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Journal articles on the topic 'Byzantine icons'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 25 July 2025

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1

Stephenson, Paul. "Byzantine Icons and Things." Oxford Art Journal 39, no. 2 (2016): 331–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxartj/kcw003.

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Denny, Christopher. "Iconoclasm, Byzantine and Postmodern: Implications for Contemporary Theological Anthropology." Horizons 36, no. 2 (2009): 187–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0360966900006356.

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ABSTRACTMedieval Byzantine debates regarding icons included fine distinctions between image, prototype, and symbol as these terms related to personhood. Iconodules and iconoclasts differed regarding the ability of art to represent the person. Must artistic representations of a person, to be justified, be consubstantial with the person represented and thus circumscribed, as iconoclasts believed? Or is it sufficient to refer to artistic representations as being symbolic of their human subjects? Embracing the victorious iconodule distinction between a person and artistic representations of the pe

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3

Lymberopoulou, Angeliki. "Sight and the Byzantine icon." Body and Religion 2, no. 1 (2018): 46–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bar.36484.

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This article addresses the sense of sight through case studies drawn from Byzantine art, the art of Orthodox Christianity. Vision is central to Orthodox worship, facilitated by images known as icons. By enabling the visualization of the invisible divine, the importance of icons is paramount in enhancing the faithful’s religious experience.

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Zaprzalska, Dorota. "Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Composite Icons Reconsidered: Their Past and Present-Day Role and Use." Mediaevalia 45, no. 1 (2024): 176–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mdi.2024.a940414.

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Abstract: The phenomenon of adding a new, larger panel to an older work, thus creating a work of art consisting of two pieces from different periods, is well known in Western European art and is often referred to by the German term Einsatzbild. A similar type of reuse by insertion can be observed in Byzantine and post-Byzantine art, although it has received far less scholarly attention. Panayotis L. Vocotopoulos was the first to note its occurrence in icon painting and to propose a classification, calling such panels "composite icons" (σύνθετες εικόνες). Since then, these works have been spora

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D-Vasilescu, Dr Elena Ene. "Byzantine Icons Wrought in Metal." International Journal of History and Cultural Studies 8, no. 1 (2022): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.20431/2454-7654.0801001.

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Tzouveli, Paraskevi, Nikos Simou, Giorgios Stamou, and Stefanos Kollias. "Semantic Classification of Byzantine Icons." IEEE Intelligent Systems 24, no. 2 (2009): 35–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/mis.2009.34.

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7

Freeman, Evan. "Multimodal Icons in Byzantine Ritual." Gesta 64, no. 1 (2025): 21–44. https://doi.org/10.1086/733790.

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Klejnowski-Różycki, Dariusz. "Teologiczne typy bizantyjskich ikon maryjnych." Sympozjum 25, no. 1 (40) (2021): 55–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25443283sym.21.005.13718.

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Theological types of Byzantine icons of the Virgin Mary The Christian East is extremely diverse. Some Churches of the Christian East have developed extensive iconographic art along with the theory of this art, while others have not. The Church of Constantinople developed patterns in the field of iconography, including Marian iconography. Byzantine Marian icons can be divided into four groups: (1) Marian feasts; (2) theological icons; (3) symbolic icons; (4) liturgical icons. A characteristic feature of theological icons is the focus on the close relationship between Mary and Christ (God). Thes

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Terezis, Christos. "The Byzantine icon as an expression of the composition of the “Beautiful” with the “Sublime”." dianoesis 13 (May 18, 2024): 155–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/dia.37788.

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In this article I attempt to discuss the encounter between Christian Theology and the philosophical branch of Aesthetics. As a basis I have the icons of the Byzantine tradition, which also express the ecclesiastical way of its culture. First of all, I refer to what is defined as the aesthetic interpretation of a work of art and then to how its process receives theological characteristics in the style and approach of Byzantine icons. Next, I present the main characteristics of the artistic-aesthetic categories of the “Beautiful” and the “Sublime” and I undertake the responsibility to show how t

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CHRYSOSTOMIDES, ANNA. "Creating a Theology of Icons in Umayyad Palestine: John of Damascus’ ‘Three Treatises on the Divine Images’." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 72, no. 1 (2020): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204692000007x.

