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1
Bulanin, Dmitriy Mikhailovich, Mikhail Vladimirovich Dmitriev, Oleg Ivanovich Dzyarnovich, Andrey Vitalyevich Korenevsky, Konstantin Alexandrovich Kostromin, Tatiana Viktorovna Kushch, Russell Martin, Dmitriy Igorevich Polyvyanny, and Rustam Mukhammadovich Shukurov. "Byzantium after Byzantium? Forum." Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana 31, no. 1 (2022): 3–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu19.2022.101.
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The Byzantine Empire has existed longer than all the empires that were on Earth — more than 1000 years. She created the «Byzantine Commonwealth» of countries (D. D. Obolensky’s term), stretching from the South Baltic to the Mediterranean and from the Adriatic Sea to the Caucasus Mountains. The Commonwealth countries had religious and cultural unity, a close political culture and a similar tragic fate. All of them fell victim to foreign conquest, from the Mongols to the Ottomans, and with great difficulty, centuries later, regained their sovereignty. With the death of the Byzantine Empire in 1453, its historical role did not stop. Byzantium remained a relevant historical actor for a long time, as an ideal and as a symbol, as a heritage and as a hope for the revival of its former greatness. It is not for nothing that the ideas of «lasting Rome», «New Constantinople», etc., were so popular. According to the Romanian historian Nicolae Iorga, the time of «Byzantium after Byzantium» has come, which continues to this day. In the article, historians, specialists in the history of Byzantium, consider the following questions: 1) What is «Byzantium after Byzantium»? Is it an symbolic image, is it a historical memory of a bygone empire, is it a political, spiritual, cultural ideal? Or is it a fictitious concept, Byzantium died in 1453? 2) How long did «Byzantium after Byzantium» exist? What is the chronological depth of Byzantine influence in the Balkans, in Eastern Europe? 3) There is a point of view about the «unfavorable heritage» of Byzantium — all countries belonging to the «Byzantine Commonwealth» have a difficult historical fate. Is this a fatal coincidence, or the negative influence of the «Byzantine heritage»? 4) Did Byzantium have a successor (cultural, political, spiritual)? To what extent can they consider Russia, the Balkan states?
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Van Tricht, Filip. "Claiming the Basileia ton Rhomaion." Medieval History Journal 20, no. 2 (September 25, 2017): 248–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971945817718651.
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In April 1204, the army of the Fourth Crusade captured Constantinople. For the leading princes, it was self-evident that they would install an imperator of their own in the Queen of Cities. Their choice fell on Baldwin IX/VI, count of Flanders/Hainault. In this contribution, we aim to analyse how Baldwin and his successors saw their emperorship, and how they and their empire were seen by others in Byzantium and the West. The current historiographical term, ‘Latin Empire of Constantinople’, reflects the prevailing view that an entirely new political construct had been set up replacing the former Byzantine Empire. However, contemporaries, both the emperors themselves as well as outsiders, consistently referred to the empire using both Latin and Greek terms that, prior to 1204, had been commonly employed to refer to the Byzantine Empire. Yet eastern and western conceptions of the nature of the empire before 1204 differed greatly: it was ‘Greek’ in Latin eyes, ‘Roman’ in Byzantine eyes. The Constantinopolitan imperial crown having been placed on his head, Baldwin became heir to these conflicting traditions. Moreover, rival imperial claims soon arose within the Byzantine space in neighbouring Byzantine successor states. In the face of these challenges, the Latin emperors strove to formulate a political ideology legitimising their claim to imperial rule. We will argue that in essence the successive Latin emperors adopted, up to a point, the key tenets of Byzantine imperial theory (Roman character, universalism, emperors as vicars of Christ and autocracy). Their western background and their different relationship with the West led to certain changes, but whether these should be seen as fundamentally un-Byzantine is not self-evident. Conversely, the presence of the now Latin rulers on the Constantinopolitan throne also led to changes in the western perception of the eastern empire.
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Kushch, Tatiana V. "Late Byzantium in the Works of Margarita A. Poljakovskaja." Античная древность и средние века 48 (2020): 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2020.48.001.
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This paper commemorates Margarita Adol’fovna Poljakovskaja (1933–2020), the head of the Ural school of Byzantine studies and the respected authority in the history and culture of late Byzantium. The author makes the reader acquainted with Professor Poljakovskaja’s academic biography, the topics of her researches, and the results of her studies in various aspects of the Byzantine history from the thirteenth to fifteenth century. The paper has revealed a few key topics studied by Professor Poljakovskaja: monastic properties in late Byzantine cities; Byzantine rhetoric and epistolography; social and political thought; intellectual life; social structures in the Byzantine society; palace ceremonies and court culture; and the Byzantines’ emotional world and daily life. It has been stated that although Professor Poljakovskaja used abundant and varied methodology produced by historical and philological researches, she preferred the anthropological approach. Her attention concentrated on a person and the person’s notion of the time and self. Reconstructions of intellectual and social life in the period of decline of the Byzantine empire loomed large in the historian’s studies, and the key topic of her researches was the problem of the “person, society, and power”.
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Oparin, O. A. "Medicine in the Byzantine empire: history and philosophy." Shidnoevropejskij zurnal vnutrisnoi ta simejnoi medicini 2020, no. 2b (December 2020): 70–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/internalmed2020.02b.070.
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It is shown that the history of medicine in the Byzantine Empire is characterized by almost complete stagnation of development throughout the entire thousand years of the empire, for which characteristic was the domination of religious and magical practices represented as astrology, magic, occultism, neoplatonism over scientific ones, extremely low levels of education and training of doctors. The article points out that one of the leading causes of stagnation of the development of medical science in the Byzantine Empire was the formation of the civil church, which was completely controlled, both in administrative and doctrinal terms, by imperial government, which led to the secularization of the church and its transformation in a great feudal lord; to introduction of pagan beliefs and provisions to the church; to formation and prosperity of superstitions and rituals characteristic of paganism. It is shown that the state subjugating church lost its necessary spiritual foundation (without which it is impossible to build a healthy and prosperous society) resulting in the formation of extremely backward socio-economic situation of Byzantium, with long persistence of slave relations, pervasive embezzlement, huge bureaucracy, corrupt executive system, sharp stratification of society, low level of science in general and medicine in particular.
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Dușe, Călin Ioan. "The Renaissance of Byzantium during the Macedonian Dynasty 867-1056." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Theologia Catholica Latina 66, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 53–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/theol.cath.latina.2021.lxvi.2.04.
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The Macedonian dynasty (867-1056) opened a new stage in the history of Byzantium, which will lead the Byzantine Empire to its medieval peak. Thus, for 150 years the Byzantine Empire had a period in which it experienced important achievements on all levels. Between 867-1025 the Empire was led by some remarkable leaders, who distinguished themselves exceptionally. The representatives of this dynasty were the most brilliant leaders that Byzantium now had. They were people with an energetic and strong personalities, without mercy and scruples, with an authoritarian and strong will, trying to be feared rather than to win the sympathy and love of those they led. The grandeur of the Empire was the focus of their rule, proving that they were great military leaders, as they spent most of their reign among soldiers, in which they identified the source of the monarchy’s power.
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Korobeynikov, Dmitry. "On the Byzantine-Mongol Marriages." ISTORIYA 13, no. 11 (121) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023180-7.
