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Journal articles on the topic 'Byzantine studies'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 11 February 2022

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1

Morris, Rosemary. "Divine Diplomacy in the late Eleventh Century." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 16 (1992): 147–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307013100007576.

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The subject of the XXIV Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies was Byzantine Diplomacy and many of the papers dealt with high-level contacts between Byzantium and other medieval states. But although Byzantines often made use of churchmen and monks as ambassadors and although there was usually a religious dimension to Byzantine diplomacy, it is worth noting that powerful monastic figures and influential houses often engaged in diplomacy on their own account.

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2

Kushch, Tatiana V. "Late Byzantium in the Works of Margarita A. Poljakovskaja." Античная древность и средние века 48 (2020): 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2020.48.001.

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This paper commemorates Margarita Adol’fovna Poljakovskaja (1933–2020), the head of the Ural school of Byzantine studies and the respected authority in the history and culture of late Byzantium. The author makes the reader acquainted with Professor Poljakovskaja’s academic biography, the topics of her researches, and the results of her studies in various aspects of the Byzantine history from the thirteenth to fifteenth century. The paper has revealed a few key topics studied by Professor Poljakovskaja: monastic properties in late Byzantine cities; Byzantine rhetoric and epistolography; social and political thought; intellectual life; social structures in the Byzantine society; palace ceremonies and court culture; and the Byzantines’ emotional world and daily life. It has been stated that although Professor Poljakovskaja used abundant and varied methodology produced by historical and philological researches, she preferred the anthropological approach. Her attention concentrated on a person and the person’s notion of the time and self. Reconstructions of intellectual and social life in the period of decline of the Byzantine empire loomed large in the historian’s studies, and the key topic of her researches was the problem of the “person, society, and power”.

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Høgel, Christian. "The Byzantine Panoplia Tradition and Greek Qur'an Translation in the Latin West." Journal of Qur'anic Studies 20, no. 3 (October 2018): 21–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jqs.2018.0349.

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Byzantium has played only a minor role, if any at all, in the Western appropriation of knowledge on Islam. One exception to this is the Panoplia dogmatike by Eustathios Zigabenos, active under and working on the commission of the Byzantine emperor Alexios I Komnenos (r. 1081–1118). The Panoplia dogmatike (‘Dogmatic Armoury’) was a most imperial text, designed to support the emperor's fight against heretics. The text carried not only standard Byzantine views about Islam, but also, in almost documentary style, quotations from the Qur'an that originated from a Greek translation used by Niketas Byzantios (working in the 860's and 870's) and Evodios (late ninth century). In the Latin translation of the Panoplia dogmatike by Pier Zini in 1555 a selection of Qur'anic quotations, accompanied with Byzantine comments, were made available to Latin readers.

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Magdalino, Paul. "Forty years on: the political ideology of the Byzantine empire." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 40, no. 1 (April 2016): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2015.3.

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Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies was launched in the middle of a decade that saw many landmark events in Byzantine scholarship. I remember them well, because this was the decade when I became a Byzantinist, and attended my first two international congresses of Byzantine Studies, the 14th in Ceauşescu's Bucharest (1971), and the 15th, in post-Junta Athens (1976). Apart from the acts of these congresses, the 1970s produced many memorable publications that shaped our field. It would take too long to list them all, and it would be invidious to make, and justify, a small selection. I have chosen to focus my retrospective look on one small monograph of 1975 that makes a comprehensive statement about Byzantium and is therefore a representative illustration of where Byzantine studies were forty years ago and how far they have come, or not come, since then. My book of the decade is L’idéologie politique de l’Empire byzantin by Hélène Ahrweiler (Paris 1975).

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STOURAITIS, Ioannis. "Byzantine war against Christians – an "emphylios polemos"?" BYZANTINA SYMMEIKTA 20 (November 3, 2010): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.964.

