should be built specifically for the deceased; having to use someone else's pyre was a sign of poverty, or an emergency procedure. The cremated remains might be buried where they had been burnt, usually in a ditch which was filled in and covered or marked; in this case the tomb was called a bustum. More usually, the cremation was carried out somewhere other than the final resting place, at a spot designated ustrina in Latin literature. This might be within the same tomb-precinct or columbarium, as in many tombs at Ostia, or at a separate public site. The bones and ashes therefore had to be collected up and placed in a container, preferably a specially made and ornamented one (cinerarium, oss(u)arium, olla, urna), to be placed in the tomb. The force of the fire, the raking and collapse of the pyre during burning, and eventual quenching with cold liquid would together normally be sufficient to reduce the bones to small fragments which would fit easily into the container. This sort of burial of the remains is assumed in such wishes for the dead as:I pray that you rest quiet and safe in the urn, bones,And that the earth is not burdensome to your ashes.

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Wolska, Bogumiła. "Applying isotope analyses of cremated human bones in archaeological research – a review." Analecta Archaeologica Ressoviensia 15 (2020): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/anarres.2020.15.1.

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Numerous experiments have recently been conducted on burnt bones in order to develop methods of isotope analysis which would be useful in archaeological research. Since the results of these studies are not yet widely known, this review presents their potential applications in investigations of human remains from cremation burials. Radiocarbon dating of burnt osteological materials is discussed, including problems related to the “old wood effect”. Also considered is the analysis of light stable isotopes, i.e. δ13C, δ15N and δ18O, which is unsuitable for palaeodietary determinations, but useful as a source of information about certain parameters of funeral pyres. Tracing geographical origins and human mobility is possible by means of the analysis of strontium isotope ratio 87Sr/86Sr. Since an understanding of high-temperature-induced transformations of bone structure and chemical composition is important for these considerations, a detailed account of the processes is given as an introduction.

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Cleary, Kerri. "Broken Bones and Broken Stones: Exploring Fragmentation in Middle and Late Bronze Age Settlement Contexts in Ireland." European Journal of Archaeology 21, no. 3 (November 2, 2017): 336–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eaa.2017.61.

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This article examines the evidence for fragmentation practices on Middle–Late Bronze Age (c. 1600–700bc) settlement sites in Ireland by looking at two kinds of material: human remains, both burnt and non-burnt, and quern stones. It highlights evidence for the manipulation of non-burnt skulls through ‘de-facing’ and the potential retention of cranial and other fragments for ‘burial’ in settlements. It also explores the more difficult task of determining whether incomplete skeletal representation in cremated remains can be interpreted as deliberate fragmentation, and how the context of deposition must be considered. Human agency in relation to the fragmentation patterns of querns is also examined to understand whether the act of breaking these objects was intentional or unintended and if depositing them was symbolic or simply fortuitous. By discussing this evidence, I hope to contribute to the argument that the funerary and settlement spheres in later prehistoric Ireland were becoming increasingly intertwined.

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Chattopadhyay, Prabal. "Analysis of Burnt Bones by DNA Fluorescent Technology: A Case Study." Genome Letters 2, no. 4 (December 1, 2003): 162–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1166/gl.2003.031.

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Ripper, Susan, Matthew Beamish, A. Bayliss, C. Bronk Ramsey, A. Brown, M. Collins, N. J. Cooper, et al. "Bogs, Bodies and Burnt Mounds: Visits to the Soar Wetlands in the Neolithic and Bronze Age." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 78 (2012): 173–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0079497x00027158.

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The recording and analysis of a burnt mound and adjacent palaeochannel deposits on the floodplain of the River Soar in Leicestershire revealed that the burnt mound was in use, possibly for a number of different purposes, at the transition from the Neolithic to the Bronze Age. An extensive radiocarbon dating programme indicated that the site was revisited. Human remains from the palaeochannel comprised the remains of three individuals, two of whom pre-dated the burnt mound by several centuries while the partial remains of a third, dating from the Late Bronze Age, provided evidence that this individual had met a violent death. These finds, along with animal bones dating to the Iron Age, and the remains of a bridge from the early medieval period, suggest that people were drawn to this location over a long period of time.

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Petersson, Maria. "Ett röjningsröseområde i Farstorp – odling, begravning och ritual." AmS-Varia, no. 61 (August 20, 2020): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/ams-varia.vi61.340.

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This paper problematises the categories grave and clearance cairn, based on source-material from Farstorp, Småland. A central point of departure for the analysis is landuse in a long-term perspective. Parts of a clearance-cairn site, comprising clearance-cairns, graves and constructions similar to graves although less well–built, were excavated. The latter were termed complex cairns. Exterior elements were kerbs and surface layers of fire-cracked stones. Interior features resembled cremation layers with fire-cracked stones. Inside and adjacent to these, burnt animal bones and other objects, including intact pots containing food, had been deposited. The main building material was clearance stones, plausibly from surrounding arable land. Features mainly date to Late Roman Iron Age and Migration Period. Fire-cracked stones and burnt animal bones are interpreted as waste from ritual meals, consumed during spring and autumn farm work. Depositions of grinding stones support the assumption that fertility of the land was an important ritual theme. Participants of these meals might be members of the household that held the land rights. A few human bones were deposited in each grave, possibly from deceased members of the owner family who might be expected to act in favour of their living descendants, to enhance fertility in general. Such deposits may also have demonstrated and consolidated land rights.

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Pérez, Leopoldo, Alfred Sanchis, Cristo M. Hernández, Bertila Galván, Robert Sala, and Carolina Mallol. "Hearths and bones: An experimental study to explore temporality in archaeological contexts based on taphonomical changes in burnt bones." Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 11 (February 2017): 287–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2016.11.036.

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Ogarekpe, NM, JC Agunwamba, FO Idagu, ES Bejor, OE Eteng, HO Ndem, and EO Oloko. "SUITABILITY OF BURNT AND CRUSHED COW BONES AS PARTIAL REPLACEMENT FOR FINE AGGREGATE IN CONCRETE." Nigerian Journal of Technology 36, no. 3 (June 30, 2017): 686–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/njt.v36i3.4.