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John of Damascus (c. 655–745) is a striking figure in church history as a defender of icon veneration and as a Church Father who maintained Byzantine Orthodoxy despite living under Muslim rule. His life amongst Muslims and his association with the Umayyad Melkite Christian community, the Christian Church which attempted to maintain an adherence to Byzantine Orthodoxy after the Arab conquest, is often associated with his defence of icons. However, most scholarship claims that his Three treatises on the divine images were written solely against Byzantine iconoclasm. This article provides a close

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Burkovska, Liubov. "The Icon Prophet Elijah In The Desert With Life And Deesis of the Late 12th – Early 13th Centuries: Features of Iconography and Attribution." Materìali do ukraïnsʹkoï etnologìï, no. 20 (23) (December 20, 2021): 151–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mue2021.20.151.

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The icon Prophet Elijah in the Desert with Life and Devotion of the late 12th – early 13th century from the village of Vybuty near Pskov is the oldest living icon of the Kyivan Rus. The close connection of the icon with ancient Byzantine traditions is indicated by its unusual composition, where the author combines the images of Elijah in the center of the icon, the scenes from his life are on both sides and below, and above there are prayers with angels and apostles. In the scholars’ opinion, this rare plot combination is inspired by an ancient tradition – the icons are placed on the architrav

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12

Buko, Andrzej, Tomasz Dzieńkowski, Stanisław Gołub, et al. "Beyond Beauty. Byzantine steatite icon from Chełm. Archaeology, Petrography and Traceology." Praehistorische Zeitschrift 96, no. 2 (2021): 609–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pz-2021-2041.

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Abstract A fragmentarily preserved Byzantine icon made of steatite was discovered in 2015 during regular excavations in Chełm, eastern Poland. Identified as the left wing of a diptych illustrating the Twelve Great Feasts and created at the close of the 12th century, the find is one of the most important and beautiful Byzantine artefacts to have been found in Poland. The icon was uncovered within the confines of the palace complex which was created by Daniel (Danylo) Romanovych († 1264) in Chełm in the second quarter of 13th century. The icon, even though it was found within the borders of what

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Buko, Andrzej, Tomasz Dzieńkowski, Stanisław Gołub, et al. "Beyond Beauty. Byzantine steatite icon from Chełm. Archaeology, Petrography and Traceology." Praehistorische Zeitschrift 96, no. 2 (2021): 609–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pz-2021-2041.

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Abstract A fragmentarily preserved Byzantine icon made of steatite was discovered in 2015 during regular excavations in Chełm, eastern Poland. Identified as the left wing of a diptych illustrating the Twelve Great Feasts and created at the close of the 12th century, the find is one of the most important and beautiful Byzantine artefacts to have been found in Poland. The icon was uncovered within the confines of the palace complex which was created by Daniel (Danylo) Romanovych († 1264) in Chełm in the second quarter of 13th century. The icon, even though it was found within the borders of what

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14

Karapanagiotis, Ioannis, Lemonia Valianou, Sister Daniilia, and Yannis Chryssoulakis. "Organic dyes in Byzantine and post-Byzantine icons from Chalkidiki (Greece)." Journal of Cultural Heritage 8, no. 3 (2007): 294–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.culher.2007.04.003.

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15

Cutler, Anthony. "Byzantine Icons in Steatite. Ioli Kalavrezou-Maxeiner." Speculum 62, no. 2 (1987): 430–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2855256.

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16

Galadza, Peter. "The Role of Icons in Byzantine Worship." Studia Liturgica 21, no. 2 (1991): 113–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003932079102100201.

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Vapheiades, Konstantinos M. "Byzantine Wall Paintings and Icons at Meteora." Actual Problems of Theory and History of Art 13 (2023): 291–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.18688/aa2313-2-22.

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Lymberopoulou, Angeliki. "Post-Byzantine Cretan Icon Painting: Demand and Supply Revisited." Arts 12, no. 4 (2023): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts12040139.