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<span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Times New Roman','serif'; font-size: 12pt">The Byzantine civil wars have been the subject of studies which aimed to analyze and interpret the political and military dimension of the phenomenon of armed conflicts inside the Byzantine society. The ideological aspect of civil war in Byzantium has received less attention. During my study on Byzantine war ideology, I noticed that there are some cases of Byzantine authors of the period after the 9<sup>th</sup> century that present Byzantine war against another Christian people as a civil one. Beginning with a short overview of the Byzantines’ understanding of the term <em>emphylios polemos</em> which modern researchers interpret usually with the modern term civil war, this study will concentrate on the ideological and political similarities or differences between Byzantine civil war and Byzantine war against Christian enemies.</span><font face="Times New Roman" size="3"> </font><div><br /><div id="ftn4"><p style="margin: 0pt" class="MsoFootnoteText"> </p></div></div>

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6

WADA, Hiroshi. "BYZANTINE STUDIES." Orient 36 (2001): 123–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/orient1960.36.123.

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7

Brubaker, Jeff. "“You are the Heretics!” Dialogue and Disputation between the Greek East and the Latin West after 1204." Medieval Encounters 24, no. 5-6 (December 3, 2018): 613–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340033.

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AbstractIn the aftermath of the Fourth Crusade Byzantines and Latins engaged in numerous instances of dialogue and negotiation intended to unite the Greek and Roman Churches. The meeting between four mendicant friars and Patriarch Germanos II in Nicaea and Nymphaion in 1234 is indicative of a continuous trend in Byzantine diplomacy going back to the Komnenoi emperors that used ecclesiastical debate as a mechanism for diplomatic gain. In the years after 1204, however, church-union negotiation took on new purpose, serving to solidify Byzantine identity and resistance in the face of western invaders. Although the study of dialogue and disputation is enjoying a period of renewed focus among western medievalists, the field of Byzantine Studies, with few exceptions, has confined such material to the realm of theological research, neglecting the importance of such encounters, especially in the period after the Fourth Crusade. This study sets out to address why historians of Byzantium have been apprehensive about embracing the sources that describe ecclesiastical dialogue, and show how they can inform us about diplomacy, society and identity in the Eastern Mediterranean world after 1204.

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8

MEKHAMADIEV, Evgeniy A. "AL-DINAWARI AND AL-TABARI, ARABIC-SPEAKING HISTORIANS IN THE 9TH — EARLY 10TH CENTURY, ON THE ARMENIAN TROOPS AT THE BYZANTINE MILITARY SERVICE IN 590-591: TOWARDS THE PARTICIPATION OF THE ARMENIAN NOBLE FAMILIES (NAKHARARS)." Tyumen State University Herald. Humanities Research. Humanitates 6, no. 3 (2020): 105–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21684/2411-197x-2020-6-3-105-117.

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This article covers the legal status, condition, and functions of the Armenian troops, which fought within the Byzantine army on behalf of the Persian king Khosrow II Parwiz in 591 during his clash with a Persian usurper Bakhram Chobin. The author turns his attention to the sources, which had been neglected in previous historiographic studies. The sources ate the accounts of Arabic-speaking historians al-Dinawari and al-Tabari, who lived in the 9th — early 10th century. Having compared their evidence and the narratives of the Greek (Theophylactus Symocatta) and Armenian (Sebeos) historical chronicles, the author has discovered a social origin of the Armenian troops, which were a part of the Byzantine army. In addition, the author has traced the way of their territorial movements and studied in succession how the functions and status of these Armenian units changed over the time. In regards to the methods, the author highlights the usage of the historical-chronological narrative, i. e. the analysis of event history, when events are arranged and presented in strict chronological order. This method has allowed seeing the events in consecutive manner: how the status and functions of Armenian ethnic units within the Byzantine army changed before and after 590-591. The main conclusion of this contribution is that the Armenian units, which fought for the sake of Khosrow II Parwiz within the Byzantine troops, represented the retinues of nakharars, who were the chiefs of Armenian noble families, but first these nakharars located on a territory of Persia, not Byzantium. The supreme and general leader of such retinues was a powerful nakharar Moushel Mamikonean, who refused to accept Bakhram and as a result joined the Byzantine troops, which came to Persia at the request of Khosrow in order to destroy Bakhram. After Bakhram was defeated, Moushel and the nakharars subordinated to him, moved and resettled in Byzantium. However, because of the mistaken policy the Byzantine Emperor Mauricius led towards the Armenian noble, Moushel and his nakharars left Byzantium and fled back to Persia. The departure of the Armenian nakharars generated a serious weakening of Byzantine troops, which stood in Armenian provinces of Byzantium, and this process, in turn, caused the hard defeats of Byzantines from the Persians during 603-607, when Mauricius was already murdered as a result of the internal Byzantine military unrest.