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The suitability of burnt and crushed cow bones (BCCB) as partial replacement for fine aggregate in concrete was studied. The percentages of replacements of fine aggregates of 0, 10, 20, 30, 40 and 50%, respectively of BCCB were tested considering 1: 2: 4 and 1: 11/2 :3 concrete mix ratios. The cow bones were burnt for 50 minutes up to 92oC before being crushed. Ninety-six (96) concrete cubes of 1: 2: 4 mix ratio and ninety-six (96) concrete cubes of 1 :Â : 3 mix ratio measuring 150x150x150mm were tested for the compressive strength at 7, 14, 21 and 28 days respectively. The research revealed that the BCCB acted as a retarder in the concrete. Water-cement ratio increased with the increase in the percentage of the BCCB. The mixes of 1:2:4 and 1::3 at 28 days curing yielded average compressive strengths in N/mm2 ranging from 16.49 - 24.29 and 18.71 - 29.73, respectively. For the mix ratios of 1:2:4 and 1:: 3 at 28 days curing age, Â it was observed that increase in the BCCB content beyond 40 and 50%, respectively resulted to the reduction of the average compressive strength below recommended minimum strength for use of concrete in structural works.http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/njt.v36i3.4

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Meyers Emery, Kathryn, and Howard Williams. "A Place to Rest Your (Burnt) Bones? Mortuary Houses in Early Anglo-Saxon England." Archaeological Journal 175, no. 1 (October 5, 2017): 55–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.2017.1366704.

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Miller, Bryan K., Cheryl A. Makarewicz, Jamsranjav Bayarsaikhan, and Tömörbaatar Tüvshinjargal. "Stone lines and burnt bones: ritual elaborations in Xiongnu mortuary arenas of Inner Asia." Antiquity 92, no. 365 (October 2018): 1310–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2018.136.

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Legan, Lea, Tamara Leskovar, Matija Črešnar, Fabio Cavalli, Dario Innocenti, and Polonca Ropret. "Non-invasive reflection FTIR characterization of archaeological burnt bones: Reference database and case studies." Journal of Cultural Heritage 41 (January 2020): 13–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.culher.2019.07.006.

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Imaizumi, K., K. Taniguchi, and Y. Ogawa. "DNA survival and physical and histological properties of heat-induced alterations in burnt bones." International Journal of Legal Medicine 128, no. 3 (March 23, 2014): 439–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00414-014-0988-y.

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Gonçalves, David, Ana R. Vassalo, Calil Makhoul, Giampaolo Piga, Adriana P. Mamede, Stewart F. Parker, Maria T. Ferreira, Eugenia Cunha, Maria P. M. Marques, and Luís A. E. Batista Carvalho. "Chemosteometric regression models of heat exposed human bones to determine their pre‐burnt metric dimensions." American Journal of Physical Anthropology 173, no. 4 (July 28, 2020): 734–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ajpa.24104.

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Browne, Sue. "The Bone." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 51, S2 (1985): 46–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0079497x00078300.

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In all, 1065 fragments of bone were recovered from trench B. The bulk of the bone (868 fragments: 81%) came from the ditch; 121 fragments came from pits and scoops, 74 fragments from post holes and 1 fragment from a layer in the ‘working area’. Four of the pits and three of the post holes are in the ‘working area’ and they contained a total of 104 fragments of bone; the five post holes interpreted as a four-post structure contained 40 fragments of bone. With the exception of post holes 96 and 117, which contained one and two fragments of bone respectively, no bone was recovered from contexts east of the ditch running north-south at the eastern side of the site (39 and 78), nor from those contexts lying between its terminals. Two fragments of worked bone were recovered, one from context 5 in the ditch and one from post hole 75, which also contained one of the bird bones; the other bird bone came from context 41 in the ditch. The human remains and the dog bones were recovered exclusively from the ditch. The distribution of the bones of the larger domesticates and pig indicates consistency and continuity in disposal practices: 95.6% of the identified horse bones, 92.5% of the identified cattle bones and 80.5% of the identified pig bones w*re recovered from the ditch. Only the caprovid bones were spread more evenly over the site: 66.7% came from the ditch, 26.1% from the pits and scoops and 7.2% from post holes. Fragments of burnt bone were recovered from contexts 3 (ditch), 16 (post hole) and 107 (pit). Butchered and gnawed bones were distributed without any particular pattern in all three types of bone-bearing context.

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Lewoc, Iwona. "Report on excavations at the cemetery of the Olsztyn Group in Wólka Prusinowska, site 1, Mrągowo district in 2017–2018." Masuro-⁠Warmian Bulletin 303, no. 1 (May 15, 2019): 148–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.51974/kmw-134973.

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The cemetery in Wólka Prusinowska is situated in the north-eastern upper bank of Lake Zyzdrój Wielki. The first excavations were conducted there at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century. The site was rediscovered in 2017. During the two seasons of excavation, dozens of metal objects, burnt human bones and fragments of ceramics overlooked or discarded by the first researchers were discovered. Thanks to non-invasive tests, the unexcavated part of the cemetery was also identified. The discovered finds can be dated to the main part of the Migration Period.

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Oestigaard, Terje. "Cremations as Transformations: When the Dual Cultural Hypothesis was Cremated and Carried Away in Urns." European Journal of Archaeology 2, no. 3 (1999): 345–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/eja.1999.2.3.345.

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A cremation and subsequent burial can be analysed as a set of technological, social and ritual transformations. It consists of three parts: first, the place where the body was burnt or cremated; secondly, the intermediary period in time and space, where the cleaned bones are often transported somewhere else; this interval increases the room for manoeuvre in those aspects which are concerned with the renewal, reorganization and re-legitimization of relations between the living; and, finally, the place where the ashes or the bones were deposited or buried, which may be the same place where the body was cremated, but normally it is not. Thus the urn represents the place where the deceased died, the cremated bones are from the rite of cremation, whereas the burial of the urn and the deposition of undamaged artefacts are from the final burial site, where other rituals were performed by the descendants, relatives and others. The distribution of urns may illuminate the notion that distance has hardly been a barrier and that people from, the ‘northern margins’ have travelled all over Europe from the late Bronze Age to the Viking period. This approach attacks the dual cultural hypothesis and some elements of core–periphery models.