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Since Manolis Chatzidakis’s pivotal publications on post-Byzantine Cretan icon painting in the 1970s, research in the field is, by now, very well established. In turn, these studies have demonstrated the contribution of Venetian Crete’s artistic production to European culture. Despite Giorgio Vasari’s condemnations of the ‘Greek style’, Byzantine icons remained popular in Renaissance Europe among Western patrons. Research on Venetian Crete has greatly benefitted from the survival of its archives, presently housed in Venice (Archivio di Stato di Venezia), an incredibly rich and invaluable sourc

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Kovalyukh, N., J. van der Plicht, G. Possnert, V. Skripkin, and L. Chlenova. "Dating of Ancient Icons from Kiev Art Collections." Radiocarbon 43, no. 2B (2001): 1065–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033822200041722.

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Icon painting in the Ukraine is rooted in the Byzantine culture, after the conversion to the Christian religion. During the medieval epoch, Kiev became the artistic center for highly skilled icon painters. The icons were painted on wooden boards, specially made for this purpose. Historic dating of some even well-known icons is uncertain or not precise. Here we present for the first time radiocarbon dates for selected icons. Both liquid scintillation counting (LSC) and accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) dating methods were applied, allowing intercomparison.

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Olianina, S. "Architectural framing in the iconostasis as an instrument of commenting on the sacred image." Research and methodological works of the National Academy of Visual Arts and Architecture, no. 27 (February 27, 2019): 44–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.33838/naoma.27.2018.44-49.

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Before the seventeenth century, the icons in the Ukrainian iconostasis did not have frames as an arch or a blind arcade. The epistyles with images of Deesis of fourteenth – sixteenth century have not frames at all or the figures are divided by the rectangular pictorial frames. However, from the beginning of the seventeenth century, the icons of apostles in a Deesis row had already framing by carved frames like as the blind arcade. This practice quickly spreads and becomes the rule for the representation of apostles at the iconostasis throughout the seventeenth century. The Christian origins of

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Voulgaropoulou, Margarita. "From Domestic Devotion to the Church Altar: Venerating Icons in the Late Medieval and Early Modern Adriatic." Religions 10, no. 6 (2019): 390. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10060390.

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Although traditionally associated with Eastern Christianity, the practice of venerating icons became deeply rooted in the Catholic societies of the broad Adriatic region from the Late Middle Ages onwards and was an indispensable part of everyday popular piety. The evidence lies in the massive amount of icons located today in public and private collections throughout the Italian Peninsula, Croatia, Slovenia, and Montenegro. At a time when Greeks were branded as “schismatics”, and although the Byzantine maniera greca had become obsolete in Western European art, icon painting managed to survive a

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22

NEGRĂU, ELISABETA. "Lost Icon Prototypes from the Times of Neagoe Basarab." Revue des Études Sud-Est Européennes 2023, no. 61 (2023): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.59277/resee.2023.04.

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The study analyzes a group of lesser-known icons from Wallachia, dating from the 15th century to the mid-17th century. They are Eleousa-Glykophilousa icons, sometimes mixing in a rarer iconographic detail, a phylactery with inscription held by the Infant Jesus. These icons do not descent from a single prototype, but from several related types, of Late Byzantine, Macedonian, and Cretan origins. They seemed to have entered Wallachia in two different stages. The first Eleousa icon known in Wallachia, originating in the former Metropolitan Cathedral at Curtea de Argeş and later moved to the monast

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23

Penkova, B. "Two Post-Byzantine Icons from the Rozhen Monastery." Bulletin of the Russian Medieval Art Department, no. 2 (2024): 89–103. https://doi.org/10.51678/2658-543x-2024-2-89-103.

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The article examines two icons of the Mother of God kept in the Rozhen Monastery of the Nativity of the Mother of God, located near the medieval town of Melnik in southwestern Bulgaria. The icon of Our Lady of Tenderness is a fairly accurate reproduction of a copy of the miraculous Vladimir Icon of the Mother of God, which came to the Balkans shortly after its creation in Moscow in the first half of the 16th century. Dendrological analysis of the icon board showed that it was probably made in the region from a local species of pine. On the other hand, the rare epithet Alithini has its roots am

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24

Sisiu, Janis. "Two unpublished icons of the Kastoria school." Zograf, no. 31 (2006): 187–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zog0731187s.