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Polyvyannyy, Dmitry. "Byzantino-Slavic and Bulgarian Middle Ages in the Recent Works by Scholars from the University of Lodz." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (February 2021): 305–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.6.25.

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The review considers the recent works by Polish academicians from two departments of the University of Lodz – History of Byzantium and Slavic Philology dedicated or related to the history and culture of medieval Bulgaria and the entire Byzantino-Slavic community of the 10th – 15th c. aiming to represent them to Russian audience, to reveal their contributions to the mentioned fields and to appreciate the current achievements of the forming academic school of the University of Lodz. Its beginning cannot be divided from the name of the disciple of prominent Polish Byzantinist Professor Halina Ewert-Kappesowa (1904–1985), Professor Waldemar Ceran (1936–2009), whose research and organizational activities led to the establishment of “Byzantina Lodziensia” book series (39 volumes published in 1997–2020), and in 2003 – to the Department of the History of Byzantium opening. These foundations met resonance and support from a new trend of the research activities in the University of Lodz – Old Slavonic literature studies – initiated by highly skilled paleoslavist Professor Georgi Minczew who began his work at the Department of Slavic Philology in the middle of the 1990s. The growing synergy of the Byzantine and Slavic trends resulted in the creation in 2011 of Ceraneum – the Centre of Research in History and Culture of Mediterranean and South-Eastern Europe named after W. Ceran (Centrum Badań nad Historią i Kulturą Basenu Morza Śródziemnego i Europy Południowo-Wschodniej im. prof. Waldemara Cerana, Ceraneum). Under its aegis the University of Lodz is editing annual scholarly journal “Studia Ceranea” (10 issues in 2011–2020) and since 2019 convenes in the historical venue of Bidermann Palace, the residence of the centre, annual international colloquium “Colloquia Ceranea” which attracts leading Polish and international scholars in Byzantine, Slavic and Bulgarian medieval history and culture. The author critically reviews monographs and miscellanies published by academicians of the University of Lodz in the recent five years and concludes upon the main research directions, results and perspectives of the University of Lodz school of Byzantine, Medieval Slavic and Bulgarian research.

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10

Guillou, André. "L'Orthodoxie byzantine / Byzantine Orthodoxy." Archives de sciences sociales des religions 75, no. 1 (1991): 5–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/assr.1991.1602.

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11

Biriukov, Dmitry. "Certain Attitudes Towards Byzantium As Manifested in the Russian Historiosophical Literature of the Early and Middle 19th Century (Ivan Kireyevsky, Petr Chaadaev, Alexander Pushkin, Arist Kunik)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 4 (August 2021): 16–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.4.2.

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Introduction. I expose in Ivan Kireyevsky a specific attitude to the Byzantium, which I qualify as byzantinocentric. Methods and materials. I use the historical method. Materials are Russian Historical and Publicistic Literature. Analysis. In the course of research, I identify two opposite lines in terms of perception of the image of Byzantium, manifested in the circle of Kireyevsky. One of these lines may be called anti-Byzantine, while the other Pro-Byzantine. The first line goes back to the anti-Byzantine message inherent for the age of Enlightenment. It found its expression in the “Lectures for the philosophy of history” by Georg Hegel, which became known in Russia soon after its publication. In this study, I point out in Kireyevsky the traces of an implicit polemic with Hegel’s anti-Byzantinism and reveal the context of this polemic in Russian literature. I find such a context in Arist Kunik’s papers. Results. This anti-Byzantine line is clearly seen in Petr Chaadaev, for whom the theme of the relationship of Russian civilization with the Byzantine was sensitive, because Chaadaev considered such a relationship very negatively. This view is the opposite of Kireyevsky’s one, for whom this relationship is also obvious, but Kireyevsky perceives it as happy. Alexander Pushkin – a close acquaintance of both Chaadaev and Kireyevsky (in pre-Slavophil period of the latter) – also recognizes this kinship and, like later Kireyevsky, perceives it as happy and beneficial for Russia (i.e. the both share the Pro-Byzantine line). At the same time, Pushkin’s view assumes freedom and the absence of determinism of Russia by Byzantium, which is inherent to Chaadaev’s position. The difference between Pushkin and Kireyevsky in this respect is that Kireyevsky’s byzantinocentrism includes the idea of a higher spiritual connection between Byzantium and Russia, whereas Pushkin leaves Russia free from Byzantium in this respect as well.