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The article focuses on the rapprochement between Byzantium and the Mongols from the 1250s which resulted in marriage alliances between Mongol Khans and Byzantine despoinas (princesses). The key issue is a clash of two different approaches. The Byzantine one was focused on the exclusive status of Byzantium as Christian Roman Empire, whose status was unrivalled and whose sovereigns seldom allowed marriages of Byzantine ladies to the foreign rulers, especially if the latter were heathen or Muslim. The Mongol view considered the Mongol state as the only one destined to dominate over other states. Here, the marriages between Mongol rulers and foreign brides have been suggested as one of vital elements of such domination. The compromise between two views seemed to have been made by the Byzantines: while the Byzantine church law refused to recognize interconfessional marriages, the Byzantines began to see these marriages as a Christian mission of sorts as the Greek brides and wives could have served as agents for spreading Greek Orthodox Christianity. Given the fact that some Khans had already converted to Islam prior to the marriage, these were also the first marriages between the Byzantine Imperial dynasty of the Palaiologoi and the Muslim rulers. It seems that special tolerance of the Mongols towards Christianity (even if they were Muslims) played a key role in the change of the principles of the Byzantine marriage policy: it henceforth became possible for the Emperor’s illegitimate daughter to marry a Muslim ruler. This policy affected the marriages of the later period of the fourteenth and fifteenth century between the imperial dynasties of the Palaiologoi and Grand Komnenoi, on the one hand, and the neighboring Turkish rulers, including the Ottomans, on the other.
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Whealey, Alice. "Muslim Motives for Conquering the Byzantine Empire 634–720: The Evidence from Eastern Christian Sources." Russian History 40, no. 1 (2013): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04001002.
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This article examines the motives of the earliest Muslim attacks on the Byzantine Empire in the seventh and eighth centuries by examining the earliest Christian (Byzantine) and Muslim sources that describe these attacks. The article assesses the strengths of these accounts and culls from them the possible religious motivations behind the first Muslim attacks on the Byzantine Empire. One question particularly addressed is the goal of the Muslim attacks: to bring down the Byzantine Empire entirely, or merely to wrest from it Palestine and the surrounding territories that were of significance to the Muslim invaders. In either case, Whealey argues that the motives were religious in nature.
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Madona Mikeladze. "TEACHING THE HISTORY OF BYZANTIUM AT GEORGIAN SCHOOLS ACCORDING TO THE ANALYSIS OF CURRICULA AND TEXTBOOKS." World Science 1, no. 7(35) (July 12, 2018): 4–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_ws/12072018/5997.
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The Byzantine Empire, which existed for more than 1000 years, holds a special place in the history of civilization. It was the largest medieval Christian state on the crossroad of Europe and Asia. The Byzantine culture belongs to the medieval Christian culture, but it has specific peculiarities in comparison to the Western Christian culture.The phenomenon of Byzantium, as the successor of the Roman state tradition and as the source of Christian culture, is of particular importance in the development of Georgia's historical processes.Understanding the historical processes of the V-XV centuries in Georgia is quite difficult without knowing the history of Byzantium. We cannot analyze even the later period without knowing Byzantium, because this country has left an indelible mark on Georgia, especially on its culture. The purpose of the present article is to show what the position of the Byzantine history is in the national curriculum and school books.
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Steiris, Georgios. "History and Religion as Sources of Hellenic Identity in Late Byzantium and the Post-Byzantine Era." Genealogy 4, no. 1 (January 31, 2020): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy4010016.
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Recently, seminal publications highlighted the Romanitas of the Byzantines. However, it is not without importance that from the 12th century onwards the ethnonym Hellene (Ἓλλην) became progressively more popular. A number of influential intellectuals and political actors preferred the term Hellene to identify themselves, instead of the formal Roman (Ρωμαῖος) and the common Greek (Γραικός). While I do not intend to challenge the prevalence of the Romanitas during the long Byzantine era, I suggest that we should reevaluate the emerging importance of Hellenitas in the shaping of collective and individual identities after the 12th century. From the 13th to the 16th century, Byzantine scholars attempted to recreate a collective identity based on cultural and historical continuity and otherness. In this paper, I will seek to explore the ways Byzantine scholars of the Late Byzantine and Post Byzantine era, who lived in the territories of the Byzantine Empire and/or in Italy, perceived national identity, and to show that the shift towards Hellenitas started in the Greek-speaking East.
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PODOLSKIY, V. A. "APPLIED AND PRACTICAL PHILOSOPHY OF PHILANTHROPY IN BYZ-ANTINE POLITICAL THOUGHT." Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 17, no. 5 (2022): 45–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2071-2367-2022-17-5-45-66.
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Byzantine political philosophy developed under the influence of the Christian ethics and Hellenistic monarchism. Byzantine theology is well studied both in Russian and foreign science, while political philosophy is less known. The purpose of the present article is to study the attitude of the Byzantine political philosophy to charity. Methodology of the research: the study is based on historic and comparative approach, analysis of institutions, analysis of texts and speeches by thinkers and politicians, and shows origins and development of ideas on charity in Byzantium. As a result, it was revealed that the values and institutions formed in the first centuries of the existence of the Eastern Empire worked throughout the history of Byzantium and influenced European and Rus-sian practices of charity. The collected information about the history of political philosophy in Byzantium is of value in the study of charity and social policy.
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Avzhi, Zhasim. "Relatıons wıth Byzantıne Empıre Durıng The Prophet’s Tıme (Pbuh)." Iasaýı ýnıversıtetіnіń habarshysy 127, no. 1 (March 30, 2023): 494–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.47526/2023-1/2664-0686.38.
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The period of Muhammad [pbuh] is the most important time period of whole 15-century Islamic history. It is because his sayings and habits had become a source of influence for later periods. As being the head of state of Islam based in Madina, his relations with the two super power states of the world at that time, Sasanids and Byzantines are substantial examples. The north side of the Arabian peninsula, at the time Muhammad [pbuh] was preaching Islam to the people of Macca, were hosting a power struggle between Sasanids and Byzantines. In this time, the polytheist heathen people of Macca were supporting the Zoroastrian Sasanids’ side, while Muslims who embrace the «tawhid» faith were having a sympathy for Byzantine empire, whom were Christians, the people of the book. In the seventh year of hijra towards Madina [AD 628], the prophet had sent letters to many prominent leaders of his time, inviting them to Islam. One of these prominent leaders were the Byzantine emperor, Heraclius, whom accepted the ambassador Dihya ibn Khalifa al-Kalbi during his visit at Jerusalem. The prophet also sent envoys to Byzantine governor of Egypt and emir of Ghassanids, a Byzantine alley, to invite them to Islam. The emir of Ghassanids’ killing the ambassador of Islamic state who was sent to Bosra governor, led to a new crisis. As the emir had called for Byzantines to help against troops that were sent by Islamic state, Muslims had faced up against the army of Byzantine empire for the first time, during Battle of Mu'tah [8/629]. At this battle, the Islamic army was forced to leave the war area due to Byzantine-Ghassanids’ numerical superiority. In the 9th year of Hijra [AD 630] following the reports of Byzantine empire preparing armies to attack to lands of Islam, Prophet went on an expedition as the head of 30.000 people large army. The army had reached towards Tabuk, however, as Byzantine army have had not seen anywhere, the army had returned. Meanwhile, military units were sent to some of the settlements near and the region was taken under control.
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Khapaev, V. V., and A. M. Glushich. "THE EVOLUTION OF THE SPORTS INFRASTRUCTURE OF THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE IN THE IV – XII CENTURIES." Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 6 (72), no. 4 (2020): 137–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2020-6-4-137-152.
