Dissertations / Theses: 'Bush, George W'

1

Eklund, Per Agne. "Varför den kristna högern stödjer George W Bush." Thesis, University of Gävle, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-418.

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Det var med anledning av att valet i USA återigen vanns av George W Bush som min frågeställning formades. Vad är det som gör att den så kallade kristna högern mycket medvetet stödjer Bush i dennes strävan efter att styra världens mäktigaste land? Vad är det i den amerikanska kulturen som har medfört ytterligare en valseger för George W Bush? Det är också intressant i sammanhanget varför just Bush favoriseras av den kristna högern och inte hans kombattant John F Kerry som också säger sig vara religiös, dock katolik till skillnad mot Bush som är frikyrklig.

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2

Greve, Patricia. "Neokonservative Ideen und Akteure und die Aussenpolitik der Regierung George W. Bush 2001-2004 /." Marburg : Tectum-Verl, 2005. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2671722&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.

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3

Nilsson, Stefan S. O., and Jonas B. Nockmar. "Civilreligion i George W Bush: s officiella uttalanden : 2001." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Thematic Studies, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2311.

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Uppsatsen behandlar hur USA: s president George W Bush använder civilreligiösa inslag i sin retorik under sitt första år som president. Han startade ämbetsperioden med att använda religiösa anspelningar i sitt installationstal., för att sedan fortsätta i samma anda hela året.

Bush är inte den första presidenten att använda sådana retoriska knep. Ända sedan USA: s grundande har presidenterna förstärkt sin talarkonst genom att hänvisa till Gud och att landet är utvalt av Gud - ett nytt Israel. Landets presidenter har alltid varit mer eller mindre övertygade om att Gud står på USA: s sida. Detta trots att det första tillägget i USA: s konstitution föreskriver en separation mellan religion ochstat.

Uppsatsen analyseras utifrån en innehållsanalys, som är en vanlig metod för att analysera politiska tal. Vår innehållsanalys består av åtta olika kategorier som speglar Bushs civilreligiösa retorik väl. Resultatet visar att Bush som president anser att det är självklart att en amerikansk president har en gudstro. Han använder ett religiöst språkbruk genom att citera ur Bibeln och Koranen i sina offentliga framträdanden. Han säger sig vara övertygad om att USA är utvalt av Gud att styra över världen. En stor del av Bushs civilreligiösa retorik går att hitta i att han försöker ena nationen genom att hänvisa till landets historia. Han visar ofta hur krigshjältar och presidenter har offrat sina liv för USA.

Vi anser att Bush använder civilreligiös retorik för att ena nationen vid svåra tillfällen. Efter terrorattacken den 11: e september 2001 ökar frekvensen av civilreligion hos Bush. Det är tydligt att den amerikanske presidenten vill ena en nation i chock. Vi menar också att det av tradition förväntas att USA:s president har ett civilreligiöst språkbruk. Vi menar att Bush använder civilreligionen som en ursäkt för att inte genomföra reella politiska förändringar i samhället.

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Geisperger, Petra. "In göttlicher Mission : die amerikanische Zivilreligion in den Reden von George W. Bush /." Marburg : Tectum-Verl, 2005. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2695267&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.

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5

Babener, Jeremy. "Presidential political rhetoric a case study in George W. Bush's Social Security reform campaign /." Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/985.

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6

Zyla, Benjamin. "Multilateralism à la Carte? : The Bush II administration and US foreign policy." Universität Potsdam, 2007. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2007/1343/.

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The use of unilateral force under George W. Bush is not a new phenomenon in US foreign policy. As the author argues, it is merely a continuation of Bill Clinton’s foreign policy and is deeply rooted in both the foreign policy traditions of Jacksonianism and Wilsonianism. The analysis concludes that Clinton used unilateralist foreign policy with a 'smile' whereas the Bush administration uses it with an attitude.
Die unilaterale Außenpolitik unter George W. Bush ist kein neues Phänomen der US-Diplomatie. Dem Autor zufolge ist sie vielmehr eine Fortführung der Politik der Clinton-Regierung und hat ihre Wurzeln in den Traditionen eines Andrew Jackson und Woodrow Wilson. Clinton vermochte jedoch seine unilaterale Politik mit einem "Lächeln" zu verkaufen, wohingegen die Art und Weise der Bush-Administration stets Irritationen hervorrief.

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7

Holmgren, Johan. "Psychology of Political Leaders : a case study of George W Bush." Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-1164.

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The purpose of this thesis is to examine whether the individual political leader is important for the analysis of international relations. Traditionally the focus of investigation in international relations has been on the nation-state, or the systems level, and as a result the individual level has been somewhat neglected. Using the theory of political psychology there is a possibility of finding nuances that might not be found if the focus of the investigation is on the nation-state. With the help of key concepts such as personality, emotion, cognition, and social identity decision making that has affected world politics have been examined. An empirical examination of the political psychology has been made by applying the theory to a case study, George W Bush. By applying the theory of political psychology to the decision making process used by George W Bush and his Administration it will be shown that the individual can impact world politics, especially in the case of the invasion of Iraq. Furthermore, one of the flaws of the theory of political psychology, its problem in handling the concept of global terrorism, is briefly discussed. The conclusion that has been drawn in this thesis is that the individual level of analysis is just as important as the systems level or the domestic level of analysis.

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8

Curry, Kristina E. "Civil Religion and Pastoral Power in the George W. Bush Presidency." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2007. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/communication_theses/23.

