Journal articles: 'Business interest associations'

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Kohler-Koch, Beate, Peter Kotzian, and Christine Quittkat. "The multilevel interest representation of national business associations." West European Politics 40, no. 5 (April 21, 2017): 1046–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2017.1303244.

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Colentan, William D., and Tim A. Mau. "French-English relations in business-interest associations, 1965–2002." Canadian Public Administration/Administration publique du Canada 45, no. 4 (December 2002): 490–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-7121.2002.tb01856.x.

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Aldrich, Howard E. "Trade Associations Matter as Units of Selection, as Actors Within Comparative and Historical Institutional Frameworks, and as Potential Impediments to Societal Wide Collective Action." Journal of Management Inquiry 27, no. 1 (January 23, 2017): 21–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1056492616688857.

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The papers in this special section highlight three important questions in organization and management theory. First, evolutionary theorists studying organizations have an opportunity to address issues of organizations as units of selection. Trade associations focus their members’ attention on collective interests, creating shared understandings about issues and a collective identity that unifies an association and justifies calls for action by the association on the members’ behalf. Second, for scholars using historical and comparative frameworks, the study of trade associations presents an opportunity to study similar kinds of organizations in very different institutional settings. Many things that trade associations do are driven not because they are business interest associations but because they have to follow many of the same paths as other interest associations in the same institutional environment. Across nations, political systems differ substantially in the way interests can be pursued, with important contingencies including the difference between pluralist versus corporatist systems, the extent to which political institutions depend upon the information provided by interest groups, and the extent to which political institutions are actually open to lobbying. Third, trade associations represent powerful actors with the potential to undermine the pursuit of collective action for achieving public goods. For example, in the United States, to the extent that the decline of elite class cohesion and moderate business peak associations has weakened the forces of conciliation and compromise, strong trade associations may step into the void and make matters worse.

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Buğra, Ayşe. "Class, Culture, and State: An Analysis of Interest Representation by Two Turkish Business Associations." International Journal of Middle East Studies 30, no. 4 (November 1998): 521–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800052545.

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This article presents a comparative analysis of the social role of two voluntary associations of Turkish businessmen: TUSIAD (The Association of Turkish Industrialists and Businessmen) and MUSIAD (The Association of Independent Industrialists and Businessmen). These associations are approached both as mechanisms of interest representation and as agents of two different class strategies. Hence, the article highlights two types of organizational activities that accompany interest articulation and representation: first, the activities which seek to bind the “bearers of interest” or “members of class” into coherent communities, and second, those aimed at the promotion of particular macro-level social projects.

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Wilts, Arnold. "Europeanization and Means of Interest Representation by National Business Associations." European Journal of Industrial Relations 7, no. 3 (November 2001): 269–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095968010173003.

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Doner, Richard F., and Ben Ross Schneider. "Business Associations and Economic Development: Why Some Associations Contribute More Than Others." Business and Politics 2, no. 3 (November 2000): 261–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1011.

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Most current theoretical treatments view business associations as rent-seeking, special interest groups. Yet, empirical research in a wide range of developing countries reveals a broad range of functions and activities undertaken by business associations, many of which promote efficiency. These positive functions address crucial development issues (emphasized in the New Institutional Economics) such as strengthening property rights, facilitating vertical and horizontal coordination, reducing information costs, and upgrading worker training. The associations that engage in these developmental activities tend to be well organized and staffed. This institutional strength depends in turn on high member density, valuable selective benefits (often delegated by governments), and effective internal mediation of member interests. In addition external factors, especially competitive markets and government pressure, encourage associations to use their institutional strength for productive ends.

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You, Kevin. "Dealing with brain drain: the contributions of Sri Lanka’s peak business interest associations." Journal of Global Responsibility 10, no. 3 (August 15, 2019): 239–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jgr-10-2018-0052.

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Purpose This paper aims to investigate the way in which Sri Lankan business associations contribute to addressing such issues and the motivation behind their contributions. Design/methodology/approach Data, in this study, came from publicly available sources (online news articles, newspaper articles, reports, etc.) and a series of unstructured elite interviews with leaders of Sri Lanka’s most prominent peak business associations. Findings Sri Lankan associations contribute to addressing problems associated with human capital flight because doing so, ultimately, benefits their members and secretariat organisations. Peak bodies make their contributions by easing the push factors that catalyse the outflow of skilled migrants from the island nation and helping to replenish skills in the country by engaging in initiatives aimed at training and developing workers, young people and entrepreneurs. Research limitations/implications The behaviours of Sri Lanka’s business interest associations and the logics that drive their actions are similar to those of their counterparts in other countries (as per academic literature in the area), where association membership is not state-mandated. Rational actions of business associations have the potential to produce socially beneficial positive externalities (as in the present case issues around the brain drain). Social implications Findings from this research can assist government bodies, non-government organisations and other civil society organisations develop a better collaborative relationship with the private sector in developing nations to tackle problems associated with human capital flight. Originality/value While there has been a lively debate, among philosophers and scholars of public policy, on how governments should help address issues associated with this phenomenon, very little attention has been given to the real and potential contributions of non-governmental, non-charity-based civil society groups such as unions and business chambers. This paper seeks to address this gap.