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Gallo, Giulia, Matthew Fyhrie, Cleantha Paine, Sergey V. Ushakov, Masami Izuho, Byambaa Gunchinsuren, Nicolas Zwyns, and Alexandra Navrotsky. "Characterization of structural changes in modern and archaeological burnt bone: Implications for differential preservation bias." PLOS ONE 16, no. 7 (July 28, 2021): e0254529. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0254529.

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Structural and thermodynamic factors which may influence burnt bone survivorship in archaeological contexts have not been fully described. A highly controlled experimental reference collection of fresh, modern bone burned in temperature increments 100–1200˚C is presented here to document the changes to bone tissue relevant to preservation using Fourier transform infrared spectroscopy and X-ray diffraction. Specific parameters investigated here include the rate of organic loss, amount of bone mineral recrystallization, and average growth in bone mineral crystallite size. An archaeological faunal assemblage ca. 30,000 years ago from Tolbor-17 (Mongolia) is additionally considered to confirm visibility of changes seen in the modern reference sample and to relate structural changes to commonly used zooarchaeological scales of burning intensity. The timing of our results indicates that the loss of organic components in both modern and archaeological bone burnt to temperatures up to 700˚C are not accompanied by growth changes in the average crystallite size of bone mineral bioapatite, leaving the small and reactive bioapatite crystals of charred and carbonized bone exposed to diagenetic agents in depositional contexts. For bones burnt to temperatures of 700˚C and above, two major increases in average crystallite size are noted which effectively decrease the available surface area of bone mineral crystals, decreasing reactivity and offering greater thermodynamic stability despite the mechanical fragility of calcined bone. We discuss the archaeological implications of these observations within the context of Tolbor-17 and the challenges of identifying anthropogenic fire.

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Wolska, Dorota. "Garden Palace rozebrany do kości. Sztuka jako anamneza." Prace Kulturoznawcze 21, no. 4 (October 30, 2018): 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0860-6668.21.4.4.

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Garden Palace stripped to the bone. Art as anamnesisLondon’s Crystal Palace, the site of the first international exhibition in 1851 and the architectural symbol of modernity, was widely imitated not only in Europe. Sydney also had its crystal palace. The Australian Garden Palace, similarly to the ones in London, New York and Munich, burnt to the ground in 1882. In 2016 aboriginal artist Jonathan Jones tried to restore it in Australia’s collective memory. However, Jones’ project, barrangal dyara skin and bones, introduces a postcolonial perspective and recoveres the narratives that were repressed in White Australia, with the hope of working through the common past.

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Galtés, Ignasi, and Sarah Scheirs. "Differentiation between perimortem trauma and heat-induced damage: the use of perimortem traits on burnt long bones." Forensic Science, Medicine and Pathology 15, no. 3 (May 16, 2019): 453–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12024-019-00118-1.

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Vidal-Matutano, Paloma, Verónica Alberto-Barroso, Efraín Marrero, Juan Carlos García, Sergio Pou, and Matilde Arnay de la Rosa. "Vitrified wood charcoal and burnt bones from the pre-Hispanic site of Chasogo (Tenerife, Canary Islands, Spain)." Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 28 (December 2019): 102005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2019.102005.

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Sawada, Junmei, Takashi Nara, Tomofumi Nakajima, Yasushi Saito, Yukio Dodo, and Kazuaki Hirata. "Histomorphological Discrimination between Human and Nonhuman Bones of Fragmentary Osteal Remains: Analyses of Burnt Bones from the Ancient Heian Site in the Northern Tohoku District, Japan." Anthropological Science (Japanese Series) 118, no. 1 (2010): 23–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1537/asj.118.23.

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Zemskova, E. Yu, M. M. Bordyukov, A. V. Kovalev, and P. L. Ivanov. "The molecular-genetic analysis of mitochondrial DNA from the burnt bones: 'the limits of the possible' problem revisited." Sudebno-meditsinskaya ekspertiza 61, no. 2 (2018): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17116/sudmed201861221-25.

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Zazzo, Antoine, and Sébastien Lepetz. "Pompeii AD 79: A Natural Bone Diagenesis Experiment." Radiocarbon 59, no. 2 (August 4, 2016): 647–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rdc.2016.28.

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AbstractThis study aims at comparing the reliability of different types of apatite fractions for which collagen cannot be dated. We focused on the remains of individuals found at the necropolis of Porta Nocera near Pompeii, and for which the date of burial can be assessed independently. The dated human samples range between 1805±49 and 5570±120 14C yr BP and can display a large (up to 1200 14C yr) intra-individual age variability. We show that while a marine diet or an old-wood effect could explain the smallest age shifts, they are not able to explain the largest ones, and propose diagenesis as the main cause. The 14C depletion is likely due to the influence of the 14C-free CO2 emissions of the nearby Vesuvius volcano and the Campi Flegrei volcanic system on the age of secondary carbonate incorporated into the bone and enamel crystallites during diagenesis. This study demonstrates that in volcanic contexts, a large deviation from expected age can be measured, even in calcined apatites. Our calculations indicate that while the absolute amount of contamination is lower in calcined bones than in burnt bone and enamel apatite, its impact on the 14C age of the sample can be much higher due to the low carbon content of calcined bones.

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Végh, Emese I., Andrea Czermak, Nicholas Márquez-Grant, and Rick J. Schulting. "Assessing the reliability of microbial bioerosion features in burnt bones: A novel approach using feature-labelling in histotaphonomical analysis." Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 37 (June 2021): 102906. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2021.102906.

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Biancolillo, Alessandra, Mauro Tomassetti, Remo Bucci, Simona Izzo, Francesca Candilio, and Federico Marini. "Ancient human bones studied and compared by near infrared spectroscopy, thermogravimetry and chemometrics." Journal of Near Infrared Spectroscopy 27, no. 1 (December 19, 2018): 6–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967033518819417.