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American presidents have maintained an equilibrium between the role of church and state in government affairs via the nation’s civil religion and a “rhetorical contract” between those secular and sacred interests. While other presidents have incorporated religion in their rhetorical execution of office, George W. Bush has done so in a manner different from his predecessors, emphasizing the role of faith in his administration’s beliefs, actions, and policies. Such rhetoric upsets the tenuous relationship between sectarian and secular affairs. Bush’s breach of the rhetorical contract can be explained by Foucault’s notion of pastoral power. Using practices once associated with the church, the savvy government leader may better control his public. I argue that President Bush has shifted the balance of power between organized religion and government, specifically by means of the Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives, thereby corrupting traditional notions of civil religion in the process of implementing his unique form of new pastoral power.

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9

Geisperger, Petra. "In göttlicher Mission die amerikanische Zivilreligion in den Reden von George W. Bush." Marburg Tectum-Verl, 2003. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2695267&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.

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10

Luce, Russell Ralph. "President George W. Bush a portrayal of the Iraq War through cartoons /." Connect to this document online, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1134156853.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of Speech Communication, 2005.
Title from first page of PDF document, author statement from p. [i]. Document formatted into pages; contains [1], iv, 40 p. : ill. Includes bibliographical references (p. 35-37).

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11

Finguerut, Ariel [UNESP]. "A influência do pensamento neoconservador na política externa de George W. Bush." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/98996.

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Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:29:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2008-05-15Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T21:00:13Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 finguerut_a_me_arafcl.pdf: 1198693 bytes, checksum: 90110d3c67ca44a5af154da9c86e5c47 (MD5)
Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
Com a ascensão de George W. Bush, as idéias neoconservadoras tornaram-se influentes na Casa Branca, especialmente após os atentados de 11 de setembro de 2001, com a formulação de uma nova doutrina de segurança nacional que substitui a dissuasão e a contenção, vigentes durante a Guerra Fria, pela ação preventiva contra potenciais inimigos da governabilidade global. Nessa dissertação propomos uma análise dessas idéias, seus principais representantes e sua influência nas políticas dos Estados Unidos. Tomaremos como referência os dois governos de George W. Bush, o primeiro mandato entre 2000 e 2005 e o segundo, em andamento.Buscaremos mapear seus secretários, assessores e nomeados, destacando neoconservadores ou pessoas próximas ao círculo neoconservador, mostrando assim, a influência neoconservadora nos temas da política externa da Casa Branca durante o governo George W. Bush.
With the rise of George W. Bush the neoconservative ideas became very influential in the White House, especially after the 11\09\01 acts, with the formulation of a new doctrine of national security that replaced the dissuasion and contained in force during Cold War by the preventive action against potations enemies of the global governability. In this dissertation we propose an analysis of those ideas, those representatives yours representatives and the influence of those ideas in the U.S politics. We will take as reference the two George ´s W. Bush governments, the first government form 2000 to 2005 and the second in progress. We seek to map the Bush Cabinet looking for neoconservatives or people near by their ideas, showing the influence of the neoconservative ideas in the U.S foreign affairs during the George W. Bush presidency.

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12

Fröjd, Lena. "Power in language : strategies to achieve power in language used by president George W Bush." Thesis, University West, Department of Social and Behavioural Studies, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hv:diva-1474.

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13

Mahdi, Ahmed Samir Sayed. "US foreign policy and energy resources during the George W. Bush administration." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2010. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/748/.

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Based on the Open Door Policy, the United States has pursued an informal empire based on spreading its economic influence by ensuring open access to vital goods and raw materials, and establishing military presence in areas of interest, as America’s corporate and strategic interests worked together in harmony. This approach has been especially evident in energy-producing regions, where the US seeks to establish economic and military dominance to support its global economic power. George W. Bush, like all his predecessors, pursued the Open Door Empire, especially with respect to access to foreign energy resources, which took on an even higher priority because of his ties to the oil industry and the belief that the US was suffering from an energy crisis and relative economic decline. Energy procurement was linked to his other foreign policy priority as he took office; military advancement. After the September 11 attacks, two other foreign policy priorities were established: the War on Terror, and global power projection. Bush used the War on Terror to implement the Open Door Policy and meld the four priorities. He used the military to solve America’s economic and energy problems by invading Afghanistan and Iraq to control vital energy routes and resources, both as an end in itself (due to the economic and corporate benefits to the US) and a means to other, greater ends (as control over global energy supplies strengthened America’s imperial status). The Bush Doctrine stipulated that in the War on Terror, the US should take the war to the enemy and spread democracy as a tool to combat terrorism. Invading Iraq was meant to demonstrate US military power, fight terrorism (based on the false claims of Saddam Hussein’s ties to al Qaeda), secure Iraq’s oil resources and rebuild the country, using Iraq’s oil revenues. Thus Iraq would become a democratic model for the Middle East and a substitute for Saudi Arabia as America’s main strategic ally and source of oil. Compared to the George H.W. Bush and Clinton Administrations, the George W. Bush Administration is unique in two ways. First, it put energy resources at the fore of its foreign policy goals during his first days in office. Second, unlike previous US administrations that preserved undemocratic regimes in the Middle East to stabilize the region’s oil resources, the Bush Administration tried to democratise the region, using Iraq’s oil to rebuild the country into a democratic model. In pursuing these aims, the Bush Administration can be blamed for negligence, as it ignored warnings of post-war violence while planning for the Iraq war. The Bush Doctrine was too dependent on success in Iraq and on rebuilding the Iraqi oil sector. The post-war instability led to the failure of the Bush Doctrine’s plans for the region, meaning that the Bush Administration had to return to supporting undemocratic regimes in the Middle East. Despite endeavours to spread its global military power, promote global economic influence and diversify energy resources away from the Middle East, the US will continue to suffer from relative decline and will be less energy secure than ever.

