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Journal articles on the topic 'Bush, George W'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 24 January 2023

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1

Nadel, Alan. "George W. Bush." Journal of American History 107, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 810–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaaa448.

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2

Mazarr, Michael J. "George W. Bush, Idealist." International Affairs 79, no. 3 (May 2003): 503–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2346.00319.

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3

Lanko, D. A. "Russia and George W. Bush." Петербургский исторический журнал, no. 3 (2014): 119–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.51255/2311-603x-2014-00050.

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4

Laferrère, Armand. "Plaidoyer pour George W. Bush." Commentaire Numéro105, no. 1 (2004): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/comm.105.0079.

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5

Hanhimäki, Jussi M. "George W. Bush et l'ONU." Relations internationales 128, no. 4 (2006): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ri.128.0025.

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6

Moe, Espen. "George W. Bush: Decision Points." Internasjonal Politikk 70, no. 03 (September 13, 2012): 412–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1891-5580-2012-03-11.

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7

Hendrickson, Ryan C. "L’otan et George W. Bush." Études internationales 38, no. 4 (June 23, 2008): 475–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/018273ar.

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Résumé La plupart des recherches actuelles sur l’Organisation du traité de l’Atlantique nord (otan) mettent en évidence que cette alliance traverse de graves difficultés, est dans l’ensemble inappropriée, ou bien est vouée à l’effondrement. Presque toutes portent sur les différends à propos de l’Irak des deux côtés de l’Atlantique, sur les grandes différences de capacité militaire entre les États-Unis et ses alliés, ou sur les effets (négativement perçus) d’un élargissement de l’alliance. Dans la littérature récente, aucune recherche n’examine le rôle du Congrès américain sur l’évolution de l’organisation. Cet article fait l’examen du regard que porte le Congrès sur l’otan à propos des quatre questions de l’élargissement de l’alliance, du rôle de l’otan en Afghanistan, de l’assistance qu’elle apporte aux pays de l’Union africaine au Soudan, et de son rôle en Irak après l’opération Liberté de l’Irak. Il conclut que le Congrès s’est peu soucié de voir à la transformation de l’otan et s’est désintéressé de manière surprenante de sa mission en Afghanistan. Bien qu’il y ait eu des exemples d’entrepreneurship de la part du Congrès, celui-ci s’est montré principalement loyal envers le président des États-Unis.
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8

Hall, Jane. "Coverage of George W. Bush." Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics 8, no. 2 (April 2003): 115–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1081180x02251051.

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9

Goldgeier, James, and Michael McFaul. "George W. Bush and Russia." Current History 101, no. 657 (October 1, 2002): 313–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2002.101.657.313.

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10

Matsulevich, Evgeniya. "Continuity and Novelty in the Policy of George W. Bush in regard to Post Soviet Integration (2001–2005)." Metamorphoses of history, no. 23 (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/mh2022234.

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The status of the winner in the Cold War, the overcoming of the socio-economic crisis in the country, the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 led to the active foreign policy of George W. Bush in various regions of the world. The article considers the main features of the policy of George W. Bush in regard to post-Soviet integration, their connection with the approaches of George H. W. Bush and W. Clinton. Washington's position went through the stages of complete but cautious acceptance under George H. W. Bush, approval only of economic integration under W. Clinton, non-acceptance under George W. Bush, which was associated with the assessment of initiatives as political (Russia's intention to dominate the region). With the Russian Federation George W. Bush used the approach of George H. W. Bush and W. Clinton: it is necessary to make Russia the «engine» of democracy in the region, but not only through reforms, but also through Western structures, primarily NATO. If democratic change was the criterion for the United States assistance and friendly relations with the newly independent states in the 1990s, then under George W. Bush such an indicator was the intention of a country to fight terrorism. This context was developed from the idea of W. Clinton «only surrounded by democracies will democracy survive in the United States». After the September 11 attacks the attention of the United States to the Central Asian republics of the former USSR increased. George W. Bush continued to develop the integration project that originated under W. Clinton – the Organization for Democracy and Economic Development (GUAM). In that way, the main difference between the foreign policy of George W. Bush from the George H. W. Bush and W. Clinton became its activity and interventionist character. There is a conceptually new discourse regard to the post-Soviet space and integration processes in the region, but the strategy was based on concepts that originated under the 41st and 42nd US presidents. After the September 11, 2001 attacks Washington's attention in the post-Soviet region focused on the Central Asian countries and Russian-American relations, and the fight against terrorism became a tool and justification for a selective approach in relations with other states. The United States continued to support the idea of democratic messianism, despite the paramount importance of military operations in Afghanistan and the Middle East, continued to monitor reforms in the former Soviet republics and the regional situation, sharply criticizing integration projects that would strengthen Russia's position. In the early 2000s even economic integration began to be seen as political projects that do not meet the interests of the United States. George W. Bush supported the ideas of George H. W. Bush and W. Clinton according to which the newly independent states must be integrated into the Western community through such structures as NATO and the WTO, and the American integration project – GUAM was preserved. First of all, Russia should have been included in the Western structures, after which, due to its geopolitical influence in the region, the rest of the countries should have followed.
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11