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Christoforatou, Christina. "Figuring Eros in Byzantine Fiction: Iconographic Transformation and Political Evolution." Medieval Encounters 17, no. 3 (2011): 321–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006711x579876.

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AbstractEros’s conniving nature in conjunction with his sadistic temperament is the single most important attribute of his character—indeed, it remains intact after some 800 years of iconographic and literary evolution. In medieval Byzantium Eros emerges as a formidable sovereign, toying with his subjects’ desires as he asserts his cosmic dominion from the grounds of his utopian castle. This remarkable transformation reveals a rich discourse on the merits of sovereignty—a discourse that raises significant questions about the dynamics of Byzantine imperial commissions and the paradoxical role of court intellectuals as sovereign propagandists and political critics. In linking the role of Byzantine intellectuals in the aftermath of political upheaval to the figurations of sovereignty showcased in Byzantine fiction, the author reveals an ambitious interplay of literary and political interests that calls into question the view of Byzantine intellectuals as dutiful followers of powerful patrons.

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13

McGuckin, John. "Byzantine Christianity." Expository Times 120, no. 2 (November 2008): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00145246081200020402.

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14

Brashear, Wm. "Byzantine bizarreries? or Byzantine banalities?" International Journal of the Classical Tradition 5, no. 2 (December 1998): 251–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02688425.

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15

Schadt, Audrey. "Byzantium: Byzantine Studies on the Internet001Paul Halsall ; halsall@fordham.edu. Byzantium: Byzantine Studies on the Internet. last updated November 26, 1998; last visited July 19, 1999." Electronic Resources Review 4, no. 1/2 (January 2000): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/err.2000.4.1_2.1.1.

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16

Metcalf, William E. "Studies in Byzantine Sigillography.Nicolas Oikonomides." Speculum 65, no. 3 (July 1990): 737–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2864111.

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Kushch, Tatiana. "Military Сonfrontation and Сivilizational Interaction of Byzantium with the Ottomans: Changing Historiographic Paradigms." ISTORIYA 12, no. 7 (105) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840015804-3.

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This paper presents an analytical review of historiographic experience of conceptualization of key aspects related to the studies in the Byzantine-Ottoman confrontation and interaction and analyses the main trends of appropriate researches in contemporary Byzantine studies. There is a revision of previous understanding of the Ottoman factor in Byzantine history as totally destructive and a shift from the interpretation of Byzantine-Turkish relations mostly as a military-political and religious confrontation. The scholarship has allayed the evaluation of religious confrontation between Christianity and Islam, but did not wipe it off the slate, for the religious (and, broader, civilizational) factor continued to be one of the greatest obstacles to political and cross-cultural dialogue. The current state of research on the history of Late Byzantium exhibits that the experts tend to consider the problem of the empire’s relations with the Ottomans in various aspects: political, social, philosophical, cultural, and ethnic, and to link it to thinking on global problems of inter-civilisational interaction.

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Merianos, Gerasimos. "Byzantine Matters." Al-Masāq 28, no. 2 (May 3, 2016): 216–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2016.1198539.

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Weller, AnnaLinden. "Byzantophilia in the letters of Grigor Magistros?" Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 41, no. 2 (September 18, 2017): 167–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2017.14.

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The letters of Grigor Magistros Pahlavuni demonstrate the multivalent methods by which Grigor negotiated being an Armenian aristocrat in service to the foreign power of Byzantium. While they display a Hellenic aesthetic and make use of the norms of Byzantine letter-writing culture, they nonetheless show that Grigor Magistros maintained a strong Armenian cultural identity even when holding a Byzantine title.

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20

Louth, A. "Review: Byzantine Philosophy." Journal of Theological Studies 55, no. 2 (October 1, 2004): 731–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/55.2.731.

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21

Brubaker, Leslie. "Byzantine empresses: women and power in byzantium, AD 527–1204." Women's History Review 9, no. 1 (March 1, 2000): 161–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020000200487.