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14

Finguerut, Ariel. "A influência do pensamento neoconservador na política externa de George W. Bush /." Araraquara : [s.n.], 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/98996.

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Orientador: Luis Fernando Ayerbe
Banca: Marcelo Santos
Banca: Marcelo Passini Mariano
Resumo: Com a ascensão de George W. Bush, as idéias neoconservadoras tornaram-se influentes na Casa Branca, especialmente após os atentados de 11 de setembro de 2001, com a formulação de uma nova doutrina de segurança nacional que substitui a dissuasão e a contenção, vigentes durante a Guerra Fria, pela ação preventiva contra potenciais inimigos da governabilidade global. Nessa dissertação propomos uma análise dessas idéias, seus principais representantes e sua influência nas políticas dos Estados Unidos. Tomaremos como referência os dois governos de George W. Bush, o primeiro mandato entre 2000 e 2005 e o segundo, em andamento.Buscaremos mapear seus secretários, assessores e nomeados, destacando neoconservadores ou pessoas próximas ao círculo neoconservador, mostrando assim, a influência neoconservadora nos temas da política externa da Casa Branca durante o governo George W. Bush.
Abstract: With the rise of George W. Bush the neoconservative ideas became very influential in the White House, especially after the 11\09\01 acts, with the formulation of a new doctrine of national security that replaced the dissuasion and contained in force during Cold War by the preventive action against potations enemies of the global governability. In this dissertation we propose an analysis of those ideas, those representatives yours representatives and the influence of those ideas in the U.S politics. We will take as reference the two George 's W. Bush governments, the first government form 2000 to 2005 and the second in progress. We seek to map the Bush Cabinet looking for neoconservatives or people near by their ideas, showing the influence of the neoconservative ideas in the U.S foreign affairs during the George W. Bush presidency.
Mestre

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15

Arduengo, Enrique Sebastian. "The War for Peace: George H. W. Bush and Palestine, 1989-1992." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc11061/.

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The administration of President George H. W. Bush from 1989 to 1992 saw several firsts in both American foreign policy towards the Middle East, and in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. At the beginning of the Bush Presidency, the intifada was raging in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and by the time it was over negotiations were already in progress for the most comprehensive agreement brokered in the history of the conflict to that point, the Oslo Accords. This paper will serve two purposes. First, it will delineate the relationships between the players in the Middle East and President Bush during the first year of his presidency. It will also explore his foreign policy towards the Middle East, and argue that it was the efforts of George H. W. Bush, and his diplomatic team that enabled the signing of the historic agreement at Oslo.

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16

Arduengo, Enrique Sebastian Stockdale Nancy L. "The war for peace George H. W. Bush and Palestine, 1989-1992 /." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2009. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-11061.

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17

Hathaway, Terry. "Corporate power and US oil dependence policy evolution under George W. Bush." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/5471/.

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US oil dependence poses grave health, environmental and economic risks to the United States and its citizens. Yet, at the same time, several major corporations financially benefit from the oil dependent status quo. Through an investigation of how auto-manufacturers have been involved in the formulation, implementation and outcomes of both Corporate Average Fuel Economy (CAFE) standards and Hydrogen Fuel Cell research policy (the FreedomCAR partnership) under the administrations of George W. Bush this thesis argues that the representation of the interests of (primarily) the Big Three US automobile corporations resulted in the protection of the oil dependent status quo from major political change. In this regard, this thesis investigates two interlinked questions: “why, over the past forty years, has the US not adopted a coherent energy policy to deal with its oil dependence?” and “how are corporations powerful in the US?” Focusing mainly on the latter question to explain the former, the thesis has four main original contributions. First, it provides an analytical framework for understanding the power of a corporation working as a political actor which reconciles many diverse mechanisms of influence and that allows an understanding of how these mechanisms can reinforce and complement one another. Second, in applying the framework, it provides two original policy case studies, which are based upon data gathered during fieldwork in Washington D.C. and Ann Arbor, Michigan. Third, the thesis demonstrates the validity of a holistic focus upon policy evolution, rather than policy making, for understanding questions of power and influence; it demonstrates the need to return to broader analysis of “who governs?” – or Held and McGrew’s (2003, p.8) “Who rules, in whose interests, by what mechanisms and for what purposes?” – than is currently carried out in US interest group literature. Fourth, this thesis shows how corporate power in domestic politics is connected to the international consequences of US oil dependence and the world problems that such dependence exacerbates.

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18

Isler, Lorenz. "Der Neokonservatismus in den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika." St. Gallen, 2005. http://www.biblio.unisg.ch/org/biblio/edoc.nsf/wwwDisplayIdentifier/01651280001/$FILE/01651280001.pdf.

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19

Dick, Eric. "The elite press, the Bush administration, and Iraq ideology confines scrutiny in the Post and the Times /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/4274.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2005.
The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file viewed on (May 26, 2006) Includes bibliographical references.

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20

El, Yattioui Mohamed Badine. "Les enjeux géostratégiques des programmes publics de Washington à destination de l'Amérique Latine, de George Bush père à George Bush fils (1988-2008)." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015LYO30059.