Ashbee, Edward. "George W. Bush, God, and Politics." American Studies in Scandinavia 38, no. 1 (March 1, 2006): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v38i1.4547.

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12

O. K., Rybalko. "George W. Bush: Becoming the Politician." Series History. International Relations 17, no. 4 (2017): 495–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2017-17-4-495-499.

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13

Lind, Michael. "George W. Bush: la filière texane." Le Débat 126, no. 4 (2003): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/deba.126.0090.

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14

Edwards III, George C. "Decision Points - By George W. Bush." Presidential Studies Quarterly 41, no. 2 (March 17, 2011): 411–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-5705.2011.03863.x.

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15

Klaiber, Walter. "Ein Kirchenzuchtverfahren gegen George W. Bush?" Evangelische Theologie 64, no. 4 (July 1, 2004): 315–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/evth-2004-0408.

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16

Rzepecka, Marta. "Rhetorical continuity and shifts in war messages: George H. W. Bush and George W. Bush on Iraq." Central European Journal of Communication 10, no. 2 (January 8, 2018): 226–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1899-5101.10.2(19).5.

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This article focuses on rhetorical continuity and shifts in the use of the genre of Amer­ican war rhetoric. Drawing on Lloyd Bitzer’s understanding of the rhetorical situation, the article analyses the political circumstances in which George H. W. Bush in 1991 and George W. Bush in 2002 constructed and delivered their messages. It then examines and compares the addresses for particular typologies of war rhetoric as defined by Karlyn Kohrs Campbell and Kathleen Hall Jamieson and by Edward J. Lordan. With the rhetorical elements identified, the article discusses the implications of the adherence to and departures from the genre’s criteria for presidential war discourse.
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17

Baltimore, Beth. "Rigoberta Menchú Envio Carta a George W. Bush / Letter from Rigoberta Menchú to President George W. Bush." Meridians 2, no. 2 (March 1, 2002): 274–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-2.2.274.

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18

Zelikow, Philip, and Bill Minutaglio. "First Son: George W. Bush and the Bush Family Dynasty." Foreign Affairs 79, no. 3 (2000): 168. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049763.

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19

Gutiérrez, Ramón. "George W. Bush and Mexican Immigration Policy." Revue Française d Etudes Américaines 113, no. 3 (2007): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rfea.113.0070.

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20

Foer, Franklin. "The Catholic Teachings of George W. Bush." Chesterton Review 27, no. 3 (2001): 401–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chesterton200127361.

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21

Trevelline, Michael J. "The Catholic Teachings of George W. Bush." Chesterton Review 28, no. 1 (2002): 297–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chesterton2002281/261.

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22

Sizer, Stephen. "From Christopher Columbus to George W. Bush." Holy Land Studies 4, no. 2 (November 2005): 104–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2005.4.2.104.

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23

Herbert, Jon. "THE TOXIC PRESIDENCY OF GEORGE W. BUSH." Representation 47, no. 3 (September 2011): 265–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2011.596428.

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24

Pfiffner, James P. "The Constitutional Legacy of George W. Bush." Presidential Studies Quarterly 45, no. 4 (October 23, 2015): 727–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/psq.12226.

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25

Shweder, Richard A. "George W. Bush & the missionary position." Daedalus 133, no. 3 (July 2004): 26–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/0011526041504515.

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26

Teague, Michael. "George W. Bush and the ‘Texas Solution’." Criminal Justice Matters 44, no. 1 (June 2001): 38–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09627250108552906.

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27

Sharpe, Mike. "America's Suicide Pact with George W. Bush." Challenge 50, no. 4 (August 2007): 112–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/0577-5132500407.