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Near infrared spectroscopy and thermogravimetry have been coupled with chemometric exploratory methods in order to investigate ancient (pre-Roman/Roman) human bones from two different necropolises in Central-South Italy (Cavo degli Zucchi and Elea Velia). These findings have been investigated by principal component analysis and they have also been compared with ancient human bones from two Sudanese necropolises (Saggai and Geili). Samples coming from African and European necropolises, mainly differ in two aspects: the burial procedures and their historical period. The ritual applied in the European region involved cremation, while the one applied in the African necropolises did not. Bones from Italian sites (Cavo degli Zucchi and Elea Velia) are Pre-Roman/Roman while the others (from middle Nile) come from the Prehistoric, Meroitic, and Christian Sudanese age. Near infrared spectroscopy and thermogravimetric measures have been analysed either individually or by a mid-level data-fusion approach. Principal component analysis of the near infrared spectroscopy data allowed differentiation between burnt and unburnt samples, while from the scores plots extracted from the principal component analysis model based on the entire derived thermograms, it was possible to recognize the different clusters related to the various dating of samples. The data-fusion analysis led to considerations similar to those obtained from the model based on thermogravimetry data. Finally, instead of inspecting the entire thermogravimetry curves, principal component analysis was carried out on carbonates, total collagen and water losses only. In this case, the data-fusion approach has led to extremely interesting results; in fact, this model clearly shows that samples group in separate clusters in agreement with their age and the different burial rituals.

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Möller, Per, Olof Östlund, Lena Barnekow, Per Sandgren, Frida Palmbo, and Eske Willerslev. "Living at the margin of the retreating Fennoscandian Ice Sheet: The early Mesolithic sites at Aareavaara, northernmost Sweden." Holocene 23, no. 1 (September 18, 2012): 104–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959683612455546.

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During an archaeological survey in Pajala parish, northernmost Sweden, clusters of quartz waste from knapping and burnt bone were discovered on a glaciofluvial gravel plateau close to Aareavaara village in the Muonio River valley. Sampled materials from a larger area and small-scale excavations (in total 6 m2) are interpreted as resulting from short-stay hunter-gatherer camps. Radiocarbon dating on burnt bones suggest an age of occupancy at ~10,700 cal. yr BP, which is more or less contemporary with ‘Komsa Phase’ sites on the north coast of Norway (~300–360 km northwards). The Aareavaara site should thus be the oldest known archaeological site to date in northern Sweden. A palaeoenvironmental reconstruction, based on pollen analysis of sediment cores from two nearby lakes and radiocarbon dating of macrofossils for construction of time/depth sedimentation curves, suggests a deglaciation age of the area corresponding to occupation by early man (~10,700 cal. yr BP). Aareavaara was at the time of deglaciation situated in a transitional zone between subaqueous and subaerial ice-margin retreat from the northeast towards the southwest, with higher hills and plateaux forming an archipelago in the Ancylus Lake with highest shorelines formed at ~170 m a.s.l. The hunter-gatherer camp sites at Aareavaara were thus, both in time and space, located in close proximity to the retreating ice sheet margin, but also in a waterfront location, in fact on an island in the Ancylus Lake. Our pollen data suggest a subarctic birch woodland tundra landscape characterized by open vegetation, including occasional birch trees and an abundance of willow and dwarf birch.

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Rhodes, S. E., M. J. Walker, A. López-Jiménez, M. López-Martínez, M. Haber-Uriarte, Y. Fernández-Jalvo, and M. Chazan. "Fire in the Early Palaeolithic: Evidence from burnt small mammal bones at Cueva Negra del Estrecho del Río Quípar, Murcia, Spain." Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 9 (October 2016): 427–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2016.08.006.

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Seitsonen, Oula, Sanna Seitsonen, Lee G. Broderick, and Dmitriy V. Gerasimov. "Burnt bones by Europe's largest lake: Zooarchaeology of the Stone Age and Early Metal period hunter-gatherers at Lake Ladoga, NW Russia." Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 11 (February 2017): 131–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2016.11.034.

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Mazurkevich, Andrey N., Ekaterina V. Dolbunova, Aleksandr L. Aleksandrovsky, Jorg W. E. Fassbinder, Mikhail V. Sablin, and Ivan G. Shirobokov. "Preliminary results of an investigation of a single Barrow near the village of Serteya (Smolensk region)." Światowit 57 (December 17, 2019): 41–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.6793.

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A single burial mound is located on the right bank of the Serteyka River (north-western Russia). It was discovered by E.A. Schmidt in 1951 and is attributed to the Old Russian Period. New researches on the burial mound conducted in 2013 and 2014 have uncovered several diachronic constructions. The first stage was connected to a flint knapping site, which was located on a natural ele- vation. It can be attributed to the 6th millennium BC on the basis of the Early Neolithic pottery fragments found nearby. The next period is dated to the second half of the 3rd millennium BC, when a ritual platform was created. Moreover, on another mound, a ditch was created, which can be attributed to the Long Barrow Culture due to a ceramic fragment found there. Samples from burnt bones and charcoal indicate that the first and second stages of this construction could be dated to between the middle and the second half of the 3rd millennium BC – the late stage of the Zhizhitskaya Culture of pile-dwellers and the initial stage of the Uzmenskaya Culture. Animal bones were cremated along with bronze items, as evidenced by the patina visible on the surface of the bones. Such a rite has been recorded for the first time. Furthermore, a ritual fire-place was set on a flat platform, and additional fireplaces were situated on the slope of the burial mound. This complex, which can be interpreted as a site of worship from the Late Neolithic through the Early Bronze Age, existed for a long period of time. Nowadays, it is difficult to find analogies to such ritual complexes from the 3rd millennium BC from the territory of Poland and the Upper Dnepr region; only the kurgans and burial mounds of the Corded Ware Culture dating to the 3rd millennium BC are known. It might also be supposed that some of the sites with such a sepulchral rite, usually attributed to the Long Barrows Culture, could also be ritual sites – this, however, would require further research.