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Jansen, Giedo. "Solo self-employment and membership of interest organizations in the Netherlands: Economic, social, and political determinants." Economic and Industrial Democracy 41, no. 3 (September 20, 2017): 512–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x17723712.

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Falling in-between the category of employers and employees, solo self-employed persons are poorly accommodated by the traditional system of corporatist interest representation through which the interests of employers are represented in employers’ associations, and the interests of employees are represented by trade unions. For business associations ‘micro businesses’ with no employees are difficult to reach and serve, as their interests are considered distinct from companies with employees. Trade unions in many countries even resisted the emergence of solo self-employment, fearing that these and other flexible arrangements would undermine not only secure working conditions but also union solidarity. This study examines differences in membership of interest organizations among solo self-employed workers. Various types of organizations are investigated, not only trade unions and business associations, but also new freelancer associations. Theoretically, three categories of determinants are examined to explain differences in membership: economic explanations, social explanations, and political explanations. Empirically, survey data are used from the Netherlands, a country with an increase in self-employment and a diverse supply of interest organizations. It is concluded that economic determinants explain both ‘generic’ membership (of any organization), as well as membership of specific organizations. Social and political determinants do not explain generic membership, but instead help to explain why some self-employed workers join particular types of organizations.

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Bonin, Hubert. "Historical and international comparison of business interest associations, 19th–20th Centuries." Business History 58, no. 1 (April 16, 2015): 155–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00076791.2015.1017288.

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Crombois, Jean F. "Central and Eastern European business interest associations and EU policy making." Journal of Public Affairs 19, no. 1 (May 8, 2018): e1827. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pa.1827.

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Coleman, William D., and Wyn P. Grant. "Regional Differentiation of Business Interest Associations: A Comparison of Canada and the United Kingdom." Canadian Journal of Political Science 18, no. 1 (March 1985): 3–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900029188.

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AbstractThe cohesion of interest associations has been seen to depend, among other factors, on the character of the political regime. Federal regimes are said to have negative consequences for group cohesion because of their tendency to force extensive regional differentiation in associations. These conclusions are examined here and shown to be in need of elaboration. To explain differentiation in business associations, factors other than regime structure must be considered, specifically the structure of the sector being represented and the nature of the collective bargaining arrangements. When this is done, the wide variety of internal regional arrangements found in associations is better accounted for. Furthermore, some of these arrangements are shown to be more likely to weaken cohesion than others. The argument is based on a study of business associations in Canada and the United Kingdom that are active in three economic sectors—food processing, chemicals, and construction.

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Coleman, William D. "The Capitalist Class and the State: Changing Roles of Business Interest Associations." Studies in Political Economy 20, no. 1 (January 1986): 135–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19187033.1986.11675592.

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van Waarden, Frans. "Emergence and Development of Business Interest Associations. An Example from The Netherlands." Organization Studies 13, no. 4 (October 1992): 521–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/017084069201300402.

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This paper describes and analyzes the emergence and development of Dutch business interest associations (BIAs), combining the approaches of corporatism and Olsonian logic of collective action. Various factors facilitating the emergence of BIAs are identified. The development of BIAs from representative to control organizations is described on a number of dimensions. The emergence and development of BIAs can only be explained by looking at both the 'logic of membership' and the 'logic of influence' which denote the exchange relations with members and interlocutors. Crises and conflicts in these environments were important. Hence separately, Olsonian logic (referring to the logic of member ship) and corporatism (referring to the logic of influence) stop short of explaining BIAs. Their combination is required.

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Huwyler, Oliver. "Interest groups in the European Union and their hiring of political consultancies." European Union Politics 21, no. 2 (January 17, 2020): 333–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116519897820.

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Interest groups do not only attempt to influence European legislation by devising and executing their own strategies, or relying on their allies. Almost 50% have also experience in hiring political consultants. Using novel survey data from the policy formulation stage, this study shows that business interest groups are more likely to hire consultancies than non-business interest groups. It suggests that business associations’ higher likelihood of hiring consultancies is linked to membership promotion. For firms, it likely relates to their need for specialised lobbying tools and trust-building measures when seeking private goods from policy-makers. Furthermore, the results indicate that consultancy hiring by business interest groups becomes less likely the more they focus on lobbying. This moderation effect highlights that business interest groups show awareness of principal–agent problems and take mitigating action.

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Castañeda, Néstor. "Business Coordination and Tax Politics." Political Studies 65, no. 1 (July 9, 2016): 122–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321715616287.

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Business interest groups are crucial actors for tax policy-making, but it is still unclear under which conditions they are more successful than politicians in shaping taxation. This article argues that centralised coordination and high levels of policy integration make business interest groups more influential in the tax policy-making process. If there is no ideological convergence between agenda setters and business, highly centralised and well-integrated business interest groups are more successful in blocking or softening revenue-raising tax reforms or simply transferring tax burdens to consumers or non-organised citizens. To evaluate this theoretical framework, I have compiled an original dataset on business groups and associations for 18 countries in Latin America between 1990 and 2010. This theory uncovers a strong link between the patterns of business coordination and the feasibility of implementing distributive tax policies. This article also contributes to the study of business politics beyond the limited sample of developed countries.

