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Journal articles on the topic 'Byzantines'
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1
Böhm, Marcin. "Transport morski koni w trakcie działań wojennych Boemunda na Bałkanach w latach 1107-1108." Vox Patrum 63 (January 4, 2019): 429–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3573.
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The Bohemond of Tarentum Expedition of 1107-1108, directed against the Byzantine Empire, was one of the key steps in Normans relations with the Byzantine Empire in the twelfth century. Preceded by a great propaganda campaign, had to bring the emperor Alexius I Komnenos to his knees. After initial successes, the Normans succumbed to Byzantium. The Byzantines focused their attention on the elimination of the Normans cavalry. This formation could not function without adequate mounts and supplies for them. By blocking the supplies coming from Italy, while in the same time eliminating the horses which were in the hands of the invaders, the Byzantines prejudged the outcome of the conflict.
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Leszka, Mirosław J. "Wojsko pogańskiej Bułgarii w opinii bizantyńczyków. Wybrane aspekty." Vox Patrum 63 (July 15, 2015): 417–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3572.
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The present text focuses on presenting opinions of the Byzantines about the rulers of pagan Bulgaria as military leaders and reasons given by Byzantine authors explaining mishaps of their troops in battles against Bulgaria. The author concludes that, in general, the Byzantines did not allow for a thought that they could be defeated by any external power, in the least by the barbarian Mysians/ Bulgarians. However, if such occurrences took place, they were considered to be caused by divine intervention or negligence of the Byzantines themselves (i.e. disloyalty, lack of cooperation between commanders, low morale of the army etc.) and never result from genuine capability of the enemy, actual courage of the hostile forces or the adversaries’ leadership skills (which were generally discounted).
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Liveri, Angeliki. "Fu-lin dances in medieval Chinese art - Byzantine or imaginary?" Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 56 (2019): 69–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1956069l.
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Chinese artists, active from the Tang dynasty to Northern Song dynasty, created famous paintings including Fu-lin musical and dancing scenes; as e. g. Yan Liben, Wu Daozi and Li Gonglin. The most of these works are unfortunately lost; thus, we have information only from written descriptions to reconstruct them. Some researchers identify Fu-lin with the Byzantines; others disagree with this interpretation. Therefore, it is worthwhile to study whether the musical and dance motifs that referred to Fu-lin and were used by the above mentioned Chinese artists and literati can be identified with Byzantine elements and their performers with Byzantines ones.
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Morris, Rosemary. "Divine Diplomacy in the late Eleventh Century." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 16 (1992): 147–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307013100007576.
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The subject of the XXIV Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies was Byzantine Diplomacy and many of the papers dealt with high-level contacts between Byzantium and other medieval states. But although Byzantines often made use of churchmen and monks as ambassadors and although there was usually a religious dimension to Byzantine diplomacy, it is worth noting that powerful monastic figures and influential houses often engaged in diplomacy on their own account.
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Kioussopoulou, Tonia. "Identités byzantines." Historein 2 (May 1, 2001): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/historein.118.
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Treadgold, Warren, Guglielmo Cavallo, Thomas Dunlap, Teresa Lavender Fagan, and Charles Lambert. "The Byzantines." American Historical Review 103, no. 4 (October 1998): 1235. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651236.
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Guran, Petre. "The Byzantines." Chôra 6 (2008): 345–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chora2008615.
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Kyriakidis, Savvas. "The idea of civil war in thirteenth and fourteenth-century - Byzantium." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 49 (2012): 243–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1249243k.
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This paper discusses thirteenth and fourteenth-century Byzantine perceptions of civil wars, which were a common feature in the late Byzantine period. It investigates how the most important authors of the period understood and defined the idea of civil war. It explores the Byzantine understanding of the differences between military conflicts which were fought between subjects and employees of the emperor and wars the empire fought against its external enemies. In addition, it examines the views the imperial authorities and the authors of the period express about wars against enemies with whom the later Byzantines shared a common cultural, ethnic and religious background.
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Takirtakoglou, Konstantinos. "John II Komnenos’ campaign in Cilician Armenia." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 114, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 1329–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bz-2021-0065.
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Abstract The present paper challenges the assertion that John II Komnenos’ first campaign against Cilician Armenia (1137) was directly connected with the conflict between the Byzantines and the Principality of Antioch. The supposed anti-Byzantine alliance between the Armenians and the Crusaders is examined within this context; excerpts from the relevant sources not only cast doubt on its existence, but also allow the assertion that during the period under examination the relations between the Armenians and the Crusaders were hostile. Thus, the issue that arises is the following: If Levon was an enemy of the Crusaders, why did he not stand at the Byzantines’ side, instead waging war against them? The assertion of the present paper regarding this policy decision is that it was due to Levon’s alliance with John’s primary enemy in the East, the Danishmends. In fact, the sources indicate that the subjugation of Armenia was of greater priority for the Byzantine emperor in his campaign than the conquest of Antioch. This is demonstrated by the fact that John refused to conclude a treaty with the Rubenid lord similar to that which he had concluded with the prince of Antioch, and is supported by the operational maneuvers of the Byzantine forces during the campaign. To connect John’s activities in Cilicia with his subsequent campaign in Pontus and the Turkish reactions to these Byzantine strategic moves, the present paper asserts that John’s conquest of Cilicia was part of a wider policy of strategic encirclement of the Danishmends.
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Leszka, Mirosław J. "The Arabs in the Chronicle of Constantine Manasses." Studia Ceranea 9 (December 30, 2019): 593–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.09.29.
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This paper looks into the piece by Constantine Manasses considering how it depicts the Arabs. It appears Manasses saw the Arabs primarily as bloody and cruel plunderers who invaded the Byzantine lands. Indeed, they won some of the fights against the Byzantines but eventually had to accept their superiority and concede defeat. It should also be noted that Constantine Manasses did not bring up religious themes when referring to the Arabs.
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Belorussova, Tatiana Evgenievna. "Integration Processes in the Polyethnic Society of the Peloponnesos after the Byzantine Restoration of 1262." Античная древность и средние века 49 (2021): 240–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2021.49.016.