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Les relations entre les Etats-Unis et l’Amérique latine entre 1988 et 2008 ont connu de nombreux bouleversements et chambardements. Les nombreuses raisons qui en sont les causes ont été abordées dans cette thèse. Après avoir étudié les enjeux théoriques de leurs relations nous nous sommes demandés si la politique étrangère était une politique publique comme les autres. Suite à une comparaison générale nous avons étudié les spécificités de l’aide publique au développement et le cas d’une théorie promue par George Bush Jr qui est la « diplomatie transformationnelle ». Dans un second temps, nous avons étudié les bouleversements diplomatiques apparus dans un certain nombre de pays de cette région du fait de l’arrivée de gouvernements de gauche. Les pages consacrées aux trois programmes élaborés par Washington dans les années 2000 (MCA, les deux plans Colombie et le Plan Merida) montrent leur originalité mais aussi leur application et leurs résultats mitigés tant du point de vue de l’efficacité, de l’efficience que de la consolidation des relations diplomatiques avec les pays de cette région. Enfin, nous avons décrit et analysé l’importance des enjeux énergétiques avec l’Amérique latine pour les Etats-Unis puis développé les raisons qui les poussent à vouloir constituer la ZLEA. Cela démontre l’imbrication des questions économiques, diplomatiques et sécuritaires pour les décideurs américains
The relations between the United States and Latin America between 1988 and 2008 had known a lot of upheavals. The different reasons which were at the origin of that were approached in this dissertation. After having studied the theorical stakes concerning their relations we asked ourself if foreign policy was a classic public policy. Then, we studied development aid’s specificities and a theory promoted by George W. Bush which is the « transformational diplomacy ». In a second part, we studied diplomatical upheavals appeared in some countries of the region, consequence of the election of left wing governments. Pages dedicated to the three programs worked out by Washington during the 2000’s (MCA, both Colombian plans and Merida Initiative) showed the originality but also their application and their reserved results so much from the point of view of the efficiency and the consolidation of the diplomatical relations with the countries of this region. At last, we described and analyzed the importance the energy challenges with Latin America for the United States and developed reasons which urge them to want to constitute the FTAA. This show The interweaving of the economic, diplomatic and security questions for the American decision-makers

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Silberhorn, Hubert. "Das Ende der "Republican Revolution" : die Präsidentschaft George W. Bush und der neue Konservativismus in der Gesundheits- und Sozialpolitik /." Frankfurt, M. ; Berlin ; Bern ; Bruxelles ; New York, NY ; Oxford ; Wien : Lang, 2009. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=018639798&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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22

Potucek, Rachel Eryn. "From crisis to war: prophetic dualism in President George W. Bush's September 20, 2001 address." Thesis, Kansas State University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/14188.

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Master of Arts
Department of Communication Studies, Theatre & Dance
LeAnn Brazeal
President George W. Bush's September 20, 2001 televised address to a Joint Session of Congress stands in history as his Administration's first deliberate official rhetorical response to the events of 9/11 and the first instance of the "Bush Doctrine." Although 9/11 has become an increasing topic of scholarly review and this speech is the first presidential policy response, few have explored Bush's choice of metaphors in this speech. Metaphors are a powerful tool of rhetoric, especially in political rhetoric, because metaphors are uniquely adept at simplifying complex topics, and a study of metaphor can reveal a speaker's underlying worldview and beliefs. Through metaphorical analysis, this study identifies nine clusters of metaphor in Bush's September 20, 2001 address: FORCE/WAR, BODY, FEAR, LIGHT/DARK, NEAR/FAR, UNITY, FAITH/FATE, GOOD/EVIL and SAVAGE. This study contrasts metaphor clusters to "prophetic dualism," a worldview that defines foreign policy within the context of a specific set of moral beliefs, and concludes that the artifact meets all tenets of prophetic dualism as well as the core characteristics of presidential crisis rhetoric and civil religion (although the artifact does not meet all characteristics of presidential war rhetoric). The study closes with a discussion of practical, rhetorical and methodological implications that may be useful to scholars of rhetoric and political science, including suggestions for future research of prophetic dualism and presidential war rhetoric.

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Peker, Efe. "Following 9/11: George W. Bush Discursive Re-Articulation of American Social Identity." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-5621.

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Utilizing a poststructuralist and neo-Gramscian meta-theoretical framework as the leading tool,this study aims at conceptualizing the discursive re-articulation of American social identity in George W. Bush's post-9/11 oratory. In response to the identity confusion that I contend September 11 has materialized in American subjects, the argument is made that his speeches have been the vocal proponent of a neoconservative discursive formation offering a hegemonic project

to overcome this uncertainty; which entailed the attempt to alter American "objectivity", and to recreate the American "self" through the use of social antagonisms.

Covering the ten days following the September 11 incidents, Bushs selected speeches related to national security and foreign policy are evaluated through Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe's discourse theory to be able to emphasize how they represent and discursively reconstruct American social identities. The analysis suggests that the ideological incentive of this neoconservative discursive formation has involved the endorsement of an American nation "at

war", "under God", and "of capitalist/liberal democratic values"; as well as elements of selflegitimation, in the words of George W. Bush.

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Mackiewicz-Wolfe, Wojciech G. "Winning the war of words: Framing United States foreign policy (George W. Bush)." Diss., Connect to online resource, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3207765.

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Asgharirad, Javad [Verfasser]. "U.S. public diplomacy towards Iran during the George W. Bush era / Javad Asgharirad." Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2012. http://d-nb.info/1027815952/34.