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Martín Artiles, Antonio. "Traxler, Franz; Huemer, Gerhard (2007). Handbook of Business Interest Associations, Firms Size and Governance." Papers. Revista de Sociologia 86 (October 1, 2007): 287. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/papers/v86n0.826.

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Poletti, Arlo, Dirk De Bièvre, and Marcel Hanegraaff. "WTO Judicial Politics and EU Trade Policy: Business Associations as Vessels of Special Interest?" British Journal of Politics and International Relations 18, no. 1 (June 2015): 196–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-856x.12071.

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Ляпін Дмитро Вадимович. "ОСОБЛИВОСТІ ФОРМУВАННЯ СТРАТЕГІЇ ПОКРАЩАНЯ БІЗНЕС КЛІМАТУ БІЗНЕС- АСОЦІАЦІЯМИ УКРАЇНИ." International Journal of Innovative Technologies in Economy 2, no. 6(18) (July 1, 2018): 11–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_ijite/01072018/5937.

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The article «Features of forming strategy of enhanced of business climate by business associations of Ukraine» examined the peculiarities of joint development by Ukraine’s business associations of a strategy for improving the business climate in the country. The main ideas and provisions of such a joint project are shown. It is shown that its success is completely determined by the transparency and publicity of the preparation process. In the basis - of the rule of consensus. A necessary and sufficient condition for the success of the process of public consultations between business and authorities is the interest of business associations in the effectiveness and success of changes in the country. A practical recommendations have been developed.

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Chand, Daniel E. "Advocacy Inequalities among Nonprofits: Do Mission and Tax Status Make Differences." American Review of Politics 34 (September 8, 2016): 103–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2013.34.0.103-126.

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Scholars have long recognized the high levels of participation by organized business in the “pressure system” (Baumgartner and Leech 2001; Schattschneider 1960; Scholzman and Tierney 1986) and have recently begun studying charitable group involvement, or lack thereof, in the policy influence process (Berry and Arons 2003; Berry 2005 and 2006). Few studies, however, have made comparisons of activities across interest group sectors; and none have done so focusing exclusively on nonprofit associations. This study contributes to the recent nonprofit lobbying literature by examining the lobbying activities of membership associations that issue legislator ratings, or “scorecards.” Creating a sample from scorecard-issuing groups limits focus to nonprofits that have an indicated interest in congressional policy. Specifically, this study attempts to determine if business associations spend significantly more and charitable associations significantly less on lobbying activities. Using analysis of variance methods, the author finds that business associations do spend significantly more on lobbying than their charitable and ideological tax-exempt counterparts. Labor unions fall somewhere in between business and charitable and ideological groups. Finally, groups employing “complex organizational structures” (Boris and Krehely 2002; Reid 2001) lobby at higher levels than groups with one tax status, although this finding does not apply to charitable groups.

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Bräutigam, Deborah, Lise Rakner, and Scott Taylor. "Business associations and growth coalitions in Sub-Saharan Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 40, no. 4 (November 28, 2002): 519–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x02004056.

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Why are ‘growth coalitions’ involving business interest groups and governments so rare in Africa? How has democratisation affected the possibilities for growth coalitions? In three cases with varying degrees of democracy – Mauritius, Zambia, and Zimbabwe – we find that hypotheses about growth coalitions that place importance on the organisation of the business sector are generally borne out. Yet even when the business community is organised in an ‘ideal’ manner, growth coalitions still depend on factors within the state: leadership, ideas, and capacity. Democratisation has a mixed effect. We find that in the case of Zambia, business–state relations did not improve despite a pro-democracy stance by business and the pro-business agenda of the democratic government coming to power in 1991. In Zimbabwe, the erosion of democracy reduced business access to state elites, breaking up a growth coalition that initially showed considerable promise. In Mauritius, the strengthening of democracy has paralleled the deepening of the growth coalition, and both have been reinforced by a strong economy. Our study shows that growth coalitions are possible in Africa; the key lies in determining the conditions under which such coalitions can be sustained in Africa's fragile polities.

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Mares, Isabela. "The Sources of Business Interest in Social Insurance: Sectoral versus National Differences." World Politics 55, no. 2 (January 2003): 229–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2003.0012.

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When and why have employers supported the development of institutions of social insurance that provide benefits to workers during various employment-related risks? The analysis developed in this article challenges the dominant explanations of welfare state development, which are premised on the assumption that business opposes social insurance. The article examines the conditions under which self-interested, profit-maximizing firms support the introduction of a new social policy, and it specifies the most significant variables explaining the variation in employers' social policy preferences. The model is tested in three political episodes of welfare state development in France and Germany, using policy documents submitted by various employers' associations to bureaucratic and parliamentary commissions.