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The article examines the location, design features and evolution of the sports facilities of the Byzantine Empire: the Great Hippodrome and smaller hippodromes of Constantinople and other cities of the empire, stadiums for playing equestrian polo (tzykanisterions) and other buildings used for training and sports competitions of the Byzantines in the IV – XII centuries. Special attention is paid to the constructive features of the Great Hippodrome of Constantinople, both in connection with its special significance for the history of the empire, and also with the abundance of sources on this issue: written and archaeological. It is concluded, that before the beginning of the systemic crisis of the empire in the first half of the 7th century and the massive invasions of the Persians, Avars, Slavs and Arabs into the territory of the empire, sports facilities and sports life (including competitive) were characteristic of all major cities of the empire. Each of them had monumental hippodromes and regular competitions. Their decline is associated both with the capture of most of the territory of Byzantium by the Arabs and (in the cities that remained under the control of Constantinople) with a protracted economic crisis and general de-urbanization. The revival of interest in sports and the need for sports facilities is associated with the strengthening of the economic and geopolitical position of Byzantium in the 9th-10th centuries. During this time many old buildings were restored and used, several new ones were built. The final decline of the empire’s sports infrastructure is associated with its defeat during the IV Crusade.
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Leszka, Mirosław J. "Obraz cara bułgarskiego Samuela w źródłach bizantyńskich (XII w.)." Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza, no. 23 (December 17, 2019): 134–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/sds.2019.23.06.
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Samuel, the ruler of Bulgaria from the turn of the tenth and eleventh centuries is without a doubt a significant figure in the history of his country, having left a clear mark on its relations with the Byzantine Empire. It was he who challenged the Byzantines, who occupied a considerable part of Bulgaria in 971. Over the course of several decades, he was first wrenching Bulgarian territories from the Byzantine hands and subsequently defended his possessions with great determination. It was only several years after his death (1014) that the Bulgarian state fell into Byzantine hands (1018), ushering an almost hundred and seventy yearperiod of its nonexistence – the time of Byzantine captivity.
Information included in the 12th‑century Byzantine sources (Nicephor Bryennios, Anna Komnene, John Zonaras, Michael Glykas, The Life of Nikon Metanoeite”), analysed in the present article and relating to Samuel are focused on the two fundamental questions, specifically the circumstances in which he had taken the reins of power and the military activity he conducted against Byzantium. The portrayal of the Bulgarian ruler included therein was on the one hand influenced by the trend present in the Byzantine literature to diminish the successes of the Empire’s enemies by indicating their causes were to be found on the Byzantine side, and on the other by the fact that the Bulgarians became subjects of the Byzantine ruler. Some of them entered into the elite of the Byzantine society, sometimes through familial connections. In these circumstances, it was better to be related to Samuel the Basileus, rather than to Samuel the barbarian.
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Schreiner, Peter. "The Byzantine roots of southeastern Europe." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 60-2 (2023): 1311–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi2360311s.
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Southeastern Europe is a divided region with regards to its Byzantine roots, Byzantine legacy and Byzantine present. Politically and militarily, Byzantium never managed to reestablish the old Roman frontiers in the Balkans. However, it was decisively involved in the economic rise of this region, which in turn benefited the Empire. Byzantium became a model for peoples and states due to its overall political power, cultural legacy, and especially the charisma of the church, as well as the fact that it did not suppress their own national developments and traditions. But in the past and present, Byzantine culture has left lasting traces only in the mentality where the traditions were supported by the Orthodox Church or where they were preserved independently of strict forms of belief through a sense of belonging to an Orthodox cultural community.
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Еldin, Мikhail А. "The Paradigm of the Byzantine Economic Order-Taxis: Historical and Philosophical Dimension." Economic History 16, no. 3 (November 30, 2019): 229–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2409-630x.050.016.202003.229-240.
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Introduction. The article deals with one of the key issues of the Eurasian economic order related to the Byzantine Empire, which lasted for more than a thousand years (395–1453) and experienced periods of growth and decline, in which military expansion was replaced by crises and internal upheavals. The Byzantine state has always been under pressure from outside, but it has learned to survive among rivals and enemies. The Power of Byzantium in many respects ahead of its era, was not only the largest feudal entity of the Middle Ages, but also along with this centralized state, which had a powerful system of administrative management, which played an important role in regulating of the economic order. Materials and Methods. Current methodological approaches based on the principle of spiritual understanding of the modern world picture, as well as the degree of theoretical elaboration at the present stage of development of society the problem of forming the mentality of a particular nation, studying cultural phenomena in a historical context contribute, we believe, the disclosure of the “conceptual entity” the Byzantine heritage. Results. The analysis of sources and materials that consider various aspects of scientific works of Byzantine taxonomists on the economic structure. The characteristic features of the economic policy of the Byzantine Empire are revealed and the conclusion about the significance of the Byzantine experience for regulating the economic order in modern States is substantiated. Discussion and Conclusion. The Byzantine state, which actively intervened in the regulation of the economy, received a relatively stable economic order, which allowed it not only to maintain its well-being throughout the centuries of the Empire’s history, but also to cope with crisis situations. The variety of forms of farming in early Byzantium was reflected in the effective interaction of commodity production developed in cities and the economic system of rural settlements. The flourishing of trade and industry were mainly characteristic of coastal cities, whose economic expansion only slightly affected the agricultural sector of the Empire, while there was a partial taxonometrization of the economy. Despite short periods of weakening trade priorities of Byzantium, we can not talk about the economic disaster of the Empire, because it had at its disposal the economic reserves of the provinces. The state has repeatedly experienced shocks accompanied by crises, but has maintained sufficient viability, subsequently reviving and returning to its previous positions.
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Louth, Andrew. "Palestine under the Arabs 650-750: the Crucible of Byzantine Orthodoxy." Studies in Church History 36 (2000): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400014339.
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The period from the beginning of the seventh century to the middle of the ninth was decisive for the history of the Byzantine empire. At the beginning of the seventh century, the idea of the Roman, or Byzantine, empire as the political configuration of the Mediterranean world - something that the Emperor Justinian had done his best to restore - still seemed valid, though there were already significant cracks in the edifice. By the end of the seventh century - let alone the middle of the ninth - that was a dream, though a dream to which the Byzantines obstinately clung. For the early years of the seventh century had seen the temporary Persian conquest of the eastern provinces of the Byzantine empire, soon followed by the Arab conquest which the Byzantines were to prove unable to overturn. The impact on the Byzantine empire of these events and the infiltration into the Balkan peninsula by the Slavs, was profound - politically, economically, culturally, and theologically. But the story of this impact is generally presented, both in the sources and in scholarly accounts, from the point of view of the centre, the Queen City, Constantinople. Central to the Byzantine world view, as it emerged with renewed confidence in the middle of the ninth century, was the idea of the empire, and the Emperor, as the guardian of Christian Orthodoxy, which was symbolized in the proclamation of the ‘Triumph of Orthodoxy’ with the final overthrow of iconoclasm in 843, a proclamation that became part of the normal ecclesiastical calendar, celebrated thereafter each year on the first Sunday of Lent. But that Orthodoxy, in its final form, had not been nurtured in Constantinople, nor had the wealth of liturgical poetry that came to celebrate it. Constantinople had reacted to the catastrophe of the early seventh century by plunging into heresy: first, the Christological heresy of monenergism, with its refinement, monothelitism, and then the heresy of iconoclasm, also believed - by both iconoclasts and their opponents - to be ultimately a matter of Christology. The Orthodoxy whose triumph was celebrated from 843 onwards had been defined, and celebrated, in Palestine, the province that had been lost for good to the Byzantines in the 630s. Orthodoxy, in fact, achieved its final definition at the periphery - and defeated periphery at that - and from there took over the centre. In this paper, we are not concerned with Christians who visited the Holy Land as pilgrims, but rather with those who belonged there: mainly monks, both natives and those who came to the Holy Land to live in the complex of monasteries in and around Jerusalem. How and why did these Palestinian monks come to play this role in the wider history of the Christian œcumene?