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This paper addresses the problem of the Greek-Latin frontier in the Peloponnesos in the second half of the thirteenth century. In 1262, Byzantium regained control over a part of the peninsula. This action disrupted the order that developed there during fifty years and changed the power balance in the region. The author has analysed the transformation of the frontier society of the Peloponnesos when Byzantine administration returned to the country and the peculiarities of integration processes and socio-cultural interethnic interaction under the changed political realities. The sources for the research were the Chronicle of Morea and Latin and Byzantine legislative sources. It has been revealed that in the early years of the “Byzantine reconquest,” the struggle between the Byzantines and the Franks for the territories was accompanied by their rivalry for the political loyalty of the local population. Although the Byzantine strategy of encouraging the Greek resettlement from the Frankish regions to the regions of Mistra had some impact, these migrations did not become widespread; neither did complete isolation of the Greek population from the Latin occur. In the conditions of intensive socio-cultural exchange, the political loyalty of the mixed population of the peninsula was determined either by personal motives or by the wish to have protection, which was especially important in time of military operations. Despite frequent military conflicts, the mixed Greco-Latin society continued to exist and develop, and the persons living in changing political and cultural realities often had to manoeuvre between the Franks and the Byzantines. The conclusion is that the Byzantine restoration in the Peloponnesos did not interrupt the integration processes, and the frontier society kept its special and complex way of life that shaped on the border of the Latin and Byzantine civilizations.
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Joksimović, Milena. "Rediscovering the Greeks." Tabula, no. 17 (November 16, 2020): 169–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.32728/tab.17.2020.6.
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The article explores the impact of Byzantines on Istrian Humanism and Renaissance. In the introduction author describes the alienation of the territories which used to be Eastern and Western part of the Roman Empire and, congruently, the fate of the classical (particularly Greek) heritage in the Dark and Middle Ages in those territories. This is followed by a description of the historical events that led to rapprochement of the East and West, with particular emphasis on the Byzantine exodus to Italy. The author then provides a methodological framework by analyzing the main aspects of „rediscovering” Greek cultural heritage and the influence of the Byzantine immigrants on them. The author than turns to Istria, providing, first, a short summary of Istrian contacts with the Greek cultural heritage throughout history and then the settlement of the Byzantines in Istria. The main part of the article follows, containing a detailed analysis of the described elements of „rediscovering” Greek cultural heritage – interest in Greek language, literature, culture and philosophy (particularly Neoplatonism), in translations, the editing and publishing of Greek classics, as well as in the presence of the idea of a common European identity based on a common ancient heritage, and the voices advocating for the formation of a united Christian European front against the Ottomans.
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Böhm, Marcin. "Constantine X Doukas (1059–1067) versus Uzes – about the Nomads on Boats on the Danube in 1064." Studia Ceranea 11 (December 30, 2021): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.11.02.
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The reign of the Doukas dynasty in 1059–1078 was a time when new threats to the Byzantine Empire emerge in Europe and Asia. One of them was the increased activity of Turkmen who were penetrating the lands belonging to the Byzantines. A manifestation of these threats was visible during the rule of Constantine X Doukas (1059–1067) in 1064. We have there an invasion of the tribe of Uzes, who crossed the Danube. They ventured so far, as the vicinity of Thessalonica and the province of Hellas, plundering everything in their path. Their actions surprised the defense of the Byzantines. This attack on the empire was related to their crossing of the Danube, about which Michael Attaliates and Skylitzes Continuatus provides us with interesting information. The main aim of this paper therefore will be related to issues linked to the types of vessels used by Uzes to cross this river, as well as an attempt to assess their boatbuilding skills.
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Rybakova, Ekaterina V. "Literary Devices in a Byzantine Medical Treatise (with Reference to On Energies and Mental Illnesses of Psychic Pneuma by Johannes Actuarios)." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 24, no. 1 (2022): 58–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2022.24.1.004.
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The Byzantines actively used techniques of rhetorical skill developed by ancient authors in various literary genres, including medical treatises. This article presents the results of a study of rhetorical techniques used in medical texts. The author examines On Energies and Mental Illnesses of Psychic Pneuma, a work by Johannes Actuarios, a fourteenth-century Byzantine physician. The treatise is devoted to the diseases of pneuma — one of the important elements of the human structure from the point of view of the ancient Greeks and Byzantines. The article examines the internal structure of the essay, the lexical particularities of the text, and various literary techniques used by the author. Such methods include numerous citations and comparisons. The results of the study prove that literary techniques had an important functional significance: they were used as evidentiary arguments of the Byzantine doctor. The treatise clearly illustrates that the lexical features and figurative means encountered indicate a good education of the author and a high level of the target audience. During the study, it is also noted that most of the techniques, proof, and lexical features were borrowed by the author from ancient texts, reinterpreted and introduced into a new semantic field as a confirmation of his point of view. The totality of observations makes it possible to speak about the existence of a scientific discourse adopted in the Byzantine intellectual community, of which Johannes Actuarios was a prominent representative, and these features are regarded as structural elements of scientific discourse.
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BENAKIS, Linos G. "Byzantine Musical Theory (Harmonics)." WISDOM 10, no. 1 (June 25, 2018): 98–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/wisdom.v10i1.206.
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Harmonics was one of the four mathematical sciences in the Byzantine higher education curriculum, together with Arithmetic, Geometry, and Astronomy (what was called quadrivium in the Latin West). Our knowledge of Byzantine harmonics is rather limited, as only two or three of the relevant treatises have been published in new editions. In this paper a systematic approach is attempted, while, at the same time, keeping distances from the well-studied practical aspect of Byzantine music, i.e. ecclesiastical music. Furthermore, the tradition of Greek musical theory (both Pythagorean and Aristoxenian), which the Byzantines developed further from a dual, both textual and educational, interest, presenting us at the same time with some original contributions.
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Kislinger, Ewald. "Byzantinische Flotten in der venezianischen Lagune 806 – 810/811." Millennium 17, no. 1 (November 9, 2020): 303–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mill-2020-0010.