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Pakull, Dominic, David Marshall, and Patrick Bernhagen. "Shop till you drop? Venue choices of business and non-business interests in the European Union." Interest Groups & Advocacy 9, no. 4 (July 15, 2020): 520–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41309-020-00092-y.

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AbstractThe EU offers a variety of access points through which interest groups can attempt to influence policy-making. In this paper, we analyze differences in the use of these access points, or venues, by interest groups. Considering the roles played by different EU institutions along the policy cycle, we argue that the venues differ by the extent to which they encourage lobbying from different interest groups. Analyzing survey responses by more than 700 European interest associations, we find that the distribution of access-seeking by business and non-business actors differs across venues. Reflecting its pivotal role at the pre-proposal stage, the Commission encourages non-business organizations to spend much of their finite lobbying resources. In the context of the European Parliament, non-business groups are not only interested in influencing its decisions, but also in connecting to ordinary Members of the European Parliament. Business groups, for their part, apply greater resources to the rapporteurs. Finally, we show that business groups also allocate their resources to regulatory agencies at the implementation stage in the policy process, where incomplete legislative contracts are finalized and non-business groups’ resources are depleted.

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Wilts, Arnold. "Strategies of business interest associations in the Netherlands and Germany : european priorities or domestic concerns ?" Politique européenne 7, no. 3 (2002): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/poeu.007.0096.

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Constantelos, John. "The Europeanization of interest group politics in Italy: business associations in Rome and the regions." Journal of European Public Policy 11, no. 6 (January 2004): 1020–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1350176042000298084.

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Ville, Simon. "Rent Seeking or Market Strengthening? Industry Associations in New Zealand Wool Broking." Business History Review 81, no. 2 (2007): 297–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680500003378.

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This paper builds on recent conceptual work about associations that is drawn from the new institutional economics. It uses evidence from New Zealand wool broking to indicate the circumstances in which industry associations can operate effectively and in the broader public interest. Through their strong associative capacity and effective specialization of function, wool-broking industry associations developed flexible routines for managing wool auctions, mediated disputes, mitigated opportunism, addressed major market disruptions, and served as a communication channel with government. External pressures and monitoring from other business interests, governments, and a competitive wool market constrained rent-seeking behavior, preventing members from benefiting at the expense of others.

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Eccleston, Richard. "The Significance of Business Interest Associations in Economic Policy Reform: The Case of Australian Taxation Policy." Business and Politics 2, no. 3 (November 2000): 309–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1013.

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Taxation reform has dominated Australian politics over the past twenty-five years. Despite this prominence on the political agenda, until recently Australian governments have lacked the capacity to consolidate key elements of this tax reform agenda. While the problematic nature of Australian tax reform can be explained in part by macro-level variables, this protracted policy deadlock has also influenced historical patterns of business-government intermediation. The article argues that the evolution of the Australian tax policy network over the study period was prompted by both associational and state actors reassessing their strategies in the context of the political failure of tax reform proposals. These developments provide empirical insights into the ongoing debate relating to the factors which lead to the formation and evolution of sectoral level policy networks. The article concludes that while the increasing levels of business mobilization experienced over the study period enhanced the electoral viability of reform proposals, these new patterns of sectoral business politics should be regarded as a consequence of the policy deadlock relating to tax reform rather than primary cause of policy change.

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Buğra, Ayşe, and Osman Savaşkan. "Politics and class: The Turkish Business Environment in the Neoliberal age." New Perspectives on Turkey 46 (2012): 27–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600001503.

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AbstractThis article investigates the contemporary Turkish business environment as shaped by the economic, political and cultural transformations of the past 30 years. The changes in the forms and mechanisms of government intervention in the economy, the spatial relocation of industry, the rise of “Anatolian capital,” and the cleavages within the business community generated by the increasing salience of Islam in society and politics are some of the interrelated themes that will be pursued in the article. To understand the current context and the configurations of interest in the business community it is necessary to have a closer look at the manifestations of politics in business life. Political factors are important at the level of government-business relations where the political authority continues to mobilize a series of legislative and administrative mechanisms for the privileged treatment of those businesspeople with the right political and sectarian affiliations. Politics also enters the business environment through the role played by different business associations. These associations not only represent the interests of different segments of the business community, but they also shape the ways in which economic interests are defined, presented in policy terms and pursued through different strategies. In this context, the article also draws attention to the political cleavages that are manifested at the local level where they are managed and kept under control with different degrees of success.

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You, Kevin, and Gustavo Guzman. "Managing institutional complexity through strategy and structure: the experience of Sri Lanka’s peak business interest associations." Review of Social Economy 77, no. 4 (May 21, 2019): 469–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00346764.2019.1607893.

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Jacek, Henry J. "Pluralist and Corporatist Intermediation, Activities of Business Interest Associations, and Corporate Profits: Some Evidence from Canada." Comparative Politics 18, no. 4 (July 1986): 419. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/421692.