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ΓΕΡΜΑΝΙΔΟΥ, Σοφία. "Βιβλιοκρισία:K. MITALAITĖ - A. VASILIU (επιμ. έκδ.), L’icône dans la pensée et dans l'art. Constitutions, contestations, reinventions de la notion d’image divine en context chrétien [Byzantioς. Studies in Byzantine History and Civilization (SBHC 10)], Turnhout: Brepols 2017." Byzantina Symmeikta 28 (March 19, 2018): 365. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.16093.

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Βιβλιοκρισία:K. MITALAITĖ - A. VASILIU (επιμ. έκδ.), L’ icône dans la pensée et dans l'art. Constitutions, contestations, reinventions de la notion d’ image divine en context chrétien [Byzantioς. Studies in Byzantine History and Civilization (SBHC 10)], Turnhout: Brepols 2017

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Mekhamadiev, Evgeniy. "Persians-Khurramites in the Byzantine Military Service During 833–839/840: Military Rank and Functions of Persian Military Units." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (February 2021): 211–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.6.16.

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Introduction. The scope of this paper is 1) to consider the forms of military service of the Persians within the Byzantine army during the first half of the 9th c., 2) to arrange the chronological order of events related to the involvement of the Persians in Byzantine military service as precisely as possible. The author means the Persians called Khurramites who were representatives of the anti-Islamic and anti-Arabic national movement at the north-west of Iran (territories of modern provinces of East Azerbaijan and Khamadan in the Republic of Iran). Methods. The author considers the single events (Byzantine military campaigns, in which the Persians took part, and also the facts of Persians’ arriving in Byzantium) in a more or less strict chronological order. The researcher turns to an analysis of event history and makes a step-by step, consecutive representation of the process of Persians’ arriving to Byzantine military service. The sources were works of Arabic, Armenian, Georgian and Greek authors (chroniclers, geographers, hagiographers) and seals (evidence of sigillography). Analysis. In 833/834 Byzantine Emperor Theophilos received a group of Persian refugees, who escaped from the Arabs and came to Byzantium. These Persians were headed by two chiefs, Theophobos and Naser, obviously, Naser was Theophobos’ father. Part of the Persians with Naser as a chief located in the Byzantine theme (a military-administrative and territorial district) of Anatolikoi, while another part subordinated to Theophobos located in the theme of Armeniakoi. In 837 Theophilos hosted another group of the Persians, who were commanded by Babek. Conclusions. The analysis shows that both in 833/834 and 837 Theophilos established regular military units of the Persians called thourmai, while Persian leaders mentioned above became Byzantine military officials, that are tourmarchoi, i.e. that were those Persian leaders who commanded over Persian ethnic tourmai. These ethnic units continued their existence up to the mid-10th c.

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Duda, Michalina, Sławomir Jóźwiak, and Marcin Wiewióra. "nr="113"Byzantine Architects, Builders, and Stonemasons in Latin Europe in the 10th to 12th Centuries." Mediaevistik 33, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2020.01.05.

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Abstract: The article concerns the issue of Byzantine architects, builders, and stone masons in Latin Europe in the tenth to twelfth centuries. The heart of the conducted analysis is the participation of builders from the Eastern Roman Empire (Byzantium) in erecting particular buildings in the countries of Latin Europe. The authors referred to Byzantine builders’ activities in Reich (Paderborn and probably in Cologne), Italy (Venice, Monte Cassino), and Hungary.It is worth to notice that the topic is analysed in view of written sources from the epoch, which are often disregarded in similar studies.

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Baboula, Evanthia. "Late Byzantine and Early Ottoman Studies." Al-Masāq 30, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 117–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2018.1426641.

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ΣΚΛΑΒΕΝΙΤΗ, Αννα Σπυρίδωνος. "Book Review: "Toward a historical Sociolinguistic Poetics of Medieval Greek", eds. A. CUOMO- E. TRAPP, Studies in Byzantine History and Civilization (SBHC 12)." Byzantina Symmeikta 28 (November 27, 2018): 385. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.18840.

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Book Review: Byzantios, Studies in Byzantine History and Civilization (SBHC 12) Toward a Historical Sociolinguistic Poetics of Medieval Greek, A. CUOMO- E. TRAPP (eds.) VIII+233 p., 11 b/w ill., 156 x 234 mm, 2017 ISBN: 978-2-503-57713-5 Languages: English, French, Italian.