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Lung, Ecaterina. "Barbarian envoys at Byzantium in the 6th Century." Hiperboreea 2, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.2.1.0035.
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Abstract The byzantine diplomacy has been for long time an object for the historical research, its efficiency being considered one of the explanations for the so long survival of the Empire. The barbarian embassies sent to Constantinople were studied mainly in the context of general discussions on byzantine diplomacy. We intend to focus on the possibility of deciphering a barbaric point of view regarding the relations with the Byzantine Empire, at the beginning of the Middle Ages, when the narrative sources that are available to us have a Byzantine origin, or, when referring to barbarian kingdoms in the West, they are profoundly influenced by Roman and Roman-Byzantine traditions.
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Kyiak, S. R. "Ukrainian Catholicism: The Church-Ritual Aspect." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 30 (June 29, 2004): 96–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2004.30.1511.
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In Ukrainian church life, the influence of the Byzantine Empire, which has existed for over eleven centuries, holds a special place. This unique Greek superpower became the first independent state where faith in Jesus Christ became part of the entire state complex. It was this faith that united Byzantium with the Ecumenical Church, whose center of history was rooted in Rome.
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Nikolic, Maja. "The Byzantine historiography on the state of Serbian despots." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 45 (2008): 279–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0845279n.
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The four Byzantine historians of 'the Fall' of the Byzantine Empire, Doucas Chalcocondyles, Sphrantzes and Critobulos, as well as the Byzantine short chronicles, bring many news concerning Serbian history of the first half of the XV century. Although almost all of them refer to the Serbian political history of the period, they also imply that Serbia was a state, having its own territory, ethnicity, government, diplomacy, army and economic resources.
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Intagliata, Emanuele E. "Jonathan Harris. The lost world of Byzantium." Journal of Greek Archaeology 2 (January 1, 2017): 455–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/jga.v2i.622.
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The lost world of Byzantium is a rather agile and engaging read covering the history of the Byzantine Empire from the foundation of Constantinople to its fall by the hands of Sultan Mehmet II in 1453. The principle aim, as part of the wider scope of the work, is ‘to investigate why Byzantium lasted for so long, in spite of all the upheavals and invasions that threatened its existence’ (preface, p. x). The ten chapters dedicated to this purpose are structured chronologically; each chapter starts with an excerpt from a written source, a hint on the main lens through which the historical facts are to be examined. The history of Byzantium is recounted by those prominent figures that directly acted to make the empire great, or that brought it to its collapse. It is a history, then, made by emperors, generals, courtiers, and patriarchs, described from the centre (Constantinople), and where the middle and lower classes are mentioned rarely, if at all.
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Conev, Blagoj. "Byzantinism as a Fundament of Balkanism." Hiperboreea 5, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.5.1.0017.
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Abstract Byzantinism, a not sufficiently explored field, is still today a fundament of the pejorative explanation of the terms “Balkanization” and “Balkanism”. Byzantinism, the Hellenic one, actually represents the whole idea for the Balkans; the idea of how, due to the hegemonization of an ethnic identity, an empire that persisted for about a millennium could collapse. The idea of this text is to show the connection between Byzantinism and Balkanism and by using synthesis and comparative analysis to prove the thesis that: The hegemonization of the Byzantine-Greek identity in the past contributed to the birth of today's Balkan nationalism - Balkanism. In this text, the author analyses the appearance of Byzantium as a par excellence addition to ancient Hellenism, especially its conversion into hegemonic Hellenism, which was intended to submerge and assimilate all the other non-Greek identities in Byzantium. In fact, the author will prove that Byzantinism, which is a product of Hellenism, is the source of Balkanism, which itself leads to the idea that the fundament of today's Balkan nationalism, that is, Balkanism, is nothing but the hegemonic Hellenism during the Byzantine Empire.
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Rudokvas, Anton D., and Andrej A. Novikov. "Essay on Application of Byzantine Law in the Modern Bessarabia." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Law 12, no. 1 (2021): 205–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu14.2021.114.
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The article describes the application of Byzantine law in the region of Bessarabia which formed part of the Russian Empire from the early 19th century until 1917. The empire allowed the local population to apply their local laws for the regulation of their civil law relations. Due to historical reasons, these local laws were identified with the law of the Byzantine Empire which had already disappeared in 1453. The authors of the article provide a general description of the sources of Bessarabian law and then turn to case study research regarding the jurisprudence of courts on the issues of the Law of Succession in Bessarabia. They demonstrate that in interpreting the provisions of the law applicable, Russian lawyers often referred to Roman law as a doctrinal background of Byzantine law. Furthermore, they did not hesitate to identify Roman law with Pandect law. Even though the doctrine of the Law of Pandects had been created in Germany on the basis of Roman law texts, it was far from the content of the original law of the Ancient Roman Empire. The fate of the practical application of Byzantine law in Bessarabia reflects some general problems of the ‘legal transplants’ in the history of law and therefore provides additional materials for the theoretical study of the issues of ‘legal transfer’ in history and nowadays.
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Drobyshev, Yuliy. "Reflection of Mongolian imperial ideas in the medieval Byzantium sources." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 1 (2022): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080013354-6.
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The article uses materials of Byzantine historical works of the XIII-XIV centuries to further develop the author’s work in the sphere of Imperial ideology of the medieval Mongols. The special geopolitical position of Byzantium, as well as controversies among descendants of Genghis Khan, have caused peculiarities of its relations with the Mongol Empire, and later with the states of Juchids and Khulaguids, and allowed it to remain independent. Byzantine historians described the Mongols from the position of external observers, so their information is relatively scarce, but important for understanding the goals of the Mongol conquerors in the region and their views on the world order. Analysis of information provided by George Pachymeres, Nicephorus Gregoras, and other Byzantine intellectuals suggests that the Mongol leaders demonstrated considerable flexibility in their foreign policy and did not show any claims to world domination. The sources also reproduce a number of stories concerning the Mongols, which are also known from the Christian historiography of the South Caucasus and the Middle East, in particular, they speak out the idea of nomads who invaded the cultural lands as a “scourge of God”, but they are still far from an eschatological interpretation of the Mongol invasion and do not interpret it in terms of “the whole world”. They do not express thoughts about the need to submit to this inevitable evil. Byzantine authors describe quite accurately the goals of Mongol conquest campaigns and diplomatic activities of the Mongol leaders. It can be assumed that relations between Byzantium and the Mongol states were built on an equal basis, or the Byzantine authors carefully avoided any hints of inequality in their works. The image of Genghis Khan drawn in the analyzed sources does not contain anything messianic or heroic; moreover, not all authors know who exactly was a founder of the Mongol Empire, and they attribute the leadership of Genghis Khan’s military campaigns to his descendants. Thus, the Mongol “imperialism” in the Byzantine sources is very poorly traced, which, however, does not detract from their value in reconstruction of the mental climate of the Mongol Empire and its historical successors.
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Kushch, Tatiana V. "Violating the Convention: M. Ja. Sjuzjumov’s Participation in the Preparation of the History of Byzantium." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 24, no. 2 (2022): 155–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2022.24.2.031.