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28

Dumm, T. L. "George W. Bush and the F-Word." South Atlantic Quarterly 105, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 153–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-105-1-153.

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29

Domin, Gregory. "The George W. Bush Presidency: Initial Assessments." Presidential Studies Quarterly 35, no. 1 (March 2005): 197–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-5705.2004.00243.x.

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30

SKINNER, RICHARD M. "George W. Bush and the Partisan Presidency." Political Science Quarterly 123, no. 4 (December 2008): 605–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1538-165x.2008.tb00636.x.

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31

Greenstein, Fred I. "The “strong leadership” of George W. Bush." International Journal of Applied Psychoanalytic Studies 5, no. 3 (September 2008): 171–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/aps.165.

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32

O-™Connor, Brendon. "Beyond the Cartoon: George W. Bush and His Biographers." Political Studies Review 3, no. 2 (April 2005): 163–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-9299.2005.00021.x.

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Many people seem to see George W. Bush as little more than a caricature. While I acknowledge that Bush-™s electoral success is quite confounding, I argue that a more nuanced and deeper understanding of Bush is required to account for this success and to better comprehend how he makes political decisions. To go beyond the cartoon caricature, I examine the biographies on Bush to explore three key elements of his background and character: Bush-™s relationship with his father; his personal faith; and his development of a Texan persona. Unfortunately this analysis can only be taken so far given that much of the biographical literature is excessively partisan and poorly researched. Thus I conclude by calling for more serious scholarly investigation into Bush-™s personal history and political record.
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33

Suryani, Irma, and Sawirman Sawirman. "A Transitivity Analysis of Discourses in George W. Bush and Scott Morrison’s Speeches on ‘War on Terror’." Andalas International Journal of Socio-Humanities 3, no. 1 (July 15, 2021): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/aijosh.v3i1.15.

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This article is a continuation of the article entitled Comparing Discourses in George W. Bush and Scott Morrison’s Speeches on ‘war on terror’ about the transitivity systems, including types of processes, participant functions, and circumstance elements, are used in these two speech discourses by George W. Bush and Scott Morrison. This research is qualitative research with a descriptive statistical method that presents linguistic analysis findings in speech discourses about the war on terror. This article aims to identify and explain how George W. Bush and Scott Morrison construct the image of terrorism through the language used in their speech discourses. The analysis uses Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL) and utilizes the framework of transitivity analysis, which identifies the ideational meaning embodied by choice of grammar. This study found that George W. Bush uses material processing to show a negative image of terrorism. In addition to the material process, Scott Morrison also uses a verbal process to convey the image of terrorists. The linguistic features in both speech discourses both depict a negative image of terrorists. The findings also prove that the choice of grammar in the two discourses indirectly uses the speaker’s perspective on terrorists, which influences listeners' opinion.
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34

Gaustad, Edwin S. "Gary Scott Smith.Faith and the Presidency: From George Washington to George W. Bush.:Faith and the Presidency: From George Washington to George W. Bush." American Historical Review 113, no. 3 (June 2008): 815. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.3.815.

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35

Saiya, Nilay. "Onward Christian Soldiers: American Dispensationalists, George W. Bush and the Middle East." Holy Land Studies 11, no. 2 (November 2012): 175–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2012.0044.

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The goal of this paper is twofold. First, it attempts to explain why dispensationalist Christians were successful at influencing American foreign policy during the administration of George W. Bush, particularly towards the Middle East. Specifically, I connect this success to their ties to Washington neo-conservatives, the personal faith of Bush himself and his links to conservative Christians, and their broad cultural appeal and grassroots strength. Second, it will present two brief case studies on the influence that dispensationalism has had on US policy towards Israel and Iraq during the administration of George W. Bush.
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36

Sebastián, Saturnino Aguado. "25 Años de Política Económica en EE.UU." Revista de Economía y Estadística 44, no. 1 (June 1, 2006): 161–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.55444/2451.7321.2006.v44.n1.4089.

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En este artículo se presenta la historia económica reciente de los Estados Unidos. En concreto se analizan los siete últimos mandatos presidenciales, desde Ronald Reagan (elegido por primera vez en 1980) a George W. Bush (reelegido por segunda vez en 2004). El artículo se compone básicamente de 3 partes claramente diferenciadas. En la primera se analizan las políticas económicas llevadas a cabo por el tándem Ronald Reagan- George Bush. En la segunda, se presentan los logros económicos de la presidencia demócrata de Bill Clinton. En la tercera, y última, se comenta la presidencia de George W. Bush y, finalmente, se plantean los retos que la economía norteamericana presenta de cara al futuro.
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37

Daynes, Byron W., and Glen Sussman. "President George W. Bush: “Pale Green” Responses to the Environment?" American Review of Politics 29 (January 1, 2009): 371–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2008.29.0.371-385.