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Romaniuk, Andrzej A., Alexandra N. Shepherd, David V. Clarke, Alison J. Sheridan, Sheena Fraser, László Bartosiewicz, and Jeremy S. Herman. "Rodents: food or pests in Neolithic Orkney." Royal Society Open Science 3, no. 10 (October 2016): 160514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsos.160514.

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Rodents have important effects on contemporary human societies, sometimes providing a source of food but more often as agricultural pests, or as vectors and reservoirs of disease. Skeletal remains of rodents are commonly found in archaeological assemblages from around the world, highlighting their potential importance to ancient human populations. However, there are few studies of the interactions between people and rodents at such sites and most of these are confined to locations where rodents have formed a part of the recent diet. Here we compare the accumulation pattern of rodent remains from four locations within and adjacent to the renowned Neolithic site of Skara Brae, Orkney, showing that those within the settlement itself were the result of deliberate human activity. The accumulation and nature of burnt bones, incorporated over an extended period within deposits of household waste, indicate that rodents were used as a nutritional resource and may have been the subject of early pest control. We, therefore, provide the first evidence for the exploitation or control of rodents by the Neolithic inhabitants of Europe.

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Stallsmith, Allaire B. "A Divine Couple: Demeter Malophoros and Zeus Meilichios in Selinus." Journal of Ancient History 7, no. 1 (May 26, 2019): 62–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jah-2018-0019.

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Abstract This paper concerns a collection of rough-hewn flat stelae excavated from the precinct of Zeus Meilichios in Selinus, Sicily between 1915 and 1926, a majority with two heads or busts, one male and one female, carved at their tops. These crudely fashioned idols are unique in their iconography. They combine the flat inscribed Punic stela with the Greek figural tradition, with some indigenous features. Their meaning is totally obscure – especially since they lack any literary reference. No comparable monuments have been found in ancient Mediterranean cult. The twin stelae were often set up above a collection of burnt rodent and bird bones, ashes, lamps, broken and burnt pottery and terracotta figurines, as a memorial of a sacrifice. The stelae were the objects of a gentilicial cult, similar to that posited for the inscribed “Meilichios stones” with which they shared the Field of Stelae of Zeus Meilichios. The theory advanced here interprets these diminutive stelae (average height 30 cm) as the objects of domestic cult. It was customary in many parts of the ancient Mediterranean, from the Bronze Age down to the Roman period, to venerate household or family gods who protected the health and the wealth of the family. They were thought to embody the spirits of the ancestors and could at times be identified with the gods of the state religion. This divine couple whose effigies were dedicated in the Field of Stelae over a period of four centuries, into the third century, cannot be claimed as Greek or Punic deities. What these nameless protectors of the family were called we cannot say: Meilichios and Meilichia, Father and Mother, or Lord and Lady of the household? As the objects of such a personal domestic cult, their names might have differed with each family.

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Greener, Aaron. "Archaeology and Religion in Late Bronze Age Canaan." Religions 10, no. 4 (April 9, 2019): 258. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10040258.

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Dozens of temples were excavated in the Canaanite city-states of the Late Bronze Age. These temples were the focal points for the Canaanites’ cultic activities, mainly sacrifices and ceremonial feasting. Numerous poetic and ritual texts from the contemporary city of Ugarit reveal the rich pantheon of Canaanite gods and goddesses which were worshiped by the Canaanites. Archaeological remains of these rites include burnt animal bones and many other cultic items, such as figurines and votive vessels, which were discovered within the temples and sanctuaries. These demonstrate the diverse and receptive character of the Canaanite religion and ritual practices. It seems that the increased Egyptian presence in Canaan towards the end of the period had an influence on the local belief system and rituals in some areas, a fact which is demonstrated by the syncretic architectural plans of several of the temples, as well as by glyptic and votive items. Late Bronze Age religious and cultic practices have attracted much attention from Biblical scholars and researchers of the religion of Ancient Israel who are searching for the similarities and influences between the Late Bronze Age and the following Iron Age.

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Ekholm, Therese. "Hunter-gatherer adaptions during the Early Holocene in Northern Sweden." Holocene 31, no. 1 (October 8, 2020): 83–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959683620961482.

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This paper deals with the study of the ecology of early Holocene, 9000-4000 cal BC, specifically human and faunal dispersal into the Norrland and Dalarna areas of northern Sweden. It has been hypothesised that this region of Sweden was settled by hunter-gatherer groups of Butovo/Veretye ancestry moving in from the eastern taiga zone and at the same time groups from the West Scandinavian coast were moving north following the melting Weichselian ice sheet. Due to the speed of the melting ice these two groups must have encountered each other in the central part of northern Sweden. This article discusses the environment of these two separate groups and the possible consequences of their encounter, informed by results from the zooarchaeological analysis of burnt, radiocarbon dated bones from sites spanning much of Norrland and Dalarna. A compilation of previously dated sites are presented, and also new 14C dates from excavated sites. The northern population preferred to hunt forest game and held on to it for a long time even if sea mammals were available. The southern population, on the other hand, hunted sea mammals and forest game through the whole period.

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Lebon, M., I. Reiche, F. Fröhlich, J. J. Bahain, and C. Falguères. "Characterization of archaeological burnt bones: contribution of a new analytical protocol based on derivative FTIR spectroscopy and curve fitting of the ν 1 ν 3 PO4 domain." Analytical and Bioanalytical Chemistry 392, no. 7-8 (October 31, 2008): 1479–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00216-008-2469-y.

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Macoveciuc, Ioana, Nicholas Márquez-Grant, Ian Horsfall, and Peter Zioupos. "Sharp and blunt force trauma concealment by thermal alteration in homicides: An in-vitro experiment for methodology and protocol development in forensic anthropological analysis of burnt bones." Forensic Science International 275 (June 2017): 260–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.forsciint.2017.03.014.

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Dalland, Magnar, John Barber, Stephen Carter, Ann Clarke, Dianne Dixon, Daphne Home Lorimer, Helen Kibble, et al. "Sand Fiold: the Excavation of an Exceptional Cist in Orkney." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 65 (1999): 373–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0079497x00002061.