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AbstractBetween 806 and 811 three Byzantine fleets operated in the Venetian lagoon. We owe the informations about it to the Annales regni Francorum, which however manipulated the chronology and contents of the encounter with Pepin. The aim behind such doing was both, to present the Frankish actions in a favourable light and not to offend the Byzantines, since 811/12 on good terms with the Carolingians. The present contribution tries to re-establish the correct sequence of events.
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Rakhno, K. Yu. "THE IMAGE OF THE KIEVAN RUS POPULATION IN BYZANTINE SOURCES." Rusin, no. 61 (2020): 10–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/61/2.
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Drawing on Byzantine written sources and fine arts, this article reproduces the Byzantine ideas about the image of the Kievan Rus population. They primarilyrelate to the anthropological characteristics of the Rusins: face contours, complexion, eyes and hair color, men’s hairstyles, character. Such data can be found in the historical works by Leo the Deacon, Michael Psellos, Anna Komnene, Georgius Pachymeres. Another valuable source is the Byzantine mosaic of the Last Judgment in Torcello, which contains alleged images of the Rusins and their ruler. The works of the Byzantine authors of the 10th – 13th centuries are not only an important source of historical ethnography of the Northern Black Sea region. They also allow considering the data on the appearance of the Rusins as part of the image of “aliens”, barbarians who oppose the Byzantine civilization and threaten its existence. This image could sometimes merge with the eschatological beliefs of the Byzantines.
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Baratte, François, and Fathi Bejaoui. "Les fortifications byzantines d’Ammaedara." Comptes-rendus des séances de l année - Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres 154, no. 1 (2010): 513–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/crai.2010.92840.
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Necipoğlu, Nevra. "Ottoman Merchants in Constantinople During the First Half of the Fifteenth Century." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 16 (1992): 158–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307013100007588.
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Despite growing interest among both Byzantinists and Ottoman scholars in the respective long-distance commercial ventures of Byzantine Greek and Ottoman Muslim merchants, studies focusing on the trade relations between these two groups have not yet been undertaken. This article, which examines some sources that document the presence and economic activities of Ottoman Turks in Constantinople during the first half of the fifteenth century, is intended to serve as a contribution to this neglected field of study. Moreover, by means of an examination of commercial relations, the article aims to shed further light on the daily, informal contacts between the Byzantines and the Ottomans which remains a relatively unexplored aspect of Byzantine-Ottoman relations.
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Louth, Andrew. "Palestine under the Arabs 650-750: the Crucible of Byzantine Orthodoxy." Studies in Church History 36 (2000): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400014339.
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The period from the beginning of the seventh century to the middle of the ninth was decisive for the history of the Byzantine empire. At the beginning of the seventh century, the idea of the Roman, or Byzantine, empire as the political configuration of the Mediterranean world - something that the Emperor Justinian had done his best to restore - still seemed valid, though there were already significant cracks in the edifice. By the end of the seventh century - let alone the middle of the ninth - that was a dream, though a dream to which the Byzantines obstinately clung. For the early years of the seventh century had seen the temporary Persian conquest of the eastern provinces of the Byzantine empire, soon followed by the Arab conquest which the Byzantines were to prove unable to overturn. The impact on the Byzantine empire of these events and the infiltration into the Balkan peninsula by the Slavs, was profound - politically, economically, culturally, and theologically. But the story of this impact is generally presented, both in the sources and in scholarly accounts, from the point of view of the centre, the Queen City, Constantinople. Central to the Byzantine world view, as it emerged with renewed confidence in the middle of the ninth century, was the idea of the empire, and the Emperor, as the guardian of Christian Orthodoxy, which was symbolized in the proclamation of the ‘Triumph of Orthodoxy’ with the final overthrow of iconoclasm in 843, a proclamation that became part of the normal ecclesiastical calendar, celebrated thereafter each year on the first Sunday of Lent. But that Orthodoxy, in its final form, had not been nurtured in Constantinople, nor had the wealth of liturgical poetry that came to celebrate it. Constantinople had reacted to the catastrophe of the early seventh century by plunging into heresy: first, the Christological heresy of monenergism, with its refinement, monothelitism, and then the heresy of iconoclasm, also believed - by both iconoclasts and their opponents - to be ultimately a matter of Christology. The Orthodoxy whose triumph was celebrated from 843 onwards had been defined, and celebrated, in Palestine, the province that had been lost for good to the Byzantines in the 630s. Orthodoxy, in fact, achieved its final definition at the periphery - and defeated periphery at that - and from there took over the centre. In this paper, we are not concerned with Christians who visited the Holy Land as pilgrims, but rather with those who belonged there: mainly monks, both natives and those who came to the Holy Land to live in the complex of monasteries in and around Jerusalem. How and why did these Palestinian monks come to play this role in the wider history of the Christian œcumene?
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Kapriev, Georgi. "The Byzantine Culture Model of the 12th Century in Hugo Etherianus’ view." Peitho. Examina Antiqua, no. 1(5) (January 24, 2015): 259–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pea.2014.1.12.
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The question concerning the view of Hugo Etherianus (Eteriano) is placed here in a broader context of the processes that shaped and reshaped the Byzantine culture model between the 11th and the 12th century. The newly formed culture determined the cultural situation after the fall of Constantinople in 1204 and remained valid until the end of the Byzantine period. Characterizing the Byzantines relation to the West was the key component of this model. During various theological and philosophical debates between Latin and Romaic thinkers in the 12th century in Byzantium, the nearly 20-year career of Hugo Etherianus occupied a prominent position in Constantinople. Hugo was the best Latin expert on Hellenic and Byzantine philosophy and theology in the 12th century, particularly associated with the new dialecticians. His writings and letters as well as his debates with various Byzantine philosophers and theologians are an important testimony on the parting of the Byzantine and the Latin intellectual traditions during the last quarter of the 12th century.
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Petrovic, Danica. "An unknown letter by Joannes/Jean-Baptiste/ Thibaut, French Byzantines-musicologist 1899." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 41 (2004): 475–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0441475p.