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The paper is dealing with two unpublished icons from the Byzantine museum of Kastoria: Royal door with the Annunciation (nr. 434; ca. 1400) and St. Nicholas with scenes of his Life (nr. 39; the end of 14th century).

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Luka, Oksana Victoria. "On Western Ukrainian Iconographic Practice." Studies in World Christianity 17, no. 2 (2011): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2011.0016.

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Standard works on the theology of icons and histories of Byzantine art usually present us with well-known and prominent examples of Byzantine iconography. Often overlooked, however, are the many and various traditions of iconography that have flourished in small and distant regions. These little-known local iconographic traditions, however, have great value. The aim of this paper is to present reflections on the importance of local iconography in the life of faith of Eastern Christian communities by drawing attention to the unique iconographic tradition developed in Western Ukraine. Emphasis i

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26

Konstantinos, Kalogeropoulos. "Οι φορητές εικόνες στη βυζαντινή και μεταβυζαντινή καλλιτεχνική παραγωγή". Archive 3 (1 листопада 2007): 6–13. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4569120.

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In this short essay an important field of Byzantine and post-Byzantine artistic production, is researched, the portable icons, as it evolved over time, from the 6th to the 17th century. The use of specific examples becomes particularly necessary in this case, due to the limited space that does not favor the development of theoretical approaches, although the ideological background of the image is an important case study of how art can function as a means of overcoming perceptible world in order to approach metaphysical world.

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27

Arkhypova, Ye I. "BYZANTINE STONE ICON OF THE VIRGIN HAGIOSORITISSA FROM VSHCHIZH." Archaeology and Early History of Ukraine 35, no. 2 (2020): 361–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.37445/adiu.2020.02.28.

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The fragment of stone icon with the image of Virgin, outstretching her arms in prayer, has been found in 1949 during the excavations of B. A. Rybakov on the site of Vshchizh, the small city of Chernigov principality. After the invasion of Batu Khan in 1238 it was destroyed and depopulated until the 16th century. T. V. Nikolaeva included the icon into the catalog of Rus stone icons as local craftsman’s production of 12th (?) century, exquisitely made and preserved the painting. The icon has been reproduced on the poor-quality black and white photography and for a long time did not attract the a

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Peers, Glenn. "Icons' Spirited Love." Religion and the Arts 13, no. 2 (2009): 218–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852909x422746.

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AbstractThis article examines three instances of Byzantine icons' declaration and demonstration of love: the Mandylion, the miraculous self-portrait of Christ, which arrived in Edessa in part as a veil that transfigured the wearer, the apostle Thaddaeus, and recipient, king Abgar; the icon of St. Paul that St. John Chrysostom kept by him when he wrote, which guaranteed the presence of that holy figure, as witnessed by John's peeping-tom assistant Proclus; and the icon of St. Macarius the Great and his Cherub that shows the fellow-love of that saint projected into the apparition of the Cherub.

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Peers, Glenn. "Real Living Painting: Quasi-Objects and Dividuation in the Byzantine World." Religion and the Arts 16, no. 5 (2012): 433–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685292-12341234.

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AbstractThis article examines an issue that has troubled Byzantine art historians: what Byzantines meant by “living painting.” It attempts to simplify the problem by accepting the sources at face value (painting was indeed alive) and to complicate our understanding of painting (painting occupied a subject-position just as fully as humans did). It uses the notion of ‘dividuals,’ which are opposed to discrete entities like individuals, and of ‘quasi-object,’ so that painting, metal work, stones, and people all appeared in some fashion as objects, but only superficially so. The cases used to esta

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30

Carr, Annemarie Weyl, and Robin Cormack. "Writing in Gold: Byzantine Society and Its Icons." Art Bulletin 70, no. 1 (1988): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3051165.

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31

Majeska, George P., and Robin Cormack. "Writing in Gold: Byzantine Society and Its Icons." American Historical Review 96, no. 1 (1991): 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164049.

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32

Mastrotheodoros, G. P., K. G. Beltsios, Y. Bassiakos, and V. Papadopoulou. "On The Grounds Of Post-Byzantine Greek Icons." Archaeometry 58, no. 5 (2015): 830–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/arcm.12201.