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This article examines the history behind the writing of the three-volume History of Byzantium (1967). In the 1950s and 1960s, the writing of “meta-narratives” meant covering the history of different states from the standpoint of the Marxist interpretation of the historical process and using the methods of historical materialism. In addition, collective work on them demonstrated the scholarly convention of Marxist historians. These principles were also implemented during the preparation of the History of Byzantium. A member of the editorial board and one of the main authors of the multi-volume work was Mikhail Jakovlevich Sjuzjumov (1893–1982), a Sverdlovsk scholar. Some letters kept in the Archive of the Russian Academy of Sciences and the State Archive of Sverdlovsk Region reflect his participation in the preparation of the History of Byzantium, the difficulties his texts underwent during the publication process, and his assessment of the results of the collective work. The article considers the scholar’s concept which he adhered to when writing the chapters, analyses critical remarks about his texts, and emphasises the discrepancy between his interpretations and the assessment of the history of Byzantium established in Russian historiography. The chapters prepared by Sjuzjumov and devoted to sources on early Byzantine history, the history of the church, and the historical role of Byzantium were criticised especially harshly. Sjuzjumov’s assessment of the Byzantine opposition and denial of the progressiveness of their views, his interpretation of Byzantine feudalism and the place of the Empire in world history contradicted the spirit and concept of the collective work. As a result, his two chapters were not included in the final version of the History of Byzantium. To achieve an academic convention, it was necessary to sacrifice the original interpretations proposed by the Sverdlovsk scholar. Nevertheless, Mikhail Sjuzjumov highly appreciated the publication of the History of Byzantium, although he noted its obvious shortcomings and weak points.
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ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΟΥ, Στέλιος. "Iδεολογικές αντιπαραθέσεις στα Βαλκάνια. Η προπαγανδιστική χρήση της λατρείας του αγίου Δημητρίου (τέλη 12ου-13ος αι.)." Byzantina Symmeikta 29 (April 2, 2019): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.18077.
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St Demetrius, the patron of Thessaloniki through the ages, became the subject of an ideological dispute between the second Bulgarian State and the Byzantine empire (end of 12th c. and throughout the 13th century).The Bulgarians and Vlachs of Haemus attempted to appropriate St Demetrius as the divine protector of their revolt (1185/1186).Τhe Byzantines challenged this founding ideology of the new Bulgarian regime by materialising tsar Ioannitzes' sudden death in front of Thessaloniki's walls (1207) and interpreting the Bulgarian king's end as one of Demetrius’ numerous miracles. According to the author, the Byzantine counter-narrative was not only based on the visualization of St Demetrius' miraculous intervention in 1207 and the new iconographical type of the martyr on horseback, spearing or unhorsing Ioannitzes, but also on Radomeros' miraculous murder presumably carried out by the same saint. This later miracle constitutes a conceived historical parallel to Ioannitzes' death.
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Erdemi̇r, Hatice. "The Nature of Turko-Byzantine Relations in the Sixth Century Ad." Belleten 68, no. 252 (August 1, 2004): 423–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2004.423.
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In the middle of the sixth century, a new nomad power emerged in central Asia. A federation led by Turkic groups which rapidly impinged on the Persian empire after the subjugation of the Hephtalites and had an impact on the Roman empire through the flight westwards of the Avars. As a result, both Romans and Persians were soon in diplomatic contact with the Turkish Kagan, and considerable evidence for this process is presented in the fragments of the Greek historian Menandros Protector, with useful supporting material in the historian Theophylact Simocatta and the Syriac author John of Ephesus. This diplomacy had both an economic aspect, the ability of the Turks to intervene in the silk trade, and a strategic one, since both Roman and Persian empires could view the Turks as useful allies against their traditional rival in the Near East. The Turks could attack Persia through the former territory of the Hephtalites, while they could take over Roman possesions in the Crimea.
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Majeska, George P., and J. M. Hussey. "The Orthodox Church in the Byzantine Empire." American Historical Review 94, no. 5 (December 1989): 1356. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1906386.
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Lysikov, Pavel. "The Church and Internal Conflicts in Byzantium: The Catalans’ Presence in the Empire in the Early 14th Century According to the Correspondence of Athanasios I, Patriarch of Constantinople." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (December 2023): 284–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.6.21.
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Introduction. The present research is related to the problem of the image of Other in Byzantine sources, but the focus is on its single aspect, namely the problem of the Byzantine attitude towards “the Latins” and, in particular, Western mercenaries which will be considered on the example of Athanasios I, patriarch of Constantinople’s (1289–1293, 1303–1309) relation to mercenaries of the Catalan Company staying for a long time (1303–1309) on the territory of the empire. It represents source analysis of the patriarch’s correspondence that is, we believe, the most underrated historical sources in this respect. Our goals are to find out the position of the Byzantine church towards the Catalan company and to determine the value of the Athanasios’ epistolary as a source for studying the Byzantine-Catalan conflict. The subject of research is 10 letters of Athanasios somehow reflecting his views on the Catalans’ presence in the empire. Methods and materials. The principles of the hermeneutic method allow us to interpret holistically the letters of the patriarch. Analysis and results. It is concluded that Athanasios who saw the Catalans, representatives of the West, as a threat to the existence of the Byzantine state and church from the very beginning was against their involvement in the empire to defend its eastern boundaries. After the Catalans’ arrival, three main themes can be distinguished in his criticism of them which the patriarch expressed in his letters sent mainly to the emperor: he opposed lawlessness and violence on their part towards the local population; warned the basileus about inadmissibility of the Catalans’ interference in state affairs; feared that their long stay in Byzantium would be harmful to the church and the Orthodox population in the ways that it was at the time of the Fourth Crusade and Latin Domination. These letters contain not much factual information but they allow to confirm and even complement data of other sources, mainly narrative ones, as well as to deepen our knowledge on relations between state and church in Byzantium under conditions of internal crisis in the early 14th century.
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Van Tricht, Filip. "BEING BYZANTINE IN THE POST-1204 EMPIRE OF CONSTANTINOPLE: CONTINUITY AND CHANGE (SOCIETY AND CULTURE)." Историјски часопис, no. 72/2023 (December 30, 2023): 67–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.34298/ic2372067t.
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The impact of the Latin conquest of Constantinople has often been treated from either the perspective of the Western newcomers who established themselves in various Byzantine territories, or from the perspective of the Byzantines who left the regions that came under Latin control and who managed to establish themselves elsewhere (Nicaea, Epiros, Trebizond). In this contribution the momentous consequences of the Fourth Crusade are addressed from the perspective of those Byzantines that came under Latin rule. By zooming in on a selection of individuals and subgroups a picture is sketched of the varied Byzantine experience within the confines of the (Latin) Empire of Constantinople after 1204. Attention will be given to the various – political, religious, socio-economic and cultural – spheres of society. The focus is on the capital and the region around Constantinople, but other regions come into view as well (Thessaloniki, Adrianople, Philippopolis, Achaia/Morea, Attica, Beotia, Euobia, Crete, etc.). Chronologically this contribution is primarily limited to the period until the loss of Latin Constantinople in 1261
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Rapp, Claudia. "Ritual Brotherhood in Byzantium." Traditio 52 (1997): 285–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900012010.
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Kinship networks and social hierarchies provide an important key to the Byzantine Empire's tenacious survival over the course of more than a millennium. This study concentrates on one such social networking strategy, that of ritual brotherhood. No investigation of ritual brotherhood can overlook the Byzantine evidence, for Byzantium is unique among medieval societies in having formally incorporated into its ecclesiastical ritual the ceremony by which the priest's prayers and blessing make ‘brothers’ of two men. Further, the history of the empire provides ample evidence for the concrete implementation of this bond. Hagiographical and historical narratives as well as regulations of secular and ecclesiastical authorities attest to the importance of ritual brotherhood as it was practiced by holy men and patriarchs, aristocrats and emperors. The Byzantine evidence is, unsurprisingly, at the core of John Boswell's argument in his Same-Sex Unions in Pre-Modern Europe,' Boswell drew attention to this interesting and multi-faceted relationship, but he did not explore the full range of sources for ritual brotherhood, nor did he attempt to show how this relationship related to others within Byzantine society.