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This work concerns the letter sent from the French College in Phillipopoli/Plovdiv (Bulgaria) by Pater Joannes /Jean-Baptiste/ Thibaut, the French Byzantines ? musicologist, to Tihomir Ostojic, professor at the Secondary school (Gymnasium) in Novi Sad, a literature historian and expert on Traditional Serbian Church Chant. At that time Thibaut was widening his research interest in Byzantine Chant and neumatic notation, to include Slavonic Chant Tradition, first Russian Chant and later that of the Balkan peoples as well. He was one of the first foreigners to show interest in the Orthodox Chant Tradition of the Southern Slavs, and perceived that, contrary of the Russians, South Slavs never adopted early Byzantine neumatic notation. Visiting monasteries in Bulgaria he tried to find reasons for this lack of Byzantine notation among the Southern Slavs. In the above letter he posed very serious questions regarding Chant in the Serbian Orthodox Church, more precisely regarding the "Karlovci Chant". Unfortunately, it is not known if Thibaut received any kind of reply from Ostojic, nor have we found the reply sent to him by the Serbian Patriarch Georgije Brankovic, whom he also addressed, asking for help. Answers by those experts to the Thibaut's well formulated questions would be an extremely important contribution to studies of Traditional Serbian Church Chant.
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ΛΑΜΠΑΚΗΣ, Στυλιανός. "Βιβλιογραφικό σημείωμα: M.-H. BLANCHET- I.-A. TUDORIE (éd.), L'apport des Assomptionnistes francais aux etudes Byzantines, Paris 2017." Byzantina Symmeikta 30 (January 21, 2021): 507. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.25605.
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Bibliographical note: M.-H. Blanchet – I.-A. Tudorie (éd.), L’apport des Assomptionnistes français aux études byzantines. Une approche critique. Actes du colloque de Bucarest, 25- 27 septembre 2014 [Archives de l’Orient chrétien 21], σελ. 536. Institut français d’études byzantines, Paris 2017.
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Ntafoulis, Pavlos. "A war psychiatry approach to warfare in the Middle Byzantine period." History of Psychiatry 27, no. 4 (August 20, 2016): 458–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957154x16663148.
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Combat stress cases were traced in historical texts and military manuals on warfare from the Middle Byzantine period; they were mainly labelled as cowardice. Soldiers suffered from nostalgia or exhaustion; officers looked stunned, or could not speak during the battle. Cruel punishments were often enforced. Suicide and alcohol abuse were rarely mentioned. The Byzantines’ evacuation system for battle casualties was well organized. Psychological operations were conducted and prisoners-of-war were usually part of them. The Byzantine army had ‘ parakletores’, officers assigned to encourage soldiers before combat. The leaders dealt with combat stress by using their rhetoric skills and emphasizing religious faith in eternal life. The treatment of the ‘cowards’ was rather similar to modern war psychiatry principles of treatment. No description of PTSD was found.
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Steiris, Georgios. "History and Religion as Sources of Hellenic Identity in Late Byzantium and the Post-Byzantine Era." Genealogy 4, no. 1 (January 31, 2020): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy4010016.
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Recently, seminal publications highlighted the Romanitas of the Byzantines. However, it is not without importance that from the 12th century onwards the ethnonym Hellene (Ἓλλην) became progressively more popular. A number of influential intellectuals and political actors preferred the term Hellene to identify themselves, instead of the formal Roman (Ρωμαῖος) and the common Greek (Γραικός). While I do not intend to challenge the prevalence of the Romanitas during the long Byzantine era, I suggest that we should reevaluate the emerging importance of Hellenitas in the shaping of collective and individual identities after the 12th century. From the 13th to the 16th century, Byzantine scholars attempted to recreate a collective identity based on cultural and historical continuity and otherness. In this paper, I will seek to explore the ways Byzantine scholars of the Late Byzantine and Post Byzantine era, who lived in the territories of the Byzantine Empire and/or in Italy, perceived national identity, and to show that the shift towards Hellenitas started in the Greek-speaking East.
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STOURAITIS, Ioannis. "Byzantine war against Christians – an "emphylios polemos"?" BYZANTINA SYMMEIKTA 20 (November 3, 2010): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.964.
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<span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Times New Roman','serif'; font-size: 12pt">The Byzantine civil wars have been the subject of studies which aimed to analyze and interpret the political and military dimension of the phenomenon of armed conflicts inside the Byzantine society. The ideological aspect of civil war in Byzantium has received less attention. During my study on Byzantine war ideology, I noticed that there are some cases of Byzantine authors of the period after the 9<sup>th</sup> century that present Byzantine war against another Christian people as a civil one. Beginning with a short overview of the Byzantines’ understanding of the term <em>emphylios polemos</em> which modern researchers interpret usually with the modern term civil war, this study will concentrate on the ideological and political similarities or differences between Byzantine civil war and Byzantine war against Christian enemies.</span><font face="Times New Roman" size="3"> </font><div><br /><div id="ftn4"><p style="margin: 0pt" class="MsoFootnoteText"> </p></div></div>
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Dmitriev, Vladimir A. "‘They are in the habit of sailing in big crafts’: what kinds of warships did the Sasanids use?" International Journal of Maritime History 31, no. 2 (May 2019): 222–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871419842050.
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The warships used by the Sasanids were troop ships used exclusively to carry soldiers to the theatre of operations, although it is possible they deployed merchant ships to carry cavalry. In the basin of the Indian Ocean, the Persians used the vessels of the local Asian type (so-called dhow), whereas in the Mediterranean they utilized ships of Byzantine design (sailing-rowing dromons and chelandions). The total size of the Sasanian fleet is unknown, but it can be assumed that naval squadrons numbered from a few to several dozen ships. The Byzantines enjoyed naval supremacy, which was one of the most important reasons for the Sasanid defeat in the Persian-Byzantine war of 602–628 and, therefore, for the future conquest of Iran and all the Near East by the Arabs.
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Olson, Alexander. "Working with Roman history: Attaleiates’ portrayal of the Normans." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 41, no. 1 (March 16, 2017): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2016.25.