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Sand quarrying in 1989 at Sand Fiold, Sandwick, in Orkney resulted in the accidental discovery of a rock-cut chamber containing a cist. Subsequent excavation revealed that this cist had a number of unusual features. The cist slabs had been fitted together exceptionally well and the completed cist was designed to be re-opened by the removal of a side slab. Within the chamber, access was provided to the opening side of the cist and a relieving structure was built over its capstone.The cist contained cremation and inhumation burials that had been inserted on more than one occasion; as its builders intended. A collection of poorly preserved unburnt bone was found to comprise the remains of two individuals: a young adult and a foetus. Two collections of cremated bone, each derived from a single adult, were also present; one in a Food Vessel Urn, the second forming a pile on the floor and containing two burnt antler tines and two unburnt human teeth. The un-urned cremation deposit and the unburnt bones had been covered in mats of plant fibres derived from grass and sedge. The urn had been lined with basketry, also made from grass. Outside the cist, an exceptionally large collection of fuel ash slag (FAS), derived from a cremation pyre, had been deposited between the cist and the wall of the rock-cut chamber.Radiocarbon dates indicate that the site and its contents had a long history. The FAS and the foetus skeleton date to 2900–2500 cal BC. Between 2200 and 1900 cal BC the urned cremation and young adult human bones were inserted and charcoal was deposited in the foundation slots for the back wall of the cist. The deposition of the un-urned cremation was dated to 1000–800 cal BC, some 900 years later, when the urn had already fallen over and broken. At this time, it is assumed that the urn was restored to an upright position and propped with stones, while the stone lid for the urn was reused in the foundation slot of the left-hand side of the cist. Reuse and refurbishment over two millennia seem evidenced in the results from this cist.

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di Lernia, Savino, Giovanni B. Bertolani, Francesca Merighi, Francesca R. Ricci, Giorgio Manzi, and Mauro Cremaschi. "Megalithic architecture and funerary practices in the late prehistory of Wadi Tanezzuft (Libyan Sahara)." Libyan Studies 32 (2001): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900005732.

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AbstractRecent surveys conducted by the Italo-Libyan Joint Mission of the University of Rome “La Sapienza” in the region of Wadi Tanezzuft (Libyan Sahara) revealed a huge number of sites characterised by the presence of stone tumuli and other megalithic constructions, usually associated with funerary rituals. During the 1999-2000 field seasons, one of these sites—site 96/129—was subjected to systematic excavation, revealing the construction technique of these monuments and showing evidence of human burials. It sheds new light on the funerary practices and anthropological features of the ancient populations of the region. Radiocarbon determinations placed this site at the very end of the Late Pastoral culture, some 3000 uncalibrated years bp. The skeletal material generally shows a good state of preservation and has been the object of a first morphological appraisal. The population of site 96/129 comprised long-limbed and relatively gracile humans, with labour-related afflictions; their dental dimensions consistently follow the trend of dental reduction known for post-Pleistocene human populations. Of great interest are the relationships with the emergence of Garamantian civilisation. Some traits of the funerary practices show the existence of a local heritage, whose roots may be sought in prehistoric times, in particular the position of the corpses and features of grave goods. On the other hand, the presence of multiple burials, the evidence of burnt animal bones, together with small concentrations of ashes in the monuments seem in contrast with the known funerary practices of prehistoric Pastoral sites of the Acacus and surroundings. Such evidence is compared with the regional analysis of megalithic architecture in the Tanezzuft valley, and discloses a tantalising perspective on the cultural trajectories and related biological pulsation in the area.

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Babić, Staša, and Zorica Kuzmanović. "Atenica: u potrazi za izgubljenim spalištem." Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 11, no. 3 (November 2, 2016): 645. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v11i3.1.

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Symbolic and cult practices of a community undoubtedly play an important role in the formation of funerary contexts. On the other hand, in the absence of written records on these practices, archaeologists are inclined to base their interpretations upon generalized and simplified ideas on “primitive cults”, such as “solar cult”. In this line of inference, technical aspects of the record are neglected in order to obtain the preconceived symbolic “messages”. Among the princely graves of the Central Balkans, the mounds in Atenica near Čačak have long represented the only example of this type of funeral investigated in the course of systematic archaeological excavations; therefore, numerous researchers have devoted special attention to the construction of these tumuli and the possibilities of interpretation of the rites performed there. In this respect, special significance is assigned to the so-called “ritual area” of the mound II – three rectangular areas bordered by rows of pebbles, with conical pits filled by dark earth, fragments of pottery and burnt bones. The interpretations have ranged from the ideas about cremated human sacrifice, over a replica of a sanctuary, to the complex symbolic of solar cult, expressed in numeric regularities. On the other hand, since the buried individuals are cremated, the areas defined as funerary pyres have been identified in both mounds – relatively small crescent-shaped areas of pebbles with traces of burning. Practical incongruence stemming from this interpretation has remained unexplored, in the effort to link the complex ritual of cremation to the symbolic ideas perceived as appropriate for the cultural context of the Atenica burials – human sacrifice, solar cult. In the circular line of argument, more or less implicitly, these ideas have been applied as the starting premises for the wider interpretation of the cult practices of the community whose exceptional members were buried under the mounds near Čačak.

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Enzo, Stefano, Marco Bazzoni, Vittorio Mazzarello, Giampaolo Piga, Pasquale Bandiera, and Paolo Melis. "A study by thermal treatment and X-ray powder diffraction on burnt fragmented bones from tombs II, IV and IX belonging to the hypogeic necropolis of “Sa Figu” near Ittiri, Sassari (Sardinia, Italy)." Journal of Archaeological Science 34, no. 10 (October 2007): 1731–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2006.12.011.

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Kozyr, I. A., K. I. Panchenko, and O. V. Chornyy. "VASYNSKYI BARROW OF THE MIDDLE SKYTHIAN AGE." Archaeology and Early History of Ukraine 31, no. 2 (June 25, 2019): 300–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.37445/adiu.2019.02.22.