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Dalziel, Paula. "President George W. Bush, presidential rhetoric and constructions of otherness, post 9/11." Thesis, Edge Hill University, 2013. http://repository.edgehill.ac.uk/6166/.

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This thesis analyses the rhetoric which President George W. Bush used to meet the demands resulting from the atrocities of 9/11, during the immediate aftermath and in days and weeks following those atrocities. Bush’s presidential rhetoric was far more than just words it was an entire performance, and it is that performance and the people behind the construction and dissemination of the language and performance with which this thesis is interested. This research adds knowledge to the field of presidential rhetoric by adopting the analytical approach of a rhetorical critic to scrutinize Bush’s post 9/11 rhetoric. The analysis reveals a sophisticated interpretation of the various levels of meaning available to the American public and the wider audience given the social and cultural period in which the atrocities and rhetoric transpired. The same analytical approach is utilized to distinguish previous presidential rhetoric after unique attacks with that of Bush post 9/11. This delivers a nuanced understanding of the influence of the media, speechwriters, presidential personality and the historical period in the formation and presentation of presidential rhetoric. This is achieved by scrutinizing the events (‘rhetorical situations’ (Bitzer, 1968)) including the sinking of the Lusitania, the attack on Pearl Harbor, the xii Iran hostage siege and comparing and contrasting these to 9/11 and Bush’s response to the demands of that situation. The thesis characterizes and analyses the way presidential rhetoric incorporated the ‘rhetoric of otherness’ (Otto, 1973) through religious myths to delineate the boundaries for the American public to gain an understanding of why the attacks occurred and how they needed to respond. This may be referred to as the patriotic discourse.

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27

Jones, Robert Glyn. "The administration of George W Bush : continuity or discontinuity in American foreign policy?" Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.517014.

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This thesis is an analysis of the foreign policy of the Bush administration and the degree to which it is a part of the greater tradition of common American foreign policy. From a theoretical perspective, the work is essentially realist, although the inclusion of some conventional constructivism is aimed at adding to the analysis. These different theoretical approaches are reconciled by the positioning of the role of ideas as an intervening variable in a neoclassical realist logic, which treats the distribution of power in the international system as the independent variable and the foreign policy outcomes as the dependent variable. In empirical terms, the work identifies the collapse of the USSR and the absence of a replacement major power as the key determinant of American foreign policy during this period, and the events of 9/11 as the specific and immediate catalyst for the development and implementation of the Bush doctrine. But in conjunction with these material factors, and crucial to the direction of American foreign policy during this period, is the salience of neoconservatism in the administration, which this work classifies as a form of 'realist idealism'. With this in mind, the structure is divided into sections on International Relations theory; American grand strategy; the origins of 9/11 and the Bush doctrine; issues of missile defence and nuclear strategy; the interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq; the containment of Iran and North Korea; and an examination of major power relations in the post 9/11 era. The generic premise of this work is that the US always has and always will base its foreign policy on calculations of its own vital national interest. In terms of the future of American diplomacy, this work predicts there will be a shift from the 'War on Terror' back to a greater emphasis on major power relations and a rise in the salience of China, Russia and India in world politics. It also notes that the US will develop its relationship with countries in South East Asia and also Australia due to the economic and material resources in these locations and also their geopolitical significance

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O'Byrne, Megan. "When the President talks to God a rhetorical criticism of anti-Bush protest music /." Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1225216520.

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Reinhardt, Dennis. "Transatlantische Spannungen, dargestellt am Verhältnis zwischen Frankreich und Amerika Neokonservativismus und Gaullismus im Spannungsfeld /." St. Gallen, 2005. http://www.biblio.unisg.ch/org/biblio/edoc.nsf/wwwDisplayIdentifier/02606952001/$FILE/02606952001.pdf.

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Miller, Angie Bergstrom. "Question of bias : a content analysis of the visual coverage of the 2004 presidential campaign /." Diss., CLICK HERE for online access, 2005. http://contentdm.lib.byu.edu/ETD/image/etd1126.pdf.

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Lauck-Dunlop, Penny L. Crystal Jill. "Marketing war a case study comparison of wars between the United States and Iraq /." Auburn, Ala, 2008. http://repo.lib.auburn.edu/EtdRoot/2008/SPRING/Political_Science/Dissertation/PENNY_LAUCK_002.pdf.

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Neves, André Luiz Varella. "Governo George Walker Bush (2001-2004): uma análise geopolítica das guerras do Afeganistão e do Iraque." Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-18102010-155327/.