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This paper suggests that Michael Attaleiates, the eleventh-century Byzantine historian, purposefully changed the ethnic label for his contemporary Norman mercenaries from ‘Frank’ to ‘Latin’ in order to portray these figures as ethnically close to the Byzantines of his own day. In addition, it suggests that Attaleiates’ motives for such a portrayal lay in his argument that Norman mercenaries were a potential solution to the empire's challenges with the Seljuks. This article examines the ways in which Attaleiates positively portrayed Norman mercenaries in Byzantium, and how he crafted historical parallels between them and the Latins of Byzantium's Roman past.
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Dills, Jordan M. "Logistical considerations for the arms production industry in the Middle Byzantine Empire." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 44, no. 2 (October 2020): 220–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2020.3.
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Utilizing the information recorded in the mid-tenth century Byzantine document known as De Ceremoniis, this paper will examine labour requirements for armament production in the context of a naval expedition to Crete launched by the Byzantines in AD 949. A series of interviews was conducted with experienced blacksmiths with the intention of exploring time requirements for equipment manufacture. The information provided by the De Ceremoniis, as well as that produced through the interviews, has allowed for the assessment of overall trends in the tenth century arms production industry, including labour investments, thematic and imperial production capabilities, and transportation logistics.
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Ince, Gillian E., Theodore Koukoulis, and David Smyth. "Paliochora: Survey of a Byzantine City on the Island of Kythera. Preliminary Report." Annual of the British School at Athens 82 (November 1987): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400020347.
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This paper is a report of the 1985 and 1986 survey work conducted at the Byzantine citysite of Paliochora (Hagios Demetrios) on Kythera. The city was traditionally founded in the late twelfth century and destroyed by the pirate Barbarossa in 1537.The report begins with a brief historical summary of the island's history under the Byzantines and Venetians, and a description of the site. The rest of the paper is devoted to a discussion of the initial finds under the headings of domestic architecture and churches. In the conclusion the proposed future work on site is outlined.
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ZANETTI, U. "Horologion copte et vêpres byzantines." Le Muséon 102, no. 3 (December 1, 1989): 237–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/mus.102.3.2011385.
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Karabelias, Evangélos. "Introduction. Acculturations juridiques romano-byzantines." Études Balkaniques-Cahiers Pierre Belon 10, no. 1 (2003): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/balka.010.0001.
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Kushch, Tatiana V. "Late Byzantium in the Works of Margarita A. Poljakovskaja." Античная древность и средние века 48 (2020): 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2020.48.001.
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This paper commemorates Margarita Adol’fovna Poljakovskaja (1933–2020), the head of the Ural school of Byzantine studies and the respected authority in the history and culture of late Byzantium. The author makes the reader acquainted with Professor Poljakovskaja’s academic biography, the topics of her researches, and the results of her studies in various aspects of the Byzantine history from the thirteenth to fifteenth century. The paper has revealed a few key topics studied by Professor Poljakovskaja: monastic properties in late Byzantine cities; Byzantine rhetoric and epistolography; social and political thought; intellectual life; social structures in the Byzantine society; palace ceremonies and court culture; and the Byzantines’ emotional world and daily life. It has been stated that although Professor Poljakovskaja used abundant and varied methodology produced by historical and philological researches, she preferred the anthropological approach. Her attention concentrated on a person and the person’s notion of the time and self. Reconstructions of intellectual and social life in the period of decline of the Byzantine empire loomed large in the historian’s studies, and the key topic of her researches was the problem of the “person, society, and power”.
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Marinow, Кirił. "Patrząc na przemoc. Postawa, odczucia i bezsilność człowieka wobec okropności wojny w świetle retoryki okresu średniobizantyńskiego." Vox Patrum 69 (December 16, 2018): 449–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3269.
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The second and third decade of the 10th century was marked by an armed conflict between the East Roman Empire and Bulgaria. A conflict, which nearly brought about the downfall of Byzantium, was caused by ambitious plans of Symeon I (893-927), the Bulgarian ruler who desired to impose his supremacy upon the empire and gain new territories on the Balkan Peninsula at its cost. Only his death let the Byzantines take a breath and conclude a peace treaty with his son and follower, Peter I (927-969). Theodore Daphnopates (890/900 - after 961), the alleged author of a rhetoric work On the Treaty with the Bulgarians, praising the freshly concluded peace (in 927), reminded the atrocities of war. He also built up the image of a suffering human who had become a witness to the violence inflicted to the soil, temples and villages, as well as and first of all to humans during war operations. And although that image was in many aspects a cliché of the Byzantine literature through multiplying the images of suffering, present in other similar works, it referred to the deeply inrooted pattern of such feelings, based on the experience of many generations of Byzantines themselves and of the humankind in general. So, despite being a customary topos it reflected the possible or perhaps actual human experience of meeting with violence. In my presentation I will present and characterize the attitudes and emotions which accompanied the Byzantine author he had experienced (or at least said he had), being a witness and hearing the relations of atrocities of a fratricidal war.
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WILSKMAN, Juho. "The conflict between the Angevins and the Byzantines in Morea in 1267-1289: A Late Byzantine endemic war." BYZANTINA SYMMEIKTA 22 (October 11, 2012): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.1047.
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<span style="line-height: 150%; color: black; font-size: 11pt"><font face="Times New Roman">This article attempts to reconstruct a late Byzantine low-level war, namely the conflict in the Morea during 1267-1289, which took place between the Angevins and their vassal, the Principality of Achaia, on the one side, and the Byzantines on the other side. This conflict offers a case of relatively well-documented late Byzantine low-level warfare. Special attention is given to the economic and demographic consequences of war for Morea, for the building of fortresses, and to the idea put forward in previous research that the war in Morea needlessly took resources away from the defense of Anatolia – thus contributing to the loss of the area to the Turks.</font></span><span></span>
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Kaldellis, Anthony. "The Byzantine Role in the Making of the Corpus of Classical Greek Historiography: A Preliminary Investigation." Journal of Hellenic Studies 132 (September 6, 2012): 71–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426912000067.