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The article presents the results of a study from the excavation of the barrow of middle Scythian time in Vasyne (Znamensky district, Kirovograd region). Barrow was located in the upper reaches of the river Beshka, the right tributary of the Ingulets in its upstream. The main Scythian burial was committed on the surface of the ancient horizon. A complex wooden burial structure constructed of oak was partially burnt, but well preserved. In the center of the entire burial facility was a ground-based square ten-column wooden tomb (5.5 Ч 5.5 m) with a flat ceiling, around which a «pyramid» was built of horizontal layers of raw tree trunks, logs and logs, preserved to a height of 0.9—1,4 m. «Pyramid» at the level of the ancient horizon was surrounded by thin (5—7 cm) wooden flooring. The overall diameter of the wooden structure reached 19 m. The southern sector of the «pyramid» was covered with a layer of clay. The nature of the firing of the wooden masonry, the good preservation of the wood, some structural details of the «pyramid» itself, the presence of a clay pavement with products indicate the use of burning technology without access to air. The mound enclosed the annular ditch with two bridges in the western and eastern sectors. The burial was accompanied by numerous remnants of the treasure in the form of fragments of ancient amphoras, including plump-throated Chios, thin-walled antique black-figureed kilik, fragments of stucco vessels, and animal bones. In the filling of the tomb, remains of funeral gifts that fell after the destruction of the floor were found: fragments of wooden trays or stretchers, fastened with iron and bronze brackets with sacrificial food; the ruined bones of the horse, next to which was found a handful of mummified millet grains. The burial itself was completely robbed. The skeleton of the buried and funeral inventory were absent. At the bottom of the tomb, only the skeleton of a servant with a bone piercing and a bronze tip of a basic type arrow lost by robbers were found. Undoubtedly, the most interesting find was a stone anthropomorphic stele of gray granite, 2.65 m high, which depicts a standing warrior with a set of weapons, a rhyton and two hryvnia. According to the totality of finds in the mound and images on the stele, it is possible to attribute the time of its construction to the turn of the 6th—5th centuries. BC. The scale of the wooden burial structure, the ditch around the mound, the find of a granite stele, the remains of a treyne and sacrifices indicate that a representative of the Scythian military aristocracy was buried here.

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Klementyeva, Tatyana Yuryevna, and Andrey Albertovich Pogodin. "Burial practices of the population from the Konda River Basin in the Mesolithic and Neolithic Periods." Samara Journal of Science 9, no. 1 (February 28, 2020): 131–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv202091202.

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The paper is dedicated to burial practices of the Stone Age population that inhabited the territory of the North-West Siberia. The source base is represented by 14 complexes. The burial grounds and solitary graves are located on high slopes in the terrace conifer forest areas along the tributaries of the Konda River. The Mesolithic burials date back to the period starting from the 9th-8th millennium BC through the end of the 7th millennium BC, while the Neolithic can be traced starting from the 7th-6th millennium BC to the middle of the 4th millennium BC. The taiga hunters traditionally buried their deceased relatives in the ground. The burials tend to be clustered into linear groupings within the cemetery area. Solitary graves are found on the territory of apparently abandoned settlements near the foundation pits of houses or inside them. Two forms of burial were practiced: inhumation and cremation followed by the burial of burnt remains. Generally, the dead were buried in the extended position, i.e., lying flat with arms and legs straight. The bodies were covered with red ocher, wrapped or swaddled, and put into graves. A special type of Mesolithic burials was vertical burials, i.e., the dead were placed into a vertical shaft like pits. The cremated remains were buried in ocher graves. The burned bones were placed in the center of each pit. Solitary burials prevailed. Less common were paired and multi-tire graves. Children were buried in the same way as adults, the age range of the dead varied from 5-7 to 60 years. The deceased were buried together with stone tools, jewelry, fragments of dishes, funeral and memorial food. The burial things were prepared following a special ritual - the blades of stone adzes were sharpened, the pottery was broken. There are signs of special respect to the skulls of the dead. The traditional burial practices of the taiga population from the Konda River Basin remained the same throughout the Stone Age.

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Abdullah, Sk Nishat, Kishore Kumar Das, Md Zakir Hossain, Rayhana Awwal, Md Sazzad Khondoker, and Md Abul Kalam. "Use of Muscle Flaps in Burn Reconstruction." Bangladesh Journal of Plastic Surgery 4, no. 1 (April 24, 2014): 29–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/bdjps.v4i1.18690.

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Electric burns are deep burns that by once-only or continuing stimulation of the nerves and striated muscles causes massive muscle contractions which can cause ruptures, ligamentous tears, fractures, and joint dislocations.High resistance of bone to the passage of electric current results in periosteal necrosis. Deep burns particularly electric burns when exposes structures valuable for important functions like joints, demands reconstructive options consisting robust viability and huge vascularity. The study was conducted in Department of plastic surgery and burn, Dhaka Medical College Hospital,Dhaka from June, 2011 to January, 2012. 18 patients were included in this series. Among them in ten patients gastrochnemius flap was applied, Lattissimus dorsi muscle flap was applied in 4 cases, Trapezius flap was applied in 2 cases and each of the other two patients were treated with Tensor fascia lata and Transverse Rectus Abdominis myocutaneous flap. Fifteen patients were adult and three patients were from paediatric age group. 88% of flaps were primarily used to cover exposed structures (bones and joints) and others were used to correct deformities. Complications include partial graft loss (3), joint stiffness(3), wound infection(1) and flap loss(1). Though these flaps are very commonly used in trauma reconstruction, their use in reconstruction in burn patients are included in this series. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/bdjps.v4i1.18690 Bangladesh Journal of Plastic Surgery January 2013, 4(1): 29-31

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Shcherbakova, M. A., A. V. Trusov, M. G. Fomina, S. M. Bataev, R. O. Ignatyev, and A. S. Bataev. "RESULTS OF SURGICAL TREATMENT OF A CHILD WITH SEVERE DEFECT IN SCALP SOFT TISSUES USING TISSUE EXPANDER." Pediatria. Journal named after G.N. Speransky 99, no. 6 (December 14, 2020): 279–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.24110/0031-403x-2020-99-6-279-282.