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Lanitis, Andreas, Georgios Stylianou, and Chrysanthos Voutounos. "Virtual restoration of faces appearing in byzantine icons." Journal of Cultural Heritage 13, no. 4 (2012): 404–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.culher.2012.01.001.

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34

Cigaridas, Eftimios. "Ikone iz Kostura slikara Jovana iz Gramoste." Zograf, no. 41 (2017): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zog1741169c.

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The paper discusses six icons, a pair of Royal Doors, as well as fragments of an epistyle with the Great Deesis, which are kept at the Byzantine Museum of Kastoria, apart from one icon which is displayed in the Metropolitan Palace of the city. We attribute these icons, which have originated from churches in Kastoria, to the artistic activity of the painter Ioannis from Grammosta. Although no icons in Northern Greece are known to have been made by him, the painter is very well-known due to his artistic activity from 1534/5 in the area of Prilep, Demir Hisar and Ohrid.

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35

Chatterjee, Paroma. "The Byzantine Icon of the Virgin in the Church of the Blachernae: Michael Psellos on the Problem of Miraculous Timing." Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 51, no. 2 (2021): 241–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10829636-8929059.

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This article looks closely at the report of a miracle that occurred in eleventh-century Constantinople in which the veil covering an icon of the Theotokos (Virgin) at the Blachernae church lifted itself miraculously. The report, scripted by the Byzantine polymath Michael Psellos, focuses in intriguing ways on the actions and nonactions of the veil when the icon presided over a judicial trial. The article contends that Psellos insists on the theme of timing (with regard to the lifting and otherwise of the veil) and the Blachernae icon's role in determining a critical, decisive moment in the arb

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Gor, Adrian. "Reimagining the Iconic in New Media Art: Mobile Digital Screens and Chôra as Interactive Space." Theory, Culture & Society 36, no. 7-8 (2019): 109–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276419836481.

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With the advancement of digital technology in contemporary art, new hybrid forms of interaction emerge that invite viewers to make images present in physical space as events that claim a life of their own. In breaking away from representational and performance art theories that have dominated the critique of new media artwork since the 1980s, this article analyses an iconic vision of mobile touchscreens based on the medieval Byzantine chorographic inscription of the sacred in profane spaces. As defined in recent art historical studies on Byzantine icons, chorography ( chôra/space + chorós/move

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Chichinadze, Nino. "Precious metal revetments on Georgian medieval painted icons: some observations on a devotional practice." Caucasus Journal of Social Sciences 1, no. 1 (2023): 259–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.62343/cjss.2008.13.

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The embellishment of sacred images with precious metal was a widespreadreligious practice throughout the Byzantine world over manycenturies. The cladding of Christian images in precious metal has longbeen an act of piety on the part of the faithful, representing theirgratitude to their heavenly protectors for performed assistance.Georgian medieval icons encased in revetments of precious metal thatcarry their donors’ supplicatory inscriptions, throw additional light onthe ways in which such icons were used and venerated.

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Costea, Constanța. "Ecouri constantinopolitane în ilustrările acatistului din Moldova secolului XVI." CaieteARA. Arhitectură. Restaurare. Arheologie, no. 1 (2010): 103–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.47950/caieteara.2010.1.11.

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Previous investigations revealed that a number of scenes in the eleven cycles of the Akathistos painted in Moldavia during the reigns of Peter Rareş and Jeremiah Movilă depend on 14th-early 15th century Byzantine monuments (icons, frescoes, murals) or their parallels. Certain details in these Akathistos illustrations refer to Constantinopolitan miracles or wonder-working icons and relics, such as: healing sands in the Christ Philanthropos monastery (Ancient Serail), the Tuesday procession of the Virgin Hodegetria with the bearer of the icon extending his arm as being crucifi ed, or the use of

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Miklaszewska, Joanna. "The Idea of an ‘Icon in Sound’ in the Works of John Tavener." Liturgia Sacra 57, no. 1 (2021): 217–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/ls.3934.