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AbstractThe selective survival of the corpus of ancient Greek historiography was in large part due to Byzantine historical and religious interests, combined with the ancient valorization, on literary grounds, of the three Classical historians. Our corpus generally reflects the Byzantine interest in Roman history, especially regime-changes, and sacred history, especially the Hellenistic context of Jewish history. Selections from ancient historians dealing with those themes were, in some cases, circulating independently already from the tenth century. The Byzantines had little interest in Hellenistic or local histories. This paper concludes by examining two moments (or ‘indices’) of survival and selection, Photios' Bibliotheke and the Constantinian Excerpta. Our corpus was largely in place by the time of the Excerpta, and the loss of some texts read by Photios may have been facilitated by the process of transliteration but was due to the same selective interests.
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Woodfin, Warren T. "The mock turtle's tears: ersatz enamel and the hierarchy of media in Pseudo-Kodinos." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 41, no. 1 (March 16, 2017): 55–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2016.29.
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The enormous prestige accorded to Byzantine cloisonné enamel seems to have continued into the Palaiologan period, although evidence suggests that its production ceased in the decades after the Fourth Crusade. The medium of the imperial images described by Pseudo-Kodinos as ὑπὸ ὑελίου λεγομένου διαγελάστου, which was worn on the headgear of thirteen ranks of court officials, is here identified as verre églomisé, reverse painting on glass. A reading of Pseudo-Kodinos’ treatise alongside surviving works of art suggests that fourteenth-century Byzantines were consciously using ersatz media in an effort to keep up the appearance of continuity with the empire's more prosperous past.
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ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΟΥ, Στέλιος. "Iδεολογικές αντιπαραθέσεις στα Βαλκάνια. Η προπαγανδιστική χρήση της λατρείας του αγίου Δημητρίου (τέλη 12ου-13ος αι.)." Byzantina Symmeikta 29 (April 2, 2019): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.18077.
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St Demetrius, the patron of Thessaloniki through the ages, became the subject of an ideological dispute between the second Bulgarian State and the Byzantine empire (end of 12th c. and throughout the 13th century).The Bulgarians and Vlachs of Haemus attempted to appropriate St Demetrius as the divine protector of their revolt (1185/1186).Τhe Byzantines challenged this founding ideology of the new Bulgarian regime by materialising tsar Ioannitzes' sudden death in front of Thessaloniki's walls (1207) and interpreting the Bulgarian king's end as one of Demetrius’ numerous miracles. According to the author, the Byzantine counter-narrative was not only based on the visualization of St Demetrius' miraculous intervention in 1207 and the new iconographical type of the martyr on horseback, spearing or unhorsing Ioannitzes, but also on Radomeros' miraculous murder presumably carried out by the same saint. This later miracle constitutes a conceived historical parallel to Ioannitzes' death.
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Peers, Glenn. "Real Living Painting: Quasi-Objects and Dividuation in the Byzantine World." Religion and the Arts 16, no. 5 (2012): 433–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685292-12341234.
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AbstractThis article examines an issue that has troubled Byzantine art historians: what Byzantines meant by “living painting.” It attempts to simplify the problem by accepting the sources at face value (painting was indeed alive) and to complicate our understanding of painting (painting occupied a subject-position just as fully as humans did). It uses the notion of ‘dividuals,’ which are opposed to discrete entities like individuals, and of ‘quasi-object,’ so that painting, metal work, stones, and people all appeared in some fashion as objects, but only superficially so. The cases used to establish this position include: Michael Psellos on paintings of Christ; Eucharistic chalices, divine geology and bloods of Christ; and the miraculous stories of interchanging identities among icons and persons. In this way, this article argues for an understanding of Byzantine materiality as relational; it assumed a participatory aspect among all things and persons in that world.
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Dzelebdzic, Dejan. "Jedan zanemareni aspekt simbolike jabuke u vizantijskoj knjizevnosti - povodom Vita Basilii, 4. 14-20." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 41 (2004): 123–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0441123d.
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(francuski) Cet article s'int?resse ? la signification symbolique de la pomme dans deux l?gendes byzantines. La premi?re de ces l?gendes relate la rencontre entre le khan bulgare Omourtag et le jeune Basile (Vita Basilii, 4. 14-20), lorsque le khan offre au jeune gar?on une pomme, ce qui a ?t? interpr?t? comme un signe annon?ant que cet enfant deviendrait plus tard empereur. La seconde a trait au choix de l'?pouse de l'empereur Th?ophile d'apr?s la version qu'en offre la vie de Theodora (??oz Theod?raz, 3. 6-46), en vertu de laquelle il est possible de conclure que dans cette histoire la pomme symbolise non seulement une offre de mariage (comme il est possible d'en conclure d'apr?s une seconde version conserv?e chez les chroniqueurs byzantins), mais aussi la transmission de l'autorit? imp?riale ? la future imp?ratrice. En se fondant sur ces deux l?gendes il est possible d'?tablir que dans la tradition byzantine la pomme ?tait, entre autre, per?ue comme un symbole de l'autorit? imp?riale, et ce nonobstant la raret? des t?moignages attestant une telle perception. Cette symbolique est confirm?e par une pr?diction turque dans laquelle il est dit que la pomme rouge repr?sente ?une grande ville imp?riale bien rempar?e?, ce qui se rapporte avant tout, vraisemblablement, ? Constantinople, ainsi que par un r?cit populaire serbe, dans lequel le nouvel empereur est choisi en jetant une pomme en l'air, l'?lu ?tant celui sur laquelle la pomme retombe. La l?gende tir?e de Vita Basilii peut ?tre mise en relation avec l'histoire d'H?rodote sur la fondation de la dynastie mac?donienne des Arg?ades par Perdiccas (Herodotus 8. 