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David, Thomas, Stéphanie Ginalski, André Mach, and Frédéric Rebmann. "Networks of Coordination: Swiss Business Associations as an Intermediary between Business, Politics and Administration during the 20th Century." Business and Politics 11, no. 4 (December 2009): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1269.

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Until the 1990's, Switzerland could be classified as either a corporatist, cooperative or coordinated market economy where non-market mechanisms of coordination among economic and political actors were very important. In this respect, Business Interest Associations (BIAs) played a key role. The aim of this paper is to look at the historical evolution of the five main peak Swiss BIAs through network analysis for five assorted dates during the 20th century (1910, 1937, 1957, 1980 and 2000) while relying on a database that includes more than 12,000 people. First, we examine the logic of membership in these associations, which allows us to analyze their position and function within the network of the Swiss economic elite. Until the 1980's, BIAs took part in the emergence and consolidation of a closely meshed national network, which declined during the two last decades of the 20th century. Second, we investigate the logic of influence of these associations by looking at the links they maintained with the political and administrative worlds through their links to the political parties and Parliament, and to the administration via the extra-parliamentary commissions (corporatist bodies). In both cases, the recent dynamic of globalization called into question the traditional role of BIAs.

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Laycock, David. "Representative Economic Democracy and the Problem of Policy Influence: The Case of Canadian Co-operatives." Canadian Journal of Political Science 22, no. 4 (December 1989): 765–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900020242.

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AbstractThis article discusses interest representation by Canadian co-operative business associations, as a way of exploring difficulties faced by democratically structured group interests in influencing federal government policy. Several dimensions of co-operatives’ problems in this regard are examined: their internal structures of democratic representation, their reform ideology, their influence by two conflicting logics of collective action and selected aspects of federal policy development. The article concludes by contending that the problem of democratic representation by economic group interests in the policy process should be taken more seriously by Canadian political scientists.

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Stadler, Elisabeth, and Markus Stumpf. "IFLA Special Interest Group (SIG) on Library Publishing. 2019 Midterm Meeting (Dublin, 28. Februar–1. März 2019)." Mitteilungen der Vereinigung Österreichischer Bibliothekarinnen und Bibliothekare 72, no. 2 (August 27, 2019): 572–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.31263/voebm.v72i2.3029.

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Von 28. Februar bis 1. März 2019 fand in Dublin/IRL eine von der International Federation of Library Associations and Institutions veranstaltete Konferenz zum Thema „Library Publishing“ statt. Vortragende aus Europa und Nordamerika sprachen an der Dublin Business School (DBS) zu Publikationsprojekten, Herausforderungen und Perspektiven von Bibliotheken als Verleger und Herausgeber von Publikationen.

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ÖHMAN, MARTIN. "The American Institute and the Problem of Interest Group Mobilization in Antebellum United States." Enterprise & Society 21, no. 4 (February 24, 2020): 893–935. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eso.2019.45.

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This article explores the formation and early history of the American Institute of the City of New-York, which in the 1830s became the leading lobby association of “friends of industry” in the United States. More specifically, the article considers how the institute’s officers sought to overcome obstacles of collective mobilization that had plagued earlier pro-industry associations. Pre–Civil War interest groups is an understudied area, and historians typically depict the years following in the Compromise of 1833 as a period essentially devoid of pro-industry agitation. However, it was in precisely in these years that friends of industry for the first time managed to obtain the resources necessary for sustained mobilization. Key to the American Institute’s success, this article argues, was the development of annual manufacturing fairs, events that provided steady revenue, strengthened internal cohesion, attracted new members, facilitated coordination with like-minded groups, and provided opportunities to engage in popular politics in an ordered manner.

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Gailly, Frederik, and Guido L. Geerts. "Ontology-Driven Business Rule Specification." Journal of Information Systems 27, no. 1 (February 1, 2013): 79–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/isys-50428.

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ABSTRACT Discovering business rules is a complex task for which many approaches have been proposed including analysis, extraction from code, and data mining. In this paper, a novel approach is presented in which business rules for an enterprise model are generated based on the semantics of a domain ontology. Starting from an enterprise model for which the business rules need to be defined, the approach consists of four steps: (1) classification of the enterprise model in terms of the domain ontology (semantic annotation), (2) matching of the enterprise model constructs with ontology-based Enterprise Model Configurations (EMCs), (3) determination of Business Rule Patterns (BRPs) associated with the EMCs, and (4) use of the semantic annotations to instantiate the business rule patterns; that is, to specify the actual business rules. The success of this approach depends on two factors: (1) the existence of a semantically rich domain ontology, and (2) the strength of the knowledge base consisting of EMC-BRP associations. The focus of this paper is on defining and illustrating the new business rule discovery approach: Ontology-Driven Business Rule Specification (ODBRS). The domain of interest is enterprise systems, and an extended version of the Resource-Event-Agent Enterprise Ontology (REA-EO) is used as the domain ontology. A small set of EMC-BRP associations—i.e., an example knowledge base—is developed for illustration purposes. The new approach is demonstrated with an example.