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Higuchi, R., and K. Murata. "3D SCHOLARLY EDITIONS FOR BYZANTINE STUDIES: MULTIMEDIA VISUAL REPRESENTATIONS FOR HISTORY, ART HISTORY AND ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY." ISPRS Annals of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences X-M-1-2023 (June 23, 2023): 125–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprs-annals-x-m-1-2023-125-2023.
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Abstract. The Byzantine Empire has bequeathed to us a rich legacy of Christian churches, many of which possess historical and cultural significance. Unfortunately, the majority of these structures are currently undergoing a process of decay, having not received adequate preservation efforts. Moreover, the absence of collaboration between researchers in the various fields, each with their own focus on the study of Byzantine churches, presents a pressing need for dialogue and a collective response from these researchers. The region of Laconia, located in the south of Greece, is particularly in need of immediate attention, given the abundance of churches located therein. To address these challenges, the authors propose a novel approach involving the documentation of these churches in a digital format through the presentation of 3D models as scholarly editions that incorporate all available data sets in a multimedia format. This paper delineates several requisite specifications for 3D scholarly editions, which hold the key to solving the twin problems faced by Byzantine churches, namely, their protection and the scarcity of interdisciplinary collaboration amongst researchers. With 3D scholarly editions based on multimedia resources and adequate information management, it will be possible to facilitate collaboration and research between various fields of Byzantine studies, and beyond. Such efforts will serve to ensure that cultural heritage passed down from previous generations will be transmitted to future ones.
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Romensky, Aleksandr A. "From Enemies to Allies: the Mystery of Prince Oleg’s Campaign against Constantinople." Studia Ceranea 11 (December 30, 2021): 697–719. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.11.37.
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This article proposes a rethinking of the main patterns of Rus-Byzantine relations at the turn of the 9th–10th centuries. The Christianization of some groups of Rus’ elite after 860 seems to be plausible, but short-lived. The crisis in relations with Khazaria prompted a search for new trade privileges in Byzantium. The so-called Oleg’s campaign on Constantinople was nothing other than his joining the military service. During the constant struggle with Arabs, the Empire needed to receive new military forces from Rus’. Possibly the recruitments were accompanied by a provocative demonstration of strength. This action was rethought in Rus’ian chronicle writing as the great victory of “Oleg the Prophet”. The joining of Rus’ troops to the Byzantine navy occurred no later than 906, when logothetes Himerios was able to defeat the Muslims. The Rus-Byzantine treaty of 911 strengthened the partnership and fostered the baptism of some Rus mercenaries.
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Airinei, Alexandra. "The Varangian guard and its contribution to the manifestation of the imperial power in Byzantium." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 7, no. 2 (December 15, 2015): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v7i2_2.
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The idea that motivated the writing of this article was to treat an aspect not only of the Byzantine military history, but also of the long lasting impression that this millenary empire has left on the Northern “barbarians”, as they are often called in the Orthodox medieval sources. Its central concept is, as the title already suggests it, the imperial ideology of power, but from another perspective: the contribution of the feared Scandinavian warriors to its outlining in the Byzantine public life, as opposed to the emperor’s private existence, always hidden from the eyes of his subjects. Also, I have tried to summarise a fragment of the Norse perception on Byzantium and in what manner it influenced the former participants at the Byzantine military campaigns when they returned home. The paper has two main directions: first of all, the one that analyses the role of the Varangian guard in the life of the Basileus and their function in the display of his divine power. Secondly, the way in which the Scandinavian mercenaries perceived their military service and their proximity to the one considered imago Dei. Furthermore, this approach is preceded by a short history of the Varangian guard and its unique type of organisation inside the Byzantine army, as well as a short description of the Norse-Byzantine relations before the founding of this special unit.
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Komatina, Predrag. "The diocesan structure of the Archbishopric of Ohrid in the charters of basil II: Historical development until the early 11th century." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 60-2 (2023): 789–821. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi2360789k.
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The paper discusses the diocesan structure of the Archbishopric of Ohrid as conveyed in the charters of the Byzantine emperor Basil II issued in 1019, 1020 and 1020-1025. It looks at the origin of each bishopric and traces its historical development during the First Bulgarian Empire in 864-971, the Byzantine reoccupation under John I Tzimiskes in 971-976, and Samuel?s Empire in 976-1018.
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Zolotovskiy, Vladimir. "The Byzantine Military Strategy in Asia Minor During the Early Palaiologan Period (1259–1328)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 6 (December 28, 2021): 181–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.6.16.
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Introduction. The purpose of the article is to determine the specifics of the Byzantine war strategy in Asia Minor. A qualitative military and political characteristics of the main military expeditions to the eastern borders are crucial for the disclosure of this problem. From this aspect, the study addresses the following issues: defining of the role of the eastern military campaigns in the complex of military-strategic measures on the state scale; characteristics of the features the armed forces used, as well as the tasks solved during military expeditions to Asia Minor; disclosure of the features of military-technical measures to ensure the security of Byzantium eastern borders. Methods. Critical use of elements of civilizational, formational and systemic approaches is the methodological basis of this study. It should be noted that the use of a systematic approach in the analysis of the Byzantine troops combat practice in east direction, allows to determine the strategic objectives of military expeditions in Asia Minor, to reveal the logic of warfare in the eastern theater, to determine the functional purpose of military-technical measures. Analysis and Results. The study reveals the strategic concept of Byzantium armed forces military operations during the reign of the first Palaeologus on the Asia Minor territory. Analysis of combat practice allows us to conclude that the strategic priority of the western and northwestern directions, which required the use of the most combat-ready troops consisting of mercenaries during the reign of Michael VIII, determined the need to use the Byzantine troops at the eastern borders of the empire. TheByzantine army was episodically involved in major defensive expeditions to the borders of the empire. We determined that the purpose of these campaigns is to stop the advance of enemy armies and their subsequent expulsion from the empire. This logic of military operations does not mean the loss of strategic initiative at the eastern direction. The strategy of passive defense which determined the nature of the military confrontation in the Asia Minor region was ensured by the creation of a garrison system, or a line of fortresses, on the eastern borders of the empire. Fortification activities of Michael VIII and Andronikos II in 1280–1282 temporarily stopped the advance of the Turkish troops. However, natural factors and the intensification of the economic crisis at the end of the 13th century made it impossible to preserve the defensive line located along the banks of the rivers that served as the borders of the Byzantine state. In addition, the strengthening of the military-political power of the emirates of Menteşe, Aydinoglu and Osman led to the loss of the initiative by the Byzantine troops and, as a result, the reduction of the Asia Minor territories of the empire. In an effort to change the situation, Andronicus II proceeded to implement an active defense strategy.
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Hristov, Yanko M. "Writing at the Emperor’s Behest: A Remark on Theodore Daphnopates’ Correspondence to Bulgarian Tsar Symeon I the Great (893–927)." Przegląd Nauk Historycznych 22, no. 1 (August 4, 2023): 233–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1644-857x.22.01.09.
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The letters written by Theodore Daphnopates, a high Byzantine dignitary, and sent to Bulgarian Tsar Symeon (r. 893–927; d. May 27, 927) on behalf of the Byzantine Emperor Romanos I Lekapenos (r. 920–944; d. June 29, 948) in the final phase of the prolonged Byzantine-Bulgarian war of 913–927, are well known. Daphnopates’ correspondence has encouraged, and will probably continue to encourage, research activity due to its focus on both the aspects of Byzantine political ideology and concepts, and on the Bulgarian claims in the early 10th century. This text focuses on information concerning Byzantine civilians and their fate under the pressure of advancing enemy troops. Attention is paid to their capture and abduction. The main focus of this article is on the often overlooked or overtly neglected statements that Daphnopathes offers on enslavement, slave trafficking, and the efforts of the Byzantine authorities to bring at least some of their subjects back to the Empire through the familiar practice of exchanging prisoners of war.