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O objetivo dessa tese é realizar uma análise geopolítica das operações militares empreendidas no primeiro mandato do Governo George Walker Bush, posterior aos ataques terroristas do Onze de Setembro em 2001. Entendemos que as estratégias adotadas nestes eventos foram resultantes do documento Orientação de Planejamento de Defesa produzido pelo Pentágono em 1992, logo após o fim da Guerra Fria. A hipótese que procuramos defender é de que as formulações geopolíticas que orientaram a Doutrina Truman durante a Guerra Fria estão presentes neste documento e foram mantidas como guias para planos de ação ao longo de toda a década de 90 e utilizadas como ferramentas analíticas na grande estratégia do Governo George Walker Bush. Para demonstrar esta hipótese realizamos primeiramente o resgate do pensamento geopolítico de Halford J. Mackinder e Nicholas J. Spykman, em seguida fizemos as conexões das idéias estratégicas existentes em vários documentos que estavam vigentes na década de 90; e por fim, verificamos como estas idéias puderam ser implementadas nas Operações Liberdade Infinita, na Guerra do Afeganistão, em 2001; e Operação Iraque Livre, na Guerra do Iraque, em 2003. A metodologia utilizada foi a pesquisa em fontes primárias apoiadas em documentos originais do Governo dos Estados Unidos e na literatura bibliográfica das obras basilares de Halford. J. Mackinder, Nicholas J. Spykman e Zbigniew Brzezinski para uma análise crítica dos modelos teóricos geopolíticos.
The objective of this thesis is to achieve a geopolitical analysis of the military operations undertaken in the first mandate of George Walker Bush government immediately after the terrorist attacks on september 11th, 2001. It is understood that the strategies adopted in those events were a result of the document Defense Planning Guidance by Pentagon in 1992, right after the end of the cold war. The hypothesis we intend to defend is that the geopolitical formulations that orientate the Truman Doctrine. In the period of the cold war are present in this document and were maintained as guides for action plans during all the decade of 90 and used as analytical tools in the great strategy of George Walker Bush government. In order to demonstrate this hypothesis, first of all we performed the redemption of the geopolitical thought of Halford J. Mackinder and Nicholas J. Spykman, followed by connections of the strategical existing ideas in several documents which were in effect in the decade of 90 and we finally verified how those ideas could be implemented in Operation Enduring Freedom in the Afghanistan war in 2001; and Operation Iraq Freedom in the war of Iraq in 2003. The used methodology was a research in primary sources sustained by original documents of The United States of America government and in the bibliografic literature of the basiliary work by Halford J. Mackinder, Nicholas J. Spykman and Zbigniew Brzezinski for a critical analysis of the theoretical geopolitical models.

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33

Valenzano, III Joseph Michael. "Freedom and Terror: President George W. Bush's Ideograph Use during his First Term." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2006. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/communication_diss/4.

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This is a rhetorical study of President George W. Bush’s use of the - ideographic dialectic in his appeals for support for war in Afghanistan and Iraq, as well as reelection in 2004. I argue that President Bush’s use of the - dialectic in each case provided him with specific rhetorical resources that enhanced his ability to seek support from the four discourse communities that constitute the foreign policy public: unilateralists, multilateralists, regionalists and coalition builders. The terministic flexibility of the ideographic dialectic worked well enough to encourage meanings in each foreign policy discourse community that were consonant with that group’s worldview. This allowed Bush to appeal to the disparate groups and appear as though he advocated their desired policies, when in fact, he did not promote any specific policy. This project contributes to the theoretical understanding of the ideograph by complicating the concept of the public. Further, it adds credence to claims that the War on Terror is a never-ending war.

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34

Kreft, Heinrich. ""More of the same" in der zweiten Amtszeit? : Die Außenpolitik des George W. Bush." Universität Potsdam, 2005. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4762/.

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Despite the difficult situation in Iraq, US President Bush easily won a second term, but his room for manoeuvre is now significantly smaller than it was four years ago. He has at least three conflicts on his plate: the first and most critical one in Iraq, the second the continuing war on terror and the third the struggle to consolidate Afghanistan. Conscious of the growing risk of US overstretch, Bush is now reaching out to the European allies. However, most observers anticipate a change in style rather than any real change in substance.

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35

Bajema, Hillary Ann Medhurst Martin J. "Islam as a rhetorical constraint the post-September 11th speaking of George W. Bush /." Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/5096.

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Gordon, Mark Alexander. "U.S. in the Unipolar Moment: Analysis of George W. Bush Middle East Foreign Policy." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/47948.

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Using a comparative trend analysis for fifteen states in the Middle East during President George W. Bush's eight year administration, this paper provides one method for answering the research question, "What was the priority/focus of U.S. Middle East policy during the W. Bush Administration?" Within the context of international relations theories neorealism, neoliberalism, and neoconservatism, U.S. policy is broken down into three policy priorities: stability, security, and democracy promotion and measured for each state for each year of the administration. Line graphs illustrate the changes from year to year and linear trend lines indicate the direction of change as positive, negative, or neutral. The results are used to validate the three working hypotheses: 1) if the U.S. views stability as paramount, then its foreign policy will be to support the status quo regimes, 2) if the U.S. wants to maintain security, then its foreign policy will be to demonstrate power projection via its military, and 3) if the U.S. aims at democracy promotion, the its foreign policy will be to implement economic aid and assistance programs to reform non-democratic governments and strengthen existing democratic institutions. Eleven states confirmed the stability hypothesis, nine states confirmed the security hypothesis, and twelve states confirmed the democracy promotion hypothesis. There was no discernable pattern between the trends across states indicating that the U.S. consistently pursued one policy priority over the others. There were only two complete cases in which a state had only one positive trending policy priority.
Master of Arts

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Edmisten, Kelly L. "Cold terror : cultural crisis creation in the rhetoric of Truman and Bush /." Electronic version (PDF), 2007. http://dl.uncw.edu/etd/2007-1/edmistenk/kellyedmisten.pdf.

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Medvedeva, Yulia. "Value-framing of issues in the 2004 presidential campaign by American newspapers in Russian." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/5740.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008.
The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on September 8, 2008) Includes bibliographical references.

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Silberhorn, Hubert. "Das Ende der "Republican Revolution" die Präsidentschaft George W. Bush und der neue Konservativismus in der Gesundheits- und Sozialpolitik." Frankfurt, M. Berlin Bern Bruxelles New York, NY Oxford Wien Lang, 2008. http://d-nb.info/996598790/04.