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George W. Bush suggested during the 2000 campaign for the presidency that he would be an eco-friendly president. During his eight years in the White House, did the president use the power and resources of his office to carry out his campaign rhetoric about protecting the environment? This study examines the Bush approach to environmentalism by focusing on four important perspectives— political communication, legislative leadership, administrative actions, and environmental diplomacy—in an effort to better understand Bush’s environmental record. After a careful evaluation of the Bush presidency and the environmental domain, we offer our judgment about the Bush environmental legacy.
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38

Salzmann, Bernard. "Une autre politique économique après George W. Bush ?" Politique étrangère Automne, no. 3 (2008): 509. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/pe.083.0509.

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39

Franklin, Daniel P. "A Review of “The George W. Bush Legacy”." Congress & the Presidency 36, no. 3 (October 13, 2009): 326–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07343460903186382.

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40

Le Guelte, Georges. "Le monde de George W. Bush et l'Europe." Le Débat 125, no. 3 (2003): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/deba.125.0017.

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41

Pask, Kevin. "God's Casino: The Texas of George W. Bush." Dissent 53, no. 3 (2006): 37–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2006.0014.

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42

Ribuffo, Leo P. "George W. Bush and the Latest Evangelical Menace." Dissent 53, no. 4 (2006): 42–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2006.0089.

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43

House, Ernest R. "Whatever Works: Doing Science for George W. Bush." Cultural Studies ↔ Critical Methodologies 8, no. 1 (February 2008): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532708607305128.

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44

Nelson, Michael. "George W. Bush and Congress: The Electoral Connection." Perspectives on Political Science 32, no. 3 (January 2003): 157–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10457090309604846.

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45

Crockett, David A. "George W. Bush and the Unrhetorical Rhetorical Presidency." Rhetoric & Public Affairs 6, no. 3 (2003): 465–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rap.2003.0059.

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46

Pfiffner, James P. "President George W. Bush and His War Cabinet." Foreign Policy Bulletin 14, no. 1 (2003): 288–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1052703600006134.

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George W. Bush certainly did not expect to be a war president. In his private sector career and as Governor of Texas he had seldom traveled abroad, and he did not demonstrate much interest in international affairs. In his campaign for the presidency he expressed skepticism about foreign entanglements and a disdain for “nation building.” Yet events conspired to make war the central concern of his presidency; after the terrorist attack on the United States in September 2001, Bush saw the war on terrorism as the primary mission of his presidency. “I'm here for a reason, and this [the war on terrorism] is going to be how we're to be judged.”1 Soon thereafter he decided that the U.S. should conduct a campaign for regime change in Iraq, by military means, if necessary.
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47

Norpoth, Helmut. "Mission Accomplished: Die Wiederwahl von George W. Bush." Politische Vierteljahresschrift 46, no. 1 (March 2005): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11615-005-0215-z.

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48

Zimmerman, J. F. "Congressional Preemption During the George W. Bush Administration." Publius: The Journal of Federalism 37, no. 3 (April 25, 2007): 432–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/publius/pjm008.

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49

DYSON, STEPHEN BENEDICT. "George W. Bush, the Surge, and Presidential Leadership." Political Science Quarterly 125, no. 4 (December 2010): 557–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1538-165x.2010.tb00685.x.

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50

Kaczmarek, Piotr. "WOJNA W IRAKU W ŚWIETLE DOKTRYNY BUSHA." Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM, no. 13 (October 31, 2018): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/r.2016.1.4.

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The article presents changes in American foreign policy after 11th 2001 and is concerned the George W. Bush’s Middle East policy. The goal of the text is presenting how the Bush doctrine leaded to war in Iraq. After the short introduction about US Middle East policy the text explains fundamental parts of doctrine and describes the most important G. W. Bush speeches and National Security Strategies from 2002 and 2006. This part is dedicated on war on terror, axis of evil and preventive war. The next part try to identify actual and the official and publically stated causes the 2003 invasion of Iraq. The article ends with the analysis the cost of Iraq war.
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