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Rognoni, Cristina. "Sicily and Southern Italy: A Long-Lasting Byzantine Multilingualism." Journal of Late Antique, Islamic and Byzantine Studies 2, no. 1-2 (September 2023): 183–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jlaibs.2023.0019.
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The aim of this paper is to examine the literary and documentary sources produced in the ninth- and tenth-century border contexts of Sicily and Apulia, two western regions still central to imperial policy at the time. The former between Byzantium and Islam, and the latter almost reconquered by Latin Lombards, these regions appear as an excellent field for revisiting the Greek-speaking turn of the empire in the middle centuries. The monolingualism of the state was adapted to the plurilingualism of society by means of various strategies that ensured a long western history for Byzantine Hellenism.
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Nazarov, Andrey. "Military Recruitment as a Means of Pacification of the Byzantine Periphery: Tzani in the Imperial Army (6th Century)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (December 2022): 339–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.6.21.
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Introduction. The article is devoted to the problem of integration of territories inhabited by the Tzani into the Eastern Roman empire in the 6th century. They were a people who lived in the Pontine Mountains during Antiquity and the Middle Ages. In the face of the threat posed by Sasanian Iran, Justinian I (527–565) actively sought to integrate Tzanica into the empire. Methods. There is a need not only to determine the nature of the Byzantine presence in the country of the Tzani. It is also important to study the significance assigned to this region in the military system of Byzantium, since its subdual was necessary for the further activity in Transcaucasia. Analysis. There were no Byzantine governors in Tzanica, the tribal leaders retained their power positions. Fortresses were erected in this region, and its Christianization was also actively carried out. Under Justinian I, Tzani were recruited into the imperial army. They served both in regular units and in detachments of tribal militias that took part in battles for Lazica. Results. The author concludes that Justinian I first of all sought to establish control over the warlike population of Tzanica. Service in the Byzantine army was intended to reorientate the military activity of the Tzani in such direction that was beneficial to the empire itself. Nominally, they were considered as the subjects of the emperor, but the real power in Tzanica was in the hands of local leaders, not the Eastern Roman administration.
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Böhm, Marcin. "Constantine X Doukas (1059–1067) versus Uzes – about the Nomads on Boats on the Danube in 1064." Studia Ceranea 11 (December 30, 2021): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.11.02.
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The reign of the Doukas dynasty in 1059–1078 was a time when new threats to the Byzantine Empire emerge in Europe and Asia. One of them was the increased activity of Turkmen who were penetrating the lands belonging to the Byzantines. A manifestation of these threats was visible during the rule of Constantine X Doukas (1059–1067) in 1064. We have there an invasion of the tribe of Uzes, who crossed the Danube. They ventured so far, as the vicinity of Thessalonica and the province of Hellas, plundering everything in their path. Their actions surprised the defense of the Byzantines. This attack on the empire was related to their crossing of the Danube, about which Michael Attaliates and Skylitzes Continuatus provides us with interesting information. The main aim of this paper therefore will be related to issues linked to the types of vessels used by Uzes to cross this river, as well as an attempt to assess their boatbuilding skills.
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CATANZARO, Andrea. "The political problem of internal "ἀσφάλεια" in Niketas Choniates' Chronikè Diéghesis: a contributing factor to the Constantinople's fall in 1204." BYZANTINA SYMMEIKTA 22 (February 8, 2013): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.1045.
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In this essay I analyze the idea of aspháleia (safety) in the political thought of the Byzantine historian Niketas Choniates (1150-55/1217 ca.), as it appears in his Chronikè Diéghesis. This historical work covers the period 1118-1206 and is a very significant source about the history of Byzantine Empire in the XII century and about its fall in the 1204. Particularly I focus on three aspects of the idea of aspháleia in the “second class aristocracy”, as Paul Magdalino defined it in his works. According to Niketa’s thought, the lack of safety in the Empire competes to create in the XII century some preconditions of the Constantinople’s fall in 1204.
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Muhamet Qerimi. "Durres During The First Norman Attack 1081-1085." Journal of Namibian Studies : History Politics Culture 36 (October 3, 2023): 721–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.59670/jns.v36i.4997.
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Following the Norman conquest of Byzantine Italy and Saracen Sicily, Robert Guiscard took the initiative to conquer the Byzantine Empire in 1081. Robert Guiscard set out from Italy for the island of Corfu, which he soon conquered. After landing, he received military reinforcements from Italy, and attacks began on the city of Durres, the main port on the Adriatic. The city was well protected on a long, narrow peninsula running parallel to the coast but separated by swamps. Guiscard brought his army to the peninsula and set up camp outside the city walls, but the Norman fleet sailing towards Durres was struck by a storm and lost several ships, despite the losses after the Norman siege, he invaded Durres.
Durres turned into the main theater of the Norman-Byzantine war, and the conquest of Durres by the Normans brought fear, not only to the Ottoman Empire, but also to Europe's largest trading power, Venice. By controlling the Strait of Otranto, the Normans would control almost the entire Eastern Mediterranean. The geographical position of Durres and its connection with the old road Egnatia, which leads to Constantinople, make Durres the key to the conquest of the Byzantine Empire.
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GILLEARD, CHRIS. "Old age in Byzantine society." Ageing and Society 27, no. 5 (August 29, 2007): 623–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x07006204.
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ABSTRACTThis paper examines the status afforded old age in the Byzantine Empire. Frequently neglected in accounts of state formation or comparative history, this Christian imperial state transformed the moral ordering of the lifecourse. In contrast to both classical Greek and Roman society, old age acquired a distinct moral authority in Byzantine society. This status was not confined to a few members of the elite as in Sparta or Rome. The economic vulnerability, physical frailty and social marginality accompanying old age conferred an equal moral claim upon society that the state actively addressed. A mix of institutionalised and individual charities created a prototype ‘welfare state’ within which provision for old age played a significant part. Despite its neglect by most social historians of old age, the Byzantine Empire is of considerable historical significance in the development of the contemporary constructions of old age. Just as the Byzantine Empire helped erode the practice of slavery that had been widespread in the ancient Greek and Roman societies, so too did it help to create a prototype welfare state in which individual enterprise was tempered by a collective sense of inclusive Christian responsibility. The consideration extended by Byzantine society, to old age, to its weakness as well as to its wisdom and authority, instituted a step change from earlier classical traditions.
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Baker, C. Richard. "Administrative and accounting practices in the Byzantine Empire." Accounting History 18, no. 2 (May 2013): 211–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1032373212471172.
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Markopoulos, Athanasios. "In search for ’Higher education’ in Byzantium." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 50-1 (2013): 29–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1350029m.
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This study aims to present and critically investigate the development of the socalled ?higher education? in the Byzantine Empire. Some institutions will be examined, such as the teaching with public funding (the case of Themistios), the well-known Pandidakterion of the fifth century, Magnaura in a much subsequent age, and, finally, the re-organization of education during the reign of Constantine IX Monomachos in the eleventh century, when, for the last time in its history, a case can be made for a higher education institution in Byzantium.
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Böhm, Marcin. "Remarks on the History of the Navy of the Empire of Nicaea in the Light of the Chronicle of Georgios Akropolites." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 74 (November 2016): 54–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.74.54.