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40

Birgersson, Elisabeth. "Language of power and power of language : rhetorical strategies used by Bush and Hitler." Thesis, University West, Department of Social and Behavioural Studies, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hv:diva-1477.

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Keller, Patrick. "Neokonservatismus und amerikanische Aussenpolitik Ideen, Krieg und Strategie von Ronald Reagan bis George W. Bush." Paderborn München Wien Zürich Schöningh, 2007. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=3038994&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.

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McKelvey, Jack. "The sound bites of George W. Bush during the 2004 presidential election examined and unpacked." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2008. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/3386.

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Three sound bites, Whatever it takes (55 seconds), Safer, Stronger (30 seconds), and War on Terror (30 seconds), of President George W. Bush during the presidential election of 2004 will be explored and unpacked.

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43

Nantais, Joel David. "The Bush administration's decision to invade Iraq did they fall victim to groupthink? /." Orlando, Fla. : University of Central Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/CFE0002870.

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44

Glendenning, Travis R. "Presidential Campaigns and Environmental Policy: Linking Promise and Performance." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1155570547.

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45

Camargo, Ana Carolina de Angelo [UNESP]. "Wilsonismo e mudanca: analise da abordagem wilsoniana na politica externa das administracoes Bill Clinton e George W. Bush." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/113861.

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Made available in DSpace on 2015-01-26T13:21:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2012Bitstream added on 2015-01-26T13:30:45Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000800464.pdf: 575118 bytes, checksum: 05fe0183c01cfb9084de37c067e7839c (MD5)
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
O fim da Guerra Fria provocou questionamentos sobre a ordem internacional e a posição dos Estados Unidos, em particular. Ao fim do conflito, os EUA possuíam uma superioridade militar e política como nenhum outro Estado tivera ao longo da história. Assim, durante esse período, ressurgiu o antigo desejo norte-americano de remodelamento da ordem à sua imagem e semelhança, ou seja, a promoção de seus valores pelo mundo. Nesse sentido, os dois primeiros presidentes eleitos após o fim da Guerra Fria, Bill Clinton e George W. Bush, retomaram a abordagem wilsoniana para a política externa dos Estados Unidos. Ao mesmo tempo, o descongelamento das tensões políticas globais e regionais e a ausência da influência bipolar possibilitaram o surgimento de inúmeros problemas nos mais diversos cantos do globo. Nem todos estavam diretamente relacionados à estabilidade do sistema, mas que mesmo assim ofereceram desafios na abordagem de política externa dos Estados Unidos. Assim, o presente trabalho procura, a partir da leitura de diversos textos escritos sobre o período, fazer uma analise sobre a utilização do wilsonismo ao longo desses governos, enfatizando dois momentos distintos: a estratégia do engajamento e expansão no governo Clinton e a doutrina Bush. A analise pretendida na pesquisa procura demonstrar que apesar das diferenças, os dois presidentes utilizaram a abordagem para o mesmo fim: justificar sua atuação em política externa. A pesquisa também apresenta as discussões em torno do conceito de wilsonismo, tendo como base suas características mais fundamentais. Por fim, procurou-se apresentar os desafios à abordagem wilsoniana em um mundo ainda em transformação.
The end of the Cold War led to questions about the international order and the position of the United States in particular. At the end of the conflict, the United States had political and military superiority as no other state throughout History. During this period, there was renewed the longstanding desire of America to remodel the order according to its image, ie. the promotion of its values around the world. Thus, the first two presidents elected after the end of the Cold War, Bill Clinton and George W. Bush, retook the wilsonian approach to U.S. foreign policy. At the same time global and regional tensions and the lack of bipolarity influence enable the emergence of problems all around the globe. Not all were directly related to system stability, but still offered challenges for United States foreign policy. This paper seeks, based on the reading of various texts written about the period, to make an analysis on the use of wilsonianism over these governments, emphasizing two distinct periods: the strategy of engagement and expansion in the Clinton administration and the Bush doctrine. The analysis required in the research seeks to show that despite their differences, both used the approach for the same purpose: to justify their actions in foreign policy. The research also presents discussions around the concept of wilsonianism, based on its most fundamental characteristics. Finally, we tried to present the challenges to wilsonian approach in a world still in transformation.

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46

Gandy, Maegen Lorraine. "A Case Study of Identity Politics in America: President George W. Bush and Nationalist Victimization Strategies towards Iraq." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/9622.

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This thesis engages literature in the field of nationalism in order to explore the discursive construction of a Self-Other relationship in American foreign policy as it has been projected by President George W. Bush between September 11, 2001 and March 19, 2003. Political theorists advance numerous definitions of both the nation and nationalism that offer insight into the Self-Other dichotomy. Despite substantive differences, there is consensus among them that the 'national Self' must be accompanied by the presence and identification of Others who fall beyond political, cultural, and territorial boundaries. Without their presence, there would exist either one nation or none at all.
Master of Arts

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47

Atkin, Michelle Louise. "Information ethics: an applied study of United States foreign intelligence surveillance under President George W. Bush." Thesis, McGill University, 2011. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=103464.