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Abstract  The aim of this article is to present an innovative concept of the ‘icon in sound’ created by the English composer John Tavener. The first part of the article presents the intermedial and intertextual features of Tavener's work, the second shows the genesis of the concept of ‘icon in sound’, to which three factors have contributed: 1) the composer’s interest in religious topics in his pieces, 2) the composer’s conversion to Orthodoxy, 3) collaboration with Mother Tekla, the author of the texts of many Tavener’s works.  The last, third part of the article descr

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Franceschi, Chiara M., Enrico Franceschi, Dion Nole, Stefano Vassallo, and Lorenc Glozheni. "Two Byzantine Albanian icons: a non-destructive archaeometric study." Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences 3, no. 4 (2011): 343–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12520-011-0073-0.

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SCHWARTZ, Ellen C. "Copper Repoussé icons of Middle and Later Byzantine Times." Δελτίον Χριστιανικής Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας 35 (February 3, 2016): 361. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/dchae.1763.

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<p><em>Στο παρόν άρθρο παρουσιάζεται μια ομάδα εικόνων έκτυπης διακόσμησης από λεπτά φύλλα κραμάτων χαλκού. Παρά την αποσπασματικότητα της διατήρησής τους, μπορούν να προταθούν οι διάφορες χρήσεις τους. Συχνά μιμούνταν πολύτιμες μεταλλικές διακοσμήσεις εικόνων, γνωστών από τα σύγχρονά τους κείμενα. Μέσα από αναφορές των έκτυπων αυτών εικόνων σε φιλολογικές πηγές μπορεί να ανιχνευθεί η μέτρια χρηματική τους αξία. Τέτοια αντικείμενα είναι πολύ πιθανόν να άνηκαν σε οικογένειες κάποιας ανώτερης τάξης και θα χρησίμευαν ως εικόνες ιδιωτικής λατρείας, θα διακοσμούσαν ταπεινές εκκλησίες κα

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ANGHELESCU, Gheorghe F., and Ionuț CHIRCALAN. "A BRIEF PRESENTATION OF THE ARGUMENTS IN FAVOR OF THE VENERATION OF ICONS IN THE FIRST ICONOCLASM." Icoana Credintei 9, no. 17 (2023): 81–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.26520/icoana.2023.17.9.81-88.

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Icons became an increasingly familiar presence to Christians, especially with the spread of the faith outside the Jewish space, more restrained from iconographic representations, although assiduously honoring the revealed scriptural text, as well as the temple adorned with figurative images and religious representations. However, in the 8th and 9th centuries they would be exposed to a fierce reevaluation, through the Byzantine iconoclasm, 726-780, 815-842. The Church would confirm, in the end, both the importance of iconography and the veneration of the icons, arguing it on the bases of Christ

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Лесів, Т. В. "ВІЗАНТИЗМ ЯК ПАРАДИГМА САКРАЛЬНОЇ ТВОРЧОСТІ (НА ПРИКЛАДІ ЦЕРКОВНОГО МАЛЯРСТВА ГАЛИЧИНИ XX — ПОЧАТКУ ХХІ СТОЛІТТЯ)". Вісник ХДАДМ, № 4 (3 листопада 2018): 60–68. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1477429.

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Many iconographers and art historians in Ukraine are convinced that Eastern Christian (Byzantine) iconography is a national artistic tradition since Christianity had been introduced on this territory from Byzantium. It has been widely noted that church art in Ukraine followed the Byzantine tradition until the 18 th century, after which it evolved under the influence of European classicism and academism. The idea of Byzantinism as a return to the tradition’s origins arose at the beginning of 20 th century. Since then many theologians, scholars and artists have tended to emphasize the uniq

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AL-AKAM, RUAA SADEQ MHMOOD, and Salam Hameed Rasheed. "Aesthetics of Byzantine Christian Art." Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 4, no. 1 (2022): 143–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2022.4.1.14.

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The current study addressed the study of (The aesthetics of Byzantine Christian art). Its problem was identified by answering the following question: What are the aesthetics of Christian art represented by the Byzantine icon? Also, it aims to (recognize the aesthetics of Byzantine icon art). The research community was identified to achieve the goal, which consisted of icons and religious drawings that the researchers could count as a framework for the research community after collecting pictures of the subject from foreign and Arab sources and Internet sites. The sample was drawn according to

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Popovic, Una. "The apophatic visuality." Veritas (Porto Alegre) 67, no. 1 (2022): e43270. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-6746.2022.1.43270.