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The Empire of Nicaea was a successor of the Byzantium shattered in 1204. In the newly established state marine traditions of Byzantines, remain alive. The best testimony to this, are the evidence contained in the chronicle of Georgios Akropolites, devoted to activities of the rulers of Nicaea, aimed to build their own naval forces. In this paper I'll also try to answer, where was beating the heart of the Nicean shipbuilding industry and how large was the navy of this state. This is important from point of view of the maritime history, because of the fleet of the Empire of Nicaea, filled the gap created after the fall of Constantinople and the Byzantine Empire, which was the local naval power in previous centuries. Akropolites give us a clear and direct answer to a question, where we should search for a center of Nicaean shipbuilding industry. Georgios Akropolites suggest us, that was in two towns, Holkos and Smyrna. The above-mentioned fleet consisted of the few squadrons, each counting 5-6 ships. We can only guess that a fleet of the John III, could count about 50 warships, whose quality was worse to that belonging to the Venetians. We must say that the fleet of the Empire of Nicaea, which we see in the chronicle of Akropolites, was the force, that lent itself to the support of ground forces. And in this role worked well. The situation was different when it comes to clashing with the Venetians, with the experienced crews of their ships, who surpassed Nicaean in this matter. Even with the advantage of numbers, Nicaean was unable to overcome at the sea, the citizens of the Republic of St. Mark. The plan to build their own naval forces, which was taken by the emperors of Nicaea, was a good direction.
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Angelini, Paolo. "The Code of Dušan 1349–1354." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'Histoire du Droit / The Legal History Review 80, no. 1-2 (2012): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181912x626920.
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AbstractIn 1349 Stefan Dušan enacted a code that was part of a tripartite codification with the Abridged syntagma and the so-called Law of Justinian. The Serbian emperor introduced in his empire a Byzantine legal system, even if elements of Slavic customary law were preserved. Physical mutilations and punishments, death penalty, public penal system, personal liability were unknown to the Slav populations and have to be connected to the Greek-Roman law influence. This influence is evident both in civil and criminal law and in this sense the dispositions of the Code of Dušan must be connected to the two other Byzantine compilations. Dušan's attempt failed just a few years after his death because of the fall of the Serbian empire due to the Ottoman advance.
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Alekseienko, Nikolai Aleksandrovich. "On the Coin Circulation in the South-Western Taurica in the Late Byzantine Period: A Few New Numismatic Rarities." Античная древность и средние века 51 (2023): 267–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2023.51.016.
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The specifics of the monetary circulation of the Taurica during the classical Middle Ages are well known to modern specialists in Byzantine numismatics. It is characterized by the diversity of the money market and a wide variety of issuers. There appeared new discoveries expanding the geography and direction of the Crimean numismatic monuments from the Late Byzantine Period and replenishing them with important information. Among the numismatic finds from the period when the Byzantine Empire collapsed and, later, restored, there are local issues along with, so to speak, the money “brought from across the sea,” which circulated in the markets of the Taurica in this or that way. The coins in question comprised of the money minted by the Empires of Trebizond and Nicaea, Crusader states, and renovated Byzantium. Today, the said interpretation gets extra support from the finds to be introduced into the scholarship: the coins of Megaloi Komnenoi, such as a follaro of John III (1342–1344) and aspri of Manuel III (1390–1417) and John IV (1446–1458); a hyperpyron nomisma of Emperor John III Doukas Vatatzes (1222–1254) of Nicaea; a denier tournois of Doux Guillaume (William) I de la Roche (1280–1287) of Athens; a denaro tornese minted by the Genoese government of Chios in 1477–1487; a copper tetarteron of Andronikos II Palaiologos (1282–1328); and some other finds. These new coins are important evidence of trade and economic relations of the south-western Taurica with the regions of the Southern Black Sea, the Balkans and the Mediterranean and an impressive illustration of the administrative and political processes in the Black Sea area in Late Byzantine Period.
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Kushch, Tatiana Viktorovna. "Island of Discord: Tenedos in the Fourteenth-Century Byzantine-Venetian Relations." Античная древность и средние века 50 (2022): 326–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2022.50.019.
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This article examines the history of Venice’s struggle for the control over the Byzantine island of Tenedos. In the Late Middle Ages, this island was of great strategic importance, since its owner could control the passage of ships through the Hellespont to the Marmara and the Pontos. Following the fourth Crusade, Venice captured Tenedos, but Byzantium returned the island in 1305. Throughout the fourteenth century, La Serenissima repeatedly attempted to get the cession of the island from the Empire, nevertheless, avoiding military conflict and preferring to solve the “Tenedos question” by diplomacy. In the second half of the fourteenth century, the Venetians, taking the advantage of conflicts within the ruling imperial family, offered financial assistance to one of the parties several times in exchange for the transfer of the island. The fate of Tenedos was also discussed during diplomatic meetings and negotiations. Emperor John V Palaiologos, searching for the alliance with Venice, promised the transfer of the island several times, but never realized it. In result, Venice, using the weakening of the Empire, seized the island in 1376. The capture of Tenedos by the Venetians was disputed by the Genoese and led to a war (1379–1381), in which Byzantium occupied the position of an outside observer. The struggle for Tenedos not only illustrates the peculiarities of political and diplomatic contacts between Byzantium and Venice, but also reflects the changes in the geopolitical situation in the Eastern Mediterranean as the final decline of the Empire and the intensification of the Venetian–Genoese contradictions.
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Vascheva, Irina, and Vera Grozova. "Leo VI the Wise and Islam Challenges. (Refl ections on the book: M. L. D. Riedel. Leo VI and the Transformation of Byzantine Christian Identity. Writings of an Unexpected Emperor. Cambridge, 2018)." Stratum plus. Archaeology and Cultural Anthropology, no. 5 (October 2022): 435–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.55086/sp225435446.
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This article examines a range of problems related to the formation of the military-political doctrine of the Byzantine Empire in the X century and the role of the Byzantine Emperor Leo VI the Wise in these events. The impetus for the appearance of this article was the publication in 2018 of M. Riedel’s monograph ‘Leo VI and the Transformation of Byzantine Christian Identity’ (Riedel M. L. D. Leo VI and the Transformation of Byzantine Christian Identity. Writings of an Unexpected Emperor. Cambridge, 2018). The monograph is distinguished by a non-standard approach to the writings of the Byzantine emperor, the desire to study them together in order to discover the idea that unites them all. The author, indeed, manages to show how, with the help of the religious idea, Leo VI the Wise builds a completely new military-political doctrine of the Byzantine Empire and responds to the challenges of modernity. The monograph shows that the problem of the relationship between the Christian and Muslim worlds, considered in the categories of “us” — “them”, is relevant not only for the era of the Crusades, but manifests itself much earlier, shows the need to study these images, special vocabulary, mental stereotypes, etc. Therefore, this monograph can be the beginning of a whole trend in modern Byzantine studies. At the same time, the authors point to a number of aspects which are addressed only in part or not dealt with at all by the British researcher, while their study could contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of Leo the Wise’s personality and his reign.
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Dragnea, Mihai. "Influenţe străine în sculptura medievală în piatră din Ţările Române." Hiperboreea A1, no. 10 (January 1, 2012): 29–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.1.10.0029.
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Abstract The current essay presents information about medieval stone sculpture in the Romanian Lands. The transfer of foreign cultural influences to the Romanian lands was possible due to the geographic positioning of the states which inspired the Romanian stone carvings. Wallachia, being in the vicinity of the Byzantine Empire, and later the Ottoman Empire, has taken over certain Oriental and Balkan influences. The glorious past of Rome is still present in the Byzantine Empire and the ruler (voivode) and heraldic titles played an especially important role, influencing the dynasties in the Romanian Lands. Western architectural influences penetrated in medieval Moldavia, through the Western Slavs (Silesia, Bohemia and most of all Poland). These Western influences also penetrated to the South of the Carpathian Mountains, in the Transylvanian Saxon regions of the 13th and 14th centuries, in the towns bellow the mountain.