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Deep wounds of the scalp of various origins (mechanical trauma, animal bites, burns) are quite common in pediatric practice. Defects of soft tissues, the bottom of which has open bones, are a particular difficulty. This clinical observation describes a method of surgical treatment of a deep wound of the scalp using the tissue expansion, which leads at one time to the complete closure of the soft tissue defect in combination with an excellent cosmetic result. The relative simplicity and safety of the technique can cause its widespread use in pediatric reconstructive surgery and burn surgery.

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Hutsal, Anatoliy, Vitaliy Hutsal, and Oleksandr Mogylov. "Early Scythian Barrow With Cremation on the Western Podillia." Archaeology, no. 1 (March 16, 2021): 86–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/archaeologyua2021.01.086.

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In the early Scythian time, the Western Podillia group of monuments was distinguished on the territory of the Middle Dniester. A large cluster of complexes stands out in the middle course of the Zbruch River, the left tributary of the Dniester. Barrow groups, in particular, were excavated near Spasivka and Ivankivtsi villages, Horodok district, Khmelnytskyi Region. Barrow No. 5, explored in 2010, was completely plowed up and was distinguished on the surface only by the stone outcropping of which its barrow mound was made. The dimensions of this oval mound are 3,67 × 3,50 m. The largest slabs were located along the perimeter, forming an outer ring. From the south-east it was adjoined with a small display of cobblestones measuring 1,77 × 0,84 m, which was the place of a destroyed side burial. The burial pit, discovered under a layer of stone, was 2,7 m long, 2,37 m wide, 0,6 m deep. In ancient times, it probably had a wooden overlapping. The burial turned out to be robbed, but many things survived. The remains of a burial-cremation carried out on the side were found here. The burnt bones laid in a heap of 0,25 m in diameter. The burial was accompanied by glass beads, bronze earrings, and a handmade ladle. In addition, parts of a pot, a bowl, ladles, and a small cup were found in the layer of barrow stones. The burial rite of the barrow, in particular the presence of a stone barrow mound, a large central and additional side tombs, a type of grave have analogies in the burial monuments of the Western Podillia group. In these antiquities, the rite of burning the dead is also known, which exists along with the custom of inhumations. According to the inventory, the mound can be attributed to the Early Scythian time, and is dated by the Kelermes stage (mid-VII — first half of the VI c. BC). Judging by the cremation rite, a local aboriginal forest-steppe inhabitant was buried here. The modest sizes of the mound make it possible to see in him a simple community member of one of the surrounding settlements.

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Panajotovic, Ljubomir, Jefta Kozarski, Snezana Krtinic-Rapaic, and Bojan Stanojevic. "Possibility of management of lower leg war burns with free flaps." Vojnosanitetski pregled 60, no. 6 (2003): 741–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/vsp0306741p.

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Free flaps are used in the surgical treatment of burns for wound closure where the burn is too deep, and in case, when after necrotic tissue excision, the bones, tendons, nerves, and blood vessels remain bare. Covering of the exposed structures is commonly performed in the primary delayed, or in the secondary wound treatment. The possibilities of covering the defects of the lower leg with local flaps are limited. Free flaps are used when all the possibilities of the other reconstructive procedures have been exhausted. The defect of the soft tissue of the lower leg was covered with free flaps in the injured soldiers with deep burns, treated at the Clinic for Plastic Surgery and Burns, Military Medical Academy, Belgrade. In one patient the wound closing was performed immediately after excision of necrotic tissues, and in the other two in the secondary management. The application of free microvascular flaps enabled the closure of large post excision defects of the lower leg in one operation. Our experience in the treatment of these soldiers point to the possibility of coverage of the exposed deep structures with free flaps as early as possible.

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Penny, William Kevin. "Dialect of the Tribe: Modes of Communication and the Epiphanic Role of Nonhuman Imagery in T. S. Eliot's Four Quartets*." Harvard Theological Review 108, no. 1 (January 2015): 98–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001781601500005x.

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In T. S. Eliot's Four Quartets an attempt is made to investigate—often in a discursive manner—notions of time, language, and the divine. Yet the poet is hindered by certain limitations: words—as a primary vehicle of expression—collapse under the pressure, frequently sabotaging attempts at true articulation as detailed in the poem's opening quartet, Burnt Norton: “Words strain, / Crack and sometimes break, under the burden, / Under the tension. . .” (V: 149–51). Consequently, the medium of language itself frames an apparent contradiction throughout the Quartets: how a contrived system can represent notions intrinsically elusive and ephemeral. This conundrum inculcates all four of the poems, making them in some ways the ironic frame of their own reference. Despite this inherent dilemma, Eliot recognized that harnessing certain imagery—both animate and inanimate—and exploiting it for its numinous qualities was indispensable to achieving his aesthetic and thematic aims. Such imagery included elements taken from the natural world which pointed beyond their own outward forms to some ideal form that lay behind them. It was an approach motivated in part by what Frye describes as the poet's concern with Heraclitean logos zynos—or a “common logos”—and had as its aim the participation of man in the divine. To achieve such ends, Eliot relied on bird calls, echoes, bones, bells, and other seemingly prosaic phenomena and transformed them into conduits by which revelations might occur. That is, certain central images the poet adopts in Four Quartets—though not endowed with the capacity for human language—are nevertheless engendered with communicativeness of a uniquely numinous kind. Aligned with this notion was Eliot's belief that the way to commune with the past and with the divine was through ritual; by employing common natural objects and investing each with sacramental significance, the poet was able to evoke a temporal link with the ineffable world. It was also a means of reconciling what he perceived as the disjuncture with conventional language. By grounding the effort in an approach reminiscent of sacred Christian ritual and aesthetically portraying a new mode of communication consistent with transformative ceremony, Eliot aimed at the restoration of a past community of values. This highly distinct mode of communing came to represent its own unique type of langue, carrying forward thematic concerns while at the same time detailing a stylistic approach to poetic composition not prevalent in Eliot's earlier work.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Burnt bones'

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