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This paper is about the specific character of the aesthetic experience of icons. I am arguing for the idea that the aesthetic experience of icons is a necessary condition of their role and function in Christian worship, and, moreover, that this particular aesthetic experience is of an apophatic kind. My arguments will be developed on the background of the Byzantine iconoclastic debate and the apophatic theology of Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite. Also, they should present the very debate from the perspective of aesthetics, often overlooked in favour of more theological or ontological issues re

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Aibabin, Aleksandr, and Elzara Khairedinova. "Byzantine Lighting Devices from the Main Basilica of the City on the Eski-Kermen Plateau." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (December 2022): 46–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.6.4.

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Introduction. The light played a big role in Byzantine culture. It was an integral part of the original architectural, artistic and symbolic design of the temple. For additional lighting inside the temple, polycandyla, lampadophoroi and candlesticks were used. Lighting devices are depicted on Byzantine mosaics, frescoes, icons, textiles and in manuscripts. Information about lighting devices is also contained in the typicons. Method. In 1930 and 2019–2021, during the excavations of the basilica erected by the Byzantines at the end of the 6th century on the Eski-Kermen plateau, fragments of Byza

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Bucur, Bogdan G. "Sinai, Zion, and Tabor: An Entry into the Christian Bible." Journal of Theological Interpretation 4, no. 1 (2010): 33–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26421327.

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Abstract Building on the insights of Jon Levenson's work, Sinai and Zion: An Entry into the Jewish Bible, this article endeavors to show that a similar approach, which could be labeled "theophanic," has traditionally guided the Christian—perhaps especially the Eastern Orthodox—entry into the Bible. Relating the Sinai theophany and the transfiguration on Tabor was crucially important for early Christian theology. It underlay their appropriation of the Scriptures of Israel as "OT," it lent itself to polemical use against dualism and monarchianism, and it was eventually absorbed into Byzantine fe

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Bucur, Bogdan G. "Sinai, Zion, and Tabor: An Entry into the Christian Bible." Journal of Theological Interpretation 4, no. 1 (2010): 33–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jtheointe.4.1.0033.

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Abstract Building on the insights of Jon Levenson's work, Sinai and Zion: An Entry into the Jewish Bible, this article endeavors to show that a similar approach, which could be labeled "theophanic," has traditionally guided the Christian—perhaps especially the Eastern Orthodox—entry into the Bible. Relating the Sinai theophany and the transfiguration on Tabor was crucially important for early Christian theology. It underlay their appropriation of the Scriptures of Israel as "OT," it lent itself to polemical use against dualism and monarchianism, and it was eventually absorbed into Byzantine fe

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Cameron, Averil. "The Language of Images: the Rise of Icons and Christian Representation." Studies in Church History 28 (1992): 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400012365.

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One has to be brave to return to the subject of Byzantine Iconoclasm, a subject which, we may feel, has been done to death. But the division in Byzantine society which lasted off and on for over a century, from 726 to the ‘restoration of orthodoxy’ in 843, was so profound that any Byzantine historian must at some time try to grapple with it. This is especially so if one is trying to understand the immediately preceding period, from the Persian invasions of the early seventh century to the great sieges of Constantinople by the Arabs in 674-8 and 717. It is well recognized by historians that thi

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Богдан, Ворон. "Cтилістичні та композиційні особливості іконостасів майстерні Олександра Мурашка". ВІСНИК Львівської національної академії мистецтв, № 28 (19 травня 2016): 58–69. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.51645.

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The iconostasis of Kyiv iconostasis workshop of Olexander Murashko are analyzed. It is an original phenomenon Ukraine religious art of the late nineteenth - early twentieth century. Works of workshops were a continuation of innovative ideas implemented in the design of the St. Volodymyr’s cathedral in Kyiv under the leadership of Adrian Prahov. There are low iconostasis, which bound together neo- Byzantine style carving and realistic painting. The works have quite free architectonic structure, which mostly subordinates not to canons but to artistic expression. Icons for the iconostasis w

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