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This dissertation examines the philosophical foundations of information ethics and their potential for application to contemporary problems in U.S. foreign intelligence surveillance. Questions concerning the limits of government intrusion on protected Fourth Amendment rights are addressed by analyzing the post-9/11 changes to the U.S. foreign intelligence surveillance law and policy in terms of the traditional ethical theories commonly used to support or discount these changes, namely utilitarian and contractarian ethical theories. This research combines both theoretical elements, through its use of analytic philosophy, and qualitative research methods, through its use of legislation, court cases, news media, and scholarship surrounding U.S. foreign intelligence surveillance. Using the U.S.A. PATRIOT Act, the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) and the Terrorist Surveillance Program as case examples, the author develops and applies a normative ethical framework based on a legal proportionality test that can be applied to future cases involving U.S. foreign intelligence surveillance. The proportionality test developed in this research, which is based on a modified version of the Canadian Oakes Test, seeks to balance legitimate concerns about collective security against the rights of the individual. As a new synthesis of utilitarian and contractarian ethical principles, the proportionality test laid out in this dissertation has potential for application beyond U.S. foreign intelligence surveillance. It could act as a guide to future research in other applied areas in information policy research where there is a clear tension between individual civil liberties and the collective good of society. Problems such as passenger screening, racial and ethnic profiling, data mining, and access to information could be examined using the framework developed in this study.
Cette thèse porte sur les fondements philosophiques de l'éthique de l'information et sur leur potentiel d'application aux problèmes contemporains en matière de surveillance du renseignement étranger aux États-Unis. On aborde des questions relatives aux limites de l'intrusion du gouvernement sur les droits protégés par le quatrième amendement en analysant les changements post-9/11 aux lois et aux politiques en matière de surveillance du renseignement étranger en termes de théories éthiques traditionnelles couramment utilisées pour discuter de ces changements, à savoir l'utilitarianisme et les théories de contractualisme. Cette étude combine à la fois des éléments théoriques, par son utilisation de la philosophie analytique, et les méthodes de recherche qualitative, à travers son utilisation de la législation, la jurisprudence, les médias et les recherches au sujet de la surveillance du renseignement étranger. Utilisant comme exemples la U.S.A. PATRIOT Act, la Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) et le Programme de surveillance des terroristes, l'auteur élabore et applique un cadre d'éthique normative fondé sur un test de proportionnalité, un cadre que l'on peut appliquer à d'autres cas impliquant la surveillance du renseignement étranger. Le test de proportionnalité développé dans cette recherche, qui est basé sur une version modifiée du célèbre Oakes test de la Cour suprême du Canada, cherche à contrebalancer les préoccupations légitimes concernant la sécurité collective et les droits individuels. Comme synthèse des principes utilitairistes et contractualistes, le test de proportionnalité énoncé dans la présente thèse a un potentiel d'application au-delà de la surveillance du renseignement étranger aux États-Unis. Il pourrait servir de guide pour des recherches dans d'autres domaines appliqués où il y a une tension évidente entre les libertés individuelles et le bien collectif de la société. Des problèmes tels que le contrôle des passagers, le profilage racial et ethnique, l'exploration de données, et l'accès à l'information pourrait être examiné en utilisant le cadre élaboré dans cette étude.

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48

Urbanovich, Shelley. "Cognitive theory a qualitative comparison of the George W. Bush administration and the Barack H.Obama administration." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/630.

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Although Republicans and Democrats frequently disagree ideologically, the leaders of both parties share one commonality in particular--they inevitably make flawed judgments. To adequately understand the extent to which psychological filters act as a fundamental factor in decision making, this thesis shall analyze current political events and observe how partisans within both administrations deal with information incompatible with their own values and beliefs. Specifically referencing the war in Iraq, weapons of mass destruction (WMDs), civil unrest, national security, the national economic climate, and the housing market, this study examines the way leaders deal differently with conflicting information. Although all subjects in the latter shall be discussed, the primary focus is directed towards weapons of mass destruction during the Bush administration and the economic climate during the Obama administration. During their presidencies, both administrations faced different circumstances and congruently possessed different ideologies in respect of how to resolve current problems. Therefore, both President Obama and Bush shall equally be observed in order to adequately compare the extent to which each succumbs to cognitive biases when faced with dissonant information. In addition, groupthink theory, schema theory, and self-justification shall be discussed as complimentary forces which impair political members' decisions. Overall, qualitatively assessing both Republican and Democratic parties in one comprehensive examination breaks the bounds of usual political science studies because both partisans are linked more by their similarities than differences.
B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science

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49

McGarrity, Andrew. "The George W. Bush Administration's aid strategy and its impact on development in Sub-Saharan Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/14607.

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Includes bibliographical references (p. 73-77).
Much of Sub-Saharan Africa economically and democratically lags behind the rest of the world. Many wealthy countries have worked to speed up Africa's development through the use of foreign aid. The George W. Bush Administration utilized aid in their efforts to help eliminate poverty and deepen democracy. They disbursed aid through a novel government agency named the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC). This thesis gauges the usefulness of the MCC and measures its impact on economic and democratic development in Sub-Saharan Africa. To provide an assessment of the MCC, I examine the association between foreign aid disbursed by the MCC and resulting economic and democratic development. The conclusions are drawn by employing a quantitative methodology using difference of means analysis and bivariate analysis. The empirical research suggests that aid disbursed through the MCC is producing only slight economic and democratic growth. I conclude the study with a case study that corroborates the empirical findings. This study brings into question the general effectiveness of foreign aid and further suggests that Africa may need another solution to underdevelopment that may go beyond the reach of aid planners.

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Abaté, Brianna Lynne. "The perfect storm a systemic analysis of the apologetic rhetoric of Hurricane Katrina /." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1218494380.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Bush, George W'

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