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Plevnik, Kaja, and Špela Pezdevšek Malovrh. "Analiza delovanja zveze lastnikov gozdov Slovenije s ciljem njenega izboljšanja - ali obstajajo možnosti za vzpostavitev novih poslovnih modelov sodelovanja s člani?" Acta Silvae et Ligni 124 (2021): 13–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.20315/asetl.124.2.

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The Slovenian Forest Owners Association (FOAS), which connects local associations of private forest owners at the national level, is facing the problem of professionalizing its activities. Thus, its activities are limited. In order to improve the operation of the FOAS and possible business cooperation with its members within the framework of new business models, we conducted interviews with representatives of FOAS members (n = 24). FOAS members are satisfied with the work of the FOAS, mainly due to its involvement in the legislative process. FOAS members expect that the FOAS will become active in the area of joint timber sales in the future, which is why they showed great interest in business cooperation with the FOAS towards coordinated timber sales. In order to implement this new business model, it is first necessary to promote coordinated sales among forest owners, provide suitable personnel and establish links between timber suppliers and buyers.

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CZUB, Jarosław Filip. "Reprezentacja polskich grup biznesowych w systemie instytucjonalnym Unii Europejskiej a rzetelne rzecznictwo interesów." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 4 (November 2, 2018): 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2010.15.4.11.

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The main aim of this paper is to demonstrate what role Polish business groups play at a supranational level. In Poland reliable advocacy of individual interests by Polish business groups brings negative associations, and the lobbying Polish business groups apply is perceived as an unfair way of exerting pressure on the authorities. Therefore, this paper outlines the conceptualization of the network of notions pertaining to Polish business groups. Lobbying is presented as an instrument applied by professional teams of lobbyists in lobbying campaigns aimed at exerting influence in a transparent, substantive and fair manner. The specificity of interest groups and the stages that affect the emergence of individual Polish business groups are also analyzed. The aspect of legal regulations concerning lobbying activity conducted at a national and supranational level is presented. The picture of the organizational structure, the functions business groups have in the Polish and EU law-making process are discussed as well. The paper also shows the forms of influence used by Polish business groups and exemplifies advantageous activities that contribute to the economic development of Poland.

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Jung, Allen F. "Interest Rate Variations For Automobile Loans In Large Cities." Journal of Applied Business Research (JABR) 2, no. 4 (November 1, 2011): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jabr.v2i4.6564.

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his study presents empirical data on finance charges for automobile loans in 10 large cities. The data were gathered from automobile dealers, commercial banks, credit unions, and savings and loan associations by personally shopping for a new car loan. In addition to institution and city comparisons some information is provided on consumer credit pricing policies. Consumer installment credit receives a great deal of attention from the Federal Reserve System and it plays an important role in the Consumer Price Index. The literature contains considerable material about the volume of consumer credit and the direction that interest rates appear to be heading. However, few empirical data have been published about finance rates for consumer loans.The purpose of this study was to gather price data on consumer installment credit. Specifically it sought to make an estimation of interest rate variations for automobile loans in large cities. Secondary purposes were to ascertain if some classes of lenders offered lower cost loans than others, and to see if the variations found were common to a number of cities.The study found that there were rate variations for automobile loans within every type of lender in every city. Credit unions quoted significantly lower rates than the other firms. There was not any pattern of rates common to the various cities. Some interesting data about financial institution pricing policies were found.

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Galvin, T. L. "EXAMINING INSTITUTIONAL CHANGE: EVIDENCE FROM THE FOUNDING DYNAMICS OF U.S. HEALTH CARE INTEREST ASSOCIATIONS." Academy of Management Journal 45, no. 4 (August 1, 2002): 673–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3069304.

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Agbetsaifa, Douglas. "Bank Deregulation And The Portfolios Of Savings And Loan Associations." Journal of Applied Business Research (JABR) 2, no. 2 (November 2, 2011): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jabr.v2i2.6582.

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Carron (1982) has described the precarious condition of the thrift industry, which has been a subject of concern for over a decade. Unlike commercial banks, S&Ls have not been able to insulate themselves from interest rate risk, nor have they significantly altered the composition of their balance sheets. In contrast to the rapid growth of the industry up until the 1960s, the industry growth weakened by the turn of the decade. Abrupt swings in savings deposits became synchronized with the cyclical behavior of the national economy. Marked fluctuations in industry funds over time forced S&Ls to draw heavily upon non-deposit sources, particularly borrowings from the Federal Home Loan Banks, and other expensive deposits.

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Kim, Eui-Young. "The Developmental State and the Politics of Business Interest Associations: The Case of the Textile Industry in South Korea." Pacific Focus 8, no. 2 (February 13, 2008): 31–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1976-5118.1993.tb00160.x.

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Vehka, Mika, and Juho Vesa. "Järjestöjen vaikuttamistaktiikat internet-aikana: latentti luokka-analyysi." Hallinnon Tutkimus 39, no. 3 (November 27, 2020): 205–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.37450/ht.100040.