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Brubaker, Leslie. "Byzantine Visions of the End." Studies in Church History 45 (2009): 97–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s042420840000245x.

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As is well known, western medieval apocalyptic literature owes a considerable debt to Byzantine apocalyptic literature, which itself built on Roman and Jewish sources. The classic studies are now Evelyne Patlagean’s ‘Byzance et son autre monde’, published in 1981; Paul Alexander’s The Byzantine Apocalyptic Tradition, published posthumously in 1985; and Jane Baun’s edition and commentary of three Middle Byzantine apocalyptic texts that appeared in 2007. In addition, Paul Magdalino has recently published several articles on the theme. On top of this, numerous studies connect specific Byzantine apocalypse traditions to particular political events, most notably the Islamic conquests of the seventh and eighth centuries. Byzantine eschatology has been even more thoroughly studied, and, with the subtitle ‘Views on death and the last things’, was the subject of a recent (1999) Dumbarton Oaks symposium.

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Collins, Gregory. "Book Reviews: Byzantine Theology." Irish Theological Quarterly 68, no. 3 (September 2003): 298–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002114000306800309.

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Tripp, Diane Karay. "Book Reviews : Byzantine Rite." Expository Times 101, no. 5 (February 1990): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452469010100515.

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Necipoğlu, Nevra. "Ottoman Merchants in Constantinople During the First Half of the Fifteenth Century." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 16 (1992): 158–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307013100007588.

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Despite growing interest among both Byzantinists and Ottoman scholars in the respective long-distance commercial ventures of Byzantine Greek and Ottoman Muslim merchants, studies focusing on the trade relations between these two groups have not yet been undertaken. This article, which examines some sources that document the presence and economic activities of Ottoman Turks in Constantinople during the first half of the fifteenth century, is intended to serve as a contribution to this neglected field of study. Moreover, by means of an examination of commercial relations, the article aims to shed further light on the daily, informal contacts between the Byzantines and the Ottomans which remains a relatively unexplored aspect of Byzantine-Ottoman relations.

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Cheynet, Jean-Claude. "Rosemary Morris éd., Church and People in Byzantium, Society for the Promotion of Byzantines Studies. Twentieth Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, Manchester, 1986, Centre for Byzantine, Ottoman and Modem Greek Studies, Birmingham, University of Birmingham, 1990,286 p." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 47, no. 1 (February 1992): 136–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900059515.

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PERISANIDI, MAROULA. "Was There a Marital Debt in Byzantium?" Journal of Ecclesiastical History 68, no. 3 (February 9, 2017): 510–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046916002840.

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According to Western canonists, husband and wife had a debt towards one another: they were obliged to render sexual intercourse on demand. This article looks at the differences and similarities of the ‘marital debt’ in Byzantium and the West in order to evaluate whether this concept can be applied to Byzantine couples. It argues that, contrary to the West, in Byzantium there was no fixed linguistic terminology or sophisticated rules to describe a sexual obligation between spouses. Ultimately, there was also less need for one as sexual intercourse within marriage was not considered sinful and needed no justification.

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Karras, Valerie A. "Female Deacons in the Byzantine Church." Church History 73, no. 2 (June 2004): 272–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964070010928x.

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Despite the energy devoted by American and Western European church historians and theologians to the question of the ordination of women in early Christianity and in the (western) medieval Christian Church, these scholars have shown comparatively little interest toward the female diaconate in the Byzantine Church, even when comparative analysis could potentially help elucidate questions regarding the theology and practice of women's ordinations in the West. Most of the research on the female diaconate in the Byzantine Church has occurred in Mediterranean academic circles, usually within the field of Byzantine studies, or in the Eastern Orthodox theological community; sometimes the examination of the female diaconate in the Byzantine Church has been part of a broader examination of women's liturgical ministries.

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ΛΑΜΠΑΚΗΣ, Στυλιανός. "Βιβλιοκρισία:M. HINTERBERGER (ed.), The Language of Byzantine Learned Literature [BYZANTIOς. Studies in Byzantine History and Civilization 9], Turnhout 2014, σελ.VI+228." Byzantina Symmeikta 26, no. 2 (December 16, 2016): 487. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.10620.