137-139). Il existe en effet de nombreuses ressemblances entre ces deux histoires: 1) Perdiccas tout comme Basile se sont retrouv?s, alors qu'ils ?taient encore enfants, dans un pays ?tranger 2) Tous deux, ? la veille de quitter ce pays, ont re?u du souverain un cadeau (plus pr?cis?ment un salaire dans l'histoire d'H?rodote) 3) Ce geste a ?t? compris par les entourages des souverains respectifs comme un pr?sage que ces enfants deviendraient plus tard eux m?me souverains, alors que les souverains, eux-m?me, n'en ?taient pas conscients. La seule diff?rence r?side dans la nature des cadeaux, Perdiccas ayant re?u un soleil d'apr?s le r?cit d'H?rodote. Toutefois, certaines sources venant confirmer que la pomme pouvait avoir une symbolique solaire, vraisemblablement en raison de sa couleur (or ou rouge) et de sa forme (chez Jean le G?om?tre, v. Progymnasmata, 23. 3-7 et Eustathe de Thessalonique, v. Opuscula, ?d. Tafel, 308, 19-22), il est permis de supposer que cette substitution n'a rien de fortuit. Dans la seconde partie de cet article l'auteur constate qu'approximativement ? la m?me ?poque o? ont ?t? enregistr?es ces deux l?gendes byzantines, certains ?crivains byzantins (de la seconde moiti? du dixi?me si?cle) commencent ? utiliser le mot m?lon au lieu du mot spha?ra ou p?loz, jusqu'alors usuels, afin de d?signer le globe tenu en main par les repr?sentations d'empereurs byzantins, qui, comme l'attestent de nombreuses sources byzantines, symbolise le pouvoir de l'empereur byzantin sur l'ensemble de l'oecum?n?e. L'auteur constate toutefois, malgr? cette co?ncidence chronologique, que l'existence d'un lien entre les l?gendes ?voqu?es ci-dessus et ce ph?nom?ne philologique est peu probable, compte tenu qu'en grec, et non seulement en grec, toute forme sph?rique peut ?tre appel?e pomme. Finalement, l'auteur rel?ve plusieurs cas de transfert de ce ph?nom?ne philologique dans d'autres langues. Certaines raisons permettent ainsi de penser que l'emploi du mot pomme pour d?signer le globus cruciger en latin a ?t? repris du grec. Il en est de m?me, et ce avec une plus grande certitude, pour le russe. En l'occurrence lorsque trois p?lerins russes (St?phane de Novgorod, un Anonyme et Zosime) ont visit? Constantinople au cours de la seconde moiti? du XIVe et au d?but du XVe si?cle, ils ont appel? pomme le globe tenu en main par la statue ?questre de Justinien, ce qui signifie qu'ils ont vraisemblablement repris ici le terme employ? par les guides constantinopolitains qui se tenaient ? leur disposition.
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ΓΑΛΑΝΗ-ΚΡΙΚΟΥ, Μίνα. "Θήβα: 10ος-14ος αιώνας. Η νομισματική μαρτυρία από την Αγία Τριάδα." BYZANTINA SYMMEIKTA 11 (September 29, 1997): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.827.
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<p>Mina Galani-Krikou</p><p>Thèbes: 10e-14e s. Le témoignage numismatique d'Hagia Trias</p><p>Les fouilles entreprises depuis 1986 par la 1ère Éphorie des Antiquités Byzantines à plusieurs sites de Thèbes et de la région de la Béotie ont donné des centaines de monnaies de l'époque byzantine.</p><p>Les monnaies, trouvées à Hagia Trias, site qui se trouve à l'ouest de la Kadmée, couvrent l'époque qui s'étend des empereurs Macédoniens, en particulier du règne de Léon VI, jusqu'au 14e siècle.</p><p>Nous constatons la circulation remarquable des «tetartera» des Comnènes, surtout ceux frappés par Manuel Ier, et des «imitations latines» du13e siècle.</p><p>La présence des princes Latins en Béotie est attestée par un trésor de «deniers tournois», enfoui probablement en 1311, lors de la bataille de Kifissos.</p><p>Le nombre restreint de monnaies vénitiennes, quatre torneselli de la fin du 14e siècle, qui complète le matériel numismatique de Hagia Trias, est un indice minime de la forte présence de Venise sur les territoires byzantins.</p><p>De façon générale, le témoignage numismatique de Hagia Trias ne diffère pas de celui que nous constatons à d'autres sites de la région.</p>
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Brubaker, Jeff. "“You are the Heretics!” Dialogue and Disputation between the Greek East and the Latin West after 1204." Medieval Encounters 24, no. 5-6 (December 3, 2018): 613–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340033.
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AbstractIn the aftermath of the Fourth Crusade Byzantines and Latins engaged in numerous instances of dialogue and negotiation intended to unite the Greek and Roman Churches. The meeting between four mendicant friars and Patriarch Germanos II in Nicaea and Nymphaion in 1234 is indicative of a continuous trend in Byzantine diplomacy going back to the Komnenoi emperors that used ecclesiastical debate as a mechanism for diplomatic gain. In the years after 1204, however, church-union negotiation took on new purpose, serving to solidify Byzantine identity and resistance in the face of western invaders. Although the study of dialogue and disputation is enjoying a period of renewed focus among western medievalists, the field of Byzantine Studies, with few exceptions, has confined such material to the realm of theological research, neglecting the importance of such encounters, especially in the period after the Fourth Crusade. This study sets out to address why historians of Byzantium have been apprehensive about embracing the sources that describe ecclesiastical dialogue, and show how they can inform us about diplomacy, society and identity in the Eastern Mediterranean world after 1204.
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Saulnier, Jean-Michel. "Collection Paul Canellopoulos (XX). Monnaies byzantines." Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 125, no. 1 (2001): 413–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/bch.2001.7148.
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Larcher, Pierre. "Les Byzantines. La voix d’un prisonnier." Arabica 58, no. 3 (2011): 336–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005811x561587.
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Szabó, Pál. "„Örvendezzenek az Egek…”." Belvedere Meridionale 32, no. 1 (2020): 62–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2020.1.6.