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Associations’ tactics of influence in the age of the internet: a latent class analysisThis article examines the use of different influence tactics, including both traditional (e.g., committee membership) and new internet-based tactics (e.g. social media) by interest groups (associations) in Finland. With interest group theory as our theoretical framework, we use data collected in an online survey to explore how different tactics of influence are conjointly utilised. First, a latent class analysis shows that some organizations use almost all tactics more actively than others, including internet-based tactics. Second, we study how a group’s resources and type affect which ‘influencer type’ (active or more or less passive) they belong to. There seems to be no bias related to group type: for example business groups are not more often the most active ones compared to public citizen groups when resources are controlled.

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Klabbers, Jan H. G. "The Saga of ISAGA." Simulation & Gaming 40, no. 1 (January 15, 2008): 30–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1046878107310604.

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This article sketches the emergence of gaming and simulation associations in the 1960s and 1970s with a particular interest in ISAGA, the International Simulation and Gaming Association. It elaborates on the prospects to shape a meta-science of design, constituted by communities of practice and nourished by communities of observers. It is partly a transdisciplinary review on gaming and simulation methodology and partly an elaboration of current methodological questions. One reason for taking a dual position relates to the fact that members of gaming and simulation associations represent two distinct branches of science: the design and analytical sciences. The basic idea of the design sciences is to build and assess artifacts. The scientific method of the analytical sciences aims at developing and testing theories. Each pays attention to different notions of causality and different criteria for success.

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Fine, Terri Susan. "Economic Interests and the Framing of the 1988 and 1992 Deomcratic and Republican Party Platforms." American Review of Politics 16 (April 1, 1995): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1995.16.0.79-93.

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In this paper, the role that economic groups play in attempting to shape party platforms is examined by analyzing economic group presence at the 1988 and 1992 Democratic and Republican platform writing hearings. Whether the same economic groups participating as witnesses in the platform writing hearings also contributed to the presidential campaigns is also explored. The findings suggest that economic interest group participation varied widely between 1988 and 1992 and declined across years. Trade associations dominated economic group participation whereas labor unions did not take an active role. Business interests showed a strong preference for the Republicans in 1988 and reasonably equal interest in both parties the following year. The participatory decline among these groups may be explained by a growing perception that platforms are less effective as campaign guides and policy tools in an era dominated by candidate centered elections, split ticket voting and increasing independent identification, all indicators of decreasing reliance on the parties at the mass and elite levels.

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MARTIN, CATHIE JO, and DUANE SWANK. "Does the Organization of Capital Matter? Employers and Active Labor Market Policy at the National and Firm Levels." American Political Science Review 98, no. 4 (November 2004): 593–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055404041371.

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Does the organization of business matter for social policy development in the advanced capitalist democracies? Conventional welfare state analysis has given this significant question scant attention. We argue, however, that the representational power of business, coordination across business interest units, and integration of associations in corporatist policy-making forums, or what we call the social corporatist organization of business, should result in greater support and participation by employers in social policy formation and implementation. We test our arguments with models both of 1980–98 pooled time-series data on within- and across-country variation in spending on active labor market programs and of extensive firm-level survey data from Denmark and the United Kingdom. We find that the centralization and coordination of employers as well as the integration of employer organizations in corporatist policy-making forums are strongly associated with shares of national income devoted to active labor market policy. We find, moreover, that the degree of employer organization conditions active labor market policy responses to “de-industrialization” and increases in general unemployment. At the firm level, membership in an employer association has a significant positive effect on employer participation in active labor market programs in corporatist Denmark but not in the pluralist United Kingdom.

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BUDZINSKI, OLIVER, and ANDT CHRISTIANSEN. "Competence Allocation in the EU Competition Policy System as an Interest-Driven Process." Journal of Public Policy 25, no. 3 (October 31, 2005): 313–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x0500036x.

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This paper provides a positive analysis of the evolution of competence allocation within the EU Competition Policy System. In the EU, competition policy competences are ascribed both to the European level and to each Member State. In regard to securing a sound antitrust system, the allocation and delimitation of these competences plays a major role. Accordingly, competence allocation has been a major issue in the recent reforms of cartel policy enforcement and merger control. Instead of normatively analysing the characteristics of optimal competence allocation, we positively identify the self-interest of the interacting groups of agents – European Commission and Courts, national authorities, business associations – as a major-driving force of the reform process. We show that, as a consequence, the interest-driven outcomes of this process are largely ineffective and deficient – even if evaluated against the background of the publicly announced reform goals. This stands in accordance with longer-term patterns in competence allocation evolution in the EU Competition Policy System.

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Kimura, Naoko, Satoshi Hoshino, and Kenichiro Onitsuka. "Analyzing the Association Between Disaster Risk Preparedness and Environmental Consciousness of Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises: The Case of Sukagawa City, Fukushima Prefecture, Japan." Journal of Disaster Research 14, no. 8 (November 1, 2019): 1047–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.20965/jdr.2019.p1047.