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Maksimović, Ljubomir. "Karl Krumbachers serbische Schüler / Karl Krumbacher’s Serbian Students." Südost-Forschungen 73, no. 1 (August 8, 2014): 429–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sofo-2014-0119.

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Abstract At the time after Karl Krumbacher had founded the first modern center for Byzantine studies in Munich, the base for development of up-to-date medieval studies in Belgrade was already under construction. In the years before and after the Seminar for Byzantine studies was founded (1906) at the Belgrade University, some young scholars from Serbia were sent in different occasions to Krumacher’s Institute in order to deepen their abilities in byzantine and medieval studies. Among them, six names should be mentioned for their extraordinary contribution to the research progress: Božidar Prokić, Dragutin Anastasijević, Filaret Granić in byzantine studies and Stanoje Stanojević, Vladimir Ćorović, Nikola Radojčić in medieval studies. All of them habe been learning Krumbacher’s sophisticated methodological approach, introducing it in Belgrade either in pure byzantine studies or in medieval studies in a broader sense. Through their publications and teaching work Krumbacher’s influation brought a great support to development of the research in the above mentioned fields.

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Ralston, T. R. "The ‘Majority Text’ and Byzantine Origins." New Testament Studies 38, no. 1 (January 1992): 122–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500023110.

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In a recent edition ofNew Testament StudiesD. B. Wallace has argued for a procedural change in New Testament textual criticism, namely that textual critics consider using the recently publishedThe Greek New Testament according to the Majority Textas a baseline for collation studies. The following study demonstrates the sound value of such a move for intra-Byzantine studies. It further shows that while theMajority Textis a valuable asset for the study of texttypes, the theory which motivated its editors does not stand up to the rigour of this ‘preliminary’ collation study.

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ΚΑΛΟΠΙΣΗ-ΒΕΡΤΗ (Sophia KALOPISSI-VERTI), Σοφία, and Μαρία ΠΑΝΑΓΙΩΤΙΔΗ-ΚΕΣΙΣΟΓΛΟΥ (Maria PANAYIOTIDI-KESISOGLOU). "Tassos Papacostas and Maria Parani (eds), Discipuli dona ferentes. Glimpses of Byzantium in Honour of Marlia Mundell Mango." Δελτίον της Χριστιανικής Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας 39 (September 22, 2018): 461. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/dchae.18582.

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Παρουσίαση βιβλίουTassos Papacostas and Maria Parani (eds), Discipuli dona ferentes. Glimpses of Byzantium in Honour of Marlia Mundell Mango (Βυζάντιος. Studies in Byzantine History and Civilization 11), Brepols Publishers, Turnhout, Belgium 2017. XXX+486 σελ., 111 ασπρόμαυρες εικ., 5 ασπρόμαυροι πίν. 15,6×23,4 εκ. ISBN: 978-2-503-57585-8, E-ISBN: 978-2-503-57586-5

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Rosser, John. "Byzantine Magic.Henry Maguire." Speculum 72, no. 3 (July 1997): 857–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3040810.

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Elliott, J. K. "Book Reviews : The Byzantine Text." Expository Times 107, no. 5 (February 1996): 152–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452469610700515.

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Baldovin, John F. "Saints in the Byzantine Tradition." Liturgy 5, no. 2 (January 1985): 70–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/04580638509408734.

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Klentos, John. "Theophany in the Byzantine Tradition." Liturgy 12, no. 3 (January 1995): 26–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0458063x.1995.10392296.

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Stevenson, Kenneth W. "The Byzantine Liturgy of Baptism." Studia Liturgica 17, no. 1-4 (December 1987): 176–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0039320787017001-420.

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Whaling, Frank. "Book Reviews : The Byzantine Tradition." Expository Times 114, no. 1 (October 2002): 33–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452460211400123.

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Brubaker, Leslie. "Parallel Universes: Byzantine art history in 1990 and 1991." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 16 (1992): 203–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030701310000762x.

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Art history, like many disciplines in the so-called humanities, has engaged in a bout of re-definition over the past decade. Studies of the art of Byzantium have not been immune to this wave of revision and re-assessment. Though it must be said that Byzantine has been affected less than Roman or, especially, nineteenth-century art history, the discipline is nonetheless in a state of transition, and this fact deserves greater recognition than it has received.

