Academic literature on the topic 'Business Relations'

The research was multi-method as it combined qualitative semi-structured interviews with quantitative surveys. The thesis concludes by discussing cultural implications for the formation of trust among business people in the UK and China, and future research directions.

This study is about relations between the Thai state and telecommunications business during the reform between 1980 and 2000. These relations have changed from a 'Bureaucratic Polity' model before the late 1980s to partnership during the 1990s. These changes were resulted from the internal economic and political development and the external force of globalization; both bring the internationalisation of state, capital and labour. Through the reform, the business sector is gaining its influence through the implementation of liberalization policy. However, this study argues that the Thai state has been able to maintain a certain degree of autonomy in relation to the business sector during the reform. In explaining Thai state-business relations, this study applies Robert Cox's 'Mediator' State and a 'Framework for Action' and Gramsci's notion of hegemony as an analytical approach. These combined theoretical insights not only help to explain the changing relations of the Thai state and business during the reform, they also assist in addressing the relations between the Thai state and the world telecommunications order, as well as revealing conflict and co-operation among state agencies and between state-business players involved in the reform.

<p>Internet har ändrat bolagens möjligheter att sprida information. Samtidigt har arbetet med finansiell kommunikation gentemot investerare, s.k. Investor Relations, uppmärksammats allt mer inom den akademiska värden. Uppsatsen har syftat till att med hjälp av en egen analysmodell försöka bedöma Investor Relationsarbetet på Internet som bedrivs av de börsnoterade fastighetsbolagen. Denna typ av analys görs bl.a. av konsultbolaget Hallvarsson&Hallvarson vilka använder sig av fler för bolag allmängiltiga informationskriterier. Skillnaden är förutom ett visst mått av professionalism att analysmodellen i den här uppsatsen är branschspecifik och gäller endast för fastighetsbranschen.</p>

Thirty years after the bloodiest coup in its modern history, Turkey is now a democratizing country with a liberal market and a blooming civil society. This transformation is attributed to the democratic potential and deeds of Turkey’s Islamic bourgeoisie, which has been an ardent supporter of the internationally monitored program of market liberalization and the EU integration/reform process since the 1990s. Muslim businesses’ curious relationship with the secular Turkish state and traditional business elites presents a compelling case for interest group theory. This dissertation evaluates the interest group theories’ propositions on policy-based interaction between state institutions and business interest groups to conclude that in most countries, hybrid models emerge, bringing together elements of pluralism and corporatism. The dissertation discusses the evolution and application in Turkey of interest group theories – particularly corporatism, clientelism and pluralism – and identifies the secular and Islamic business communities in Turkey to assess Islamic business associations’ economic and political influence on AKP era policies and business-state relations. The research offers two conclusions: Turkey’s Islamic business associations are able to access AKP government’s economic and social policymaking via traditional and new corporatist structures and to enjoy a close working relationship with the government and the state institutions. Their enhanced policy influence is as much a result of the moral, sociocultural and religious alignment between their members, Turkey’s Muslim conservative capitalists, and the AKP leadership as a consequence of the professionalism and organizational capacity of Islamic business associations. The prevalence of Muslim conservative actors in Turkey’s society, culture, politics and economy, as observed via Islamic business associations in this dissertation, do not pose a clear and imminent threat to the secular and democratic foundations of the Turkish Republic because Muslim conservative businessmen are pragmatists, who recognize and respond to domestic and transnational social, economic and political dynamics. Also, their religious affiliation is exaggerated to the extent that their Muslimness became a red herring, diverting the attention of spectators and analysts from the real problem with Turkey’s democratization and marketization process: the failures in the practice and implementation of the essential legal/institutional reforms that would bring about a plural, transparent and accountable policymaking environment.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006.<br>Title from electronic title page (viewed Oct. 10, 2007). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the School of Journalism and Mass Communication." Discipline: Journalism and Mass Communication; Department/School: Journalism and Mass Communication, School of.

This thesis seeks to understand how state-business relations are affected by wider societal transformations. These transformations influence the potentially crony capitalist type of state society relations. I analyzed the evolution of state-business relations in Morocco. I highlighted three different factors which affected state-business relations and potentially can offset negative consequences of crony capitalism. Fragmentation of state institutions, political factions and economic actors and the maintenance of cross-cutting alliances by the monarchy have resulted in a fragmented-multiclass state. In addition, the changing nature of the role of the state in the economy had profound implications on state-business relations in Morocco. Paradoxically, the fragmented nature of Morocco, which is the result of cross-cutting coalitions between the monarchy and society, meant that the state did not fall exclusively in the hands of private interests. The pivotal position of the monarchy in economic and political life has enabled the monarchy to fragment opposition and forge diverse alliances to maintain its support-base. My theoretical approach using a macro-historical analysis coupled with process tracing of various policy domains proved to be a useful methodology for this type of research which falls in the nexus of politics and economics. Given this my thesis made a contribution to both Middle East studies as well as the wider literature on state-business relations. In addition, my research contributes to the wider debate on the resilience of monarchies in the aftermath of the Arab spring.