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This study aims to clarify the relation between preparedness status and the local natural resource conservation of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). SMEs are key actors in sustainable development and local disaster risk reduction. To ensure the quick recovery of business, SMEs are expected to formulate a Business Continuity Plan (BCP). However, the rate of formulation has thus far not been very high among SMEs. This study conducted a questionnaire survey in 2017 targeting SMEs in Sukagawa, Fukushima. We analyzed the 240 responses collected through a Multiple Correspondence Analysis and used Cramer’s coefficient of association to determine the strength of association. Major findings are as follows: 1) Environment-related indices were associated with both BCP formulation and business size, and these associations indicate the possibility of connecting environmental actions or management to BCP formulation. 2) In the association between BCP formulation status and environmental actions, the environmental management system had a stronger association than business size (capital, number of employees). 3) The group interested in the conservation of regulating services related to local natural resources (reducing CO2 emission, water quality, aquatic plants and animals) had a higher rate of BCP formulation. 4) This group considers mutual help more important than self-help or public help. 5) Capital and number of employees have a strong association with both BCP formulation status and their interest in participating in local natural resource conservation. Activities with local society and stakeholders may collectively increase SMEs’ awareness with neighbor enterprises or the local community. It would help both SMEs and local society to build a seamless attitude toward disaster risk reduction, which would contribute to local sustainability.

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DeLong, Deborah L., Robert A. Kozak, and David H. Cohen. "Overview of the Canadian value-added wood products sector and the competitive factors that contribute to its success." Canadian Journal of Forest Research 37, no. 11 (November 2007): 2211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/x07-027.

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In recent years, there has been considerable interest in the secondary wood manufacturing sector across Canada. Strengthening and facilitating the secondary wood manufacturing or the value-added sector is seen as the next step to creating a more sustainable economy across Canada. This research considered a large sample of secondary wood manufacturers across Canada and has provided standardized information for the entire sector. To evaluate the competitive position of the Canadian secondary wood manufacturers, two steps were undertaken. First, factors that have determined success in other sectors were identified. Second, the sector’s current business environments and the factors that contribute to its success were evaluated. The data that contributed to this research was based on a mail survey that was sent to all secondary wood manufacturers across Canada. The data indicated that the majority of businesses in this sector are small to medium enterprises (SMEs) and have common concerns that effect SMEs. Problems obtaining financing for expansion, market research, expanding to new markets, and upgrading employees’ skills are examples. There are also opportunities for increasing efficiencies through lean manufacturing and optimizing supply chains, but these types of initiatives will require education and training. Using logistic regression, we found that being a member of an industry association greatly increased the likelihood of a business being profitable. Thus, industry associations could be an effective conduit for the required training and education.

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Zhao, Ting, Lili Wang, and George M. Thomas. "Public Policies, Stakeholder Interest, and Nonprofit Development: The Case of Trade Associations in Shanghai, China." VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations 27, no. 5 (July 25, 2016): 2173–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11266-016-9761-9.

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Davis, Cory. "The Political Economy of Commercial Associations: Building the National Board of Trade, 1840–1868." Business History Review 88, no. 4 (2014): 761–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680514000750.

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This article argues that, in the mid-nineteenth century, the American merchant community created local commercial organizations to propagate a vision of economic development based on republican ideals. As part of a “business revolution,” these organizations attempted to balance competition and cooperation in order to promote and direct the expansion of national markets and commercial activity throughout the country. Faced with the crisis of divergent sectional political economies and committed to the belief that businessmen needed a stronger political voice, merchant groups banded together to form the National Board of Trade, an association devoted to creating a unified commercial interest and shaping national economic policies.

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Vančová, Viera, Miloš Čambál, and Dagmar Cagáňová. "Innovative Improvement and Intensification of Business Relationships Supported by Cooperative Networks." Research Papers Faculty of Materials Science and Technology Slovak University of Technology 20, Special-Number (December 1, 2012): 137–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10186-012-0024-3.

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Abstract Nowadays, the opportunity for companies to be involved in cluster initiatives and international business associations is a major factor that contributes to the increase of their innovative potential. Companies organized in technological clusters have greater access to mutual business contacts, faster information transfer and deployment of advanced technologies. These companies cooperate more frequently with universities and research - development institutions on innovative projects. An important benefit of cluster associations is that they create a suitable environment for innovation and the transfer of knowledge by means of international cooperation and networking. This supportive environment is not easy to access for different small and mediumsized companies, who are not members of any clusters or networks. Supplier-customer business channels expand by means of transnational networks and exchanges of experience. Knowledge potential is broadened and joint innovative projects are developed. Reflecting the growing importance of clusters as driving forces of economic and regional development, a number of cluster policies and initiatives have emerged in the last few decades, oriented to encourage the establishment of new clusters, to support existing clusters, or to assist the development of transnational cooperation. To achieve the goals of the Europe 2020 Strategy, European countries should have an interest in building strong clusters and developing cluster cooperation by sharing specialized research infrastructures and testing facilities and facilitating knowledge transfer for crossborder cooperation. This requires developing a long term joint strategy in order to facilitate the development of open global clusters and innovative small and medium entrepreneurs.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Business interest associations'

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