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KRALLIS, Dimitris. "The Outsider's Gaze: Reflections on recent non-Byzantinist Readings of Byzantine History and on their Implications for our Field." BYZANTINA SYMMEIKTA 23 (January 29, 2014): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.1105.

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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman','serif'"><font size="3">The present essay </font></span>reviews recent work on Byzantium, its politics, religion, and culture published outside the world of Byzantine Studies and discusses the significance of such readings for the evolving relationship of our field with audiences both lay and academic.

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ANGOLD, MICHAEL. "The Preliminaries of the Fourth Lateran Council (1215): From an Orthodox Perspective." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 70, no. 1 (December 17, 2018): 38–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046918000659.

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The reaction of the Orthodox Church to the Fourth Lateran Council (1215) arguably set a pattern that would persist until the end of Byzantium. While members of the hierarchy were mostly opposed to accepting invitations to attend the council, the Emperor Theodore i Laskaris saw it as an opportunity to open up a dialogue with the papacy in the hope of deriving some political advantage. This episode reveals that negotiations over the Union of Churches divided Byzantine society in a way that had not happened before 1204.

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Vryzidis, Nikolaos. "The “Arabic” Stole of Vatopediou Monastery: Traces of Islamic Material Culture in Late Byzantium." Muqarnas Online 36, no. 1 (October 2, 2019): 85–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118993-00361p05.

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Abstract In the collection of Vatopediou Monastery (Mount Athos) there is a Late Byzantine vestment called by the monks the “Arabic stole” (arabikon ōmophorion). This quite unique vestment probably owes its name to two bands of embroidered Arabic inscriptions on the lower part of each end. It is one of the very few known Byzantine religious objects to feature legible Arabic inscriptions, a visible symbol of Islamic otherness juxtaposed with the standard Christian iconography. Apart from bringing into the spotlight a medieval vestment that has been overlooked by scholars, this article traces possible sources of artistic transfer through a discussion of texts and extant objects. Finally, it aims at expanding our understanding of the reception of Islamic art in Late Byzantium, a time of both political decline and cultural renewal.

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Cazabonne, Emma, and Sarah T. Brooks. "Byzantium: Faith and Power (1261-1557): Perspectives on Late Byzantine Art and Culture." Sixteenth Century Journal 39, no. 3 (October 1, 2008): 929. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20479120.

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Šarkić, Srđan. "The Influence of Byzantine Law on Serbian Medieval Law." Slovene 4, no. 2 (2015): 106–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2015.4.2.5.

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Serbian law from the early 13th century developed under the direct influence of Byzantine law. Serbian jurists adopted Byzantine law through translations of Byzantine legal compilations. The first such translation was the Nomokanon of St. Sabba of 1219. St. Sabba’s Nomokanon contained ecclesiastical rules together with the canonist’s glosses, a translation of part of Justinian’s Novels, and the whole of the Procheiron of Basil I. Between 1349 and 1354, Serbian lawyers created a special Codex Tripartitus, codifying both Serbian and Byzantine law. The Russian scholar T. Florinsky noticed this as long ago as 1888, pointing out that in the oldest manuscripts, Dušan’s Code is always accompanied by two other compilations of Byzantine law: the abbreviated Syntagma of Matthew Blastares and the so-called Code of Justinian. In addition to translations of Byzantine legal miscellanies, Serbian lawyers also adopted a great number of the institutions of Roman law. However, Serbian jurists were not educated in Bologna so, as a consequence, Roman law was adopted in an indirect way, i.e., through Greek (Byzantine) translations and not from original Latin texts. Dušan’s Code, as the most important legal source of medieval Serbian law, took about sixty articles directly from the Basilica: the most important are articles 171 and 172.

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Barabanov, Nikolay, Vladimir Zolotovskiy, and Anastasiya Zykova. "Byzantine Studies in Volgograd. An Excursion into History and Bibliography." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (February 2021): 317–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.6.26.

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The proposed essay is a publication of bibliographic information about scientific works (dissertations, monographs, collections of scientific articles, periodicals) concerning the Byzantine history and published in Volgograd or with the direct participation of Volgograd researchers. The origin and development of studying the Byzantine history in Volgograd is associated with two higher educational institutions – Volgograd State University and Tsaritsyn Orthodox University of St. Sergius of Radonezh, within the walls of which large and internationally recognized periodicals appeared.

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