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In 1439 in the Council of Ferrara – Florence a new ecclesiastical union came into existence between the Western and Eastern Church by the declaration of papal bull ’Laetentur Caeli’. The aim of the negotiations – according to the Byzantine emperor John VIII – was to create united military and religious strength against the threat of the Ottoman Empire. But in Constantinople the Byzantine Church (monk Mark of Ephesus) put up resistance to the articles, because the delegation of the Byzantines accepted most of western dogmatical principles. This ecclesiastical union had an insignifi cant influence on political events. The possibility and papal idea of planned a new crusade was destroyed by the rivalry of Jagiellonian dynasty and the House of Habsburg for the crowns of Central European kingdoms. This study examines the antecedents of the Council of Ferrara – Florence, including political background and analyses the articles of Laetentur Caeli and finally mentions the question of mixed marriages in the Hungarian Kingdom by regulation of canon law.
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Minale, Valerio. "About the reception of Isaurian Ekloge in Byzantine Italy: An effort of comparison with Slavian world and mainly Stefan Dusan’s Serbian empire." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 49 (2012): 43–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1249043m.
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Aim of the contribute is to offer a new key to analyse the matter concerning the influence of Byzantine law sources on the development of the legal system in Southern Italy. In addition to a historical and juridical survey about the reception process of the Isaurian Ekloge in the territories controlled by the Byzantines, a comparison is tried considering the diffusion of the compilation also in the Slavian world and especially in the Balkan regions: to study the reasons, which persuaded Stefan Du{an to use the text to compose his Zakonik, could be very useful to understand the characters - totally different because of political grounds - of the preservation of the Isaurian Ekloge in the manuscripts coming from Southern Italy.
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ΤΑΚΙΡΤΑΚΟΓΛΟΥ, Κωνσταντίνος. "Οι πόλεμοι μεταξύ του Νικηφόρου Φωκά και των Αράβων." Byzantina Symmeikta 25 (October 29, 2015): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.1121.
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<br /><p>This article attempts to present the conflicts between the Byzantines and the Arabs, in the period that Nicephorus Phocas was active on the eastern front. It aims to fill certain gaps in the history of this period in the light of medieval Arabic sources.</p><p>Arab historiographers and geographers recount the deeds of Nicephorus Phocas, both as Domestic and as Emperor, informing us of how the Islamic world reacted to Byzantium's renewed aggressiveness.</p><p>Except for the military sector, historians can benefit from the information provided by the Arabic sources regarding internal affairs of the Byzantien Empire, such as the bad relations of Nicephorus Phocas with the circle of Emperor Romanos II or the active role of the Armenians in the wars of that period.</p><p>This study focuses also on all the conflicts of Nicephorus Phocas, both with the Hamdanids and with the Arabs of Sicily, but allso on the campaigns against Crete and Cyprus. Particular attention is given to the demeanor of the Byzantine Emperor in these operations, as seen by the Arabic sources.</p>στρατιωτικές συγκρούσεις Βυζαντινών και Αράβων την εποχή του Νικηφόρου Β' Φωκά (963-969) σύμφωνα με τις αραβικές πηγές.
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NYSTAZOPOULOU-PÉLÉKIDOU, Marie. "L'histoire des congrès internationaux des études byzantines - Première Partie." BYZANTINA SYMMEIKTA 18 (December 15, 2008): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.528.
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<!--StartFragment--> <p style="margin-top: 0in; margin-right: 0in; margin-left: 14.2pt; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 14.2pt" class="MsoBodyText2"><span style="font-style: italic" class="Apple-style-span">Suivant le voeu exprimé par l'Association Internationale des Études Byzantines, je me suis chargée d'étudier l'histoire des congrès internationaux des études byzantines. Dans cette première partie je me borne à présenter l'histoire des cinq premiers congrès organisés avant la IIe Guerre Mondiale. </span></p><p> </p> <!--EndFragment-->
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Spencer, Stephen J. "Feelings of betrayal and echoes of the First Crusade in Odo of Deuil's De profectione Ludovici VII in Orientem." Historical Research 92, no. 258 (October 9, 2019): 657–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.12287.
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Abstract This article seeks to shed light on the literary agenda of Odo of Deuil, author of the most detailed Latin account of the Levantine branch of the Second Crusade. It calls for scholars to reinstate Odo's vilification of the Byzantines as a primary, rather than secondary, objective and proposes a new explanation for his stringent anti-Greek tone. It first extends our knowledge of Odo's engagement with the historiographical tradition of the First Crusade, before drawing attention to a hitherto unappreciated layer in his vilification of the Byzantines: his use of emotional language.
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ΛΟΥΓΓΗΣ, Τηλέμαχος Κ. "Ἡ βυζαντινὴ ἱστοριογραφία μετὰ τὸ λεγόμενο «Μεγάλο Χάσμα»." BYZANTINA SYMMEIKTA 7 (September 29, 1987): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.713.
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<p>T. C. Lounghis</p><p><em> </em>L'historiographie byzantine après la soi-disante «Grande brèche» </p><p>Si, pendant la soi-disante «Grande brèche», la Donation de Constantin forgée par la Papauté parvient à annuler les prétentions byzantines de souveraineté sur l'Occident, une réaction oecuméniste byzantine est signalée sous le premier patriarcat de Photius; elle tend à regagner le droit de faire de la politique universaliste sous la forme de missions évangélisatrices, en s'appropriant pour le compte du patriarcat de Constantinople des prérogatives purement pontificales, ce qui amène à la rupture entre l'ancienne et la nouvelle Rome. Dans ce contexte général, on peut saisir mieux le sens de la destitution de Photius par Basile Ier qui, de par ses accords politiques avec la Papauté, inaugure une nouvelle politique occidentale. Cette politique consiste en la création d'une Oecuménè limitée dans l'espace, s'arrêtant devant l'ancienne Rome mais en revisant dans l'ensemble au profit byzantin les interdictions qu'imposait autrefois la Donation de Constantin à l'ancien universalisme byzantin qui datait des temps de Justinien Ier.</p><p>Ainsi, dans l'historiographie byzantine après la soi-disante «Grande brèche» on peut distinguer deux tendances idéologiques, opposées l'une à l'autre: la première tendance est propre à l'historiographie dynastique des empereurs macédoniens (la plus grande partie des Continuateurs de Théophane, les oeuvres de Constantin Porphyrogénète, Skylitzès). La deuxième tendance est représentée par l'historiographie de l'opposition (les textes du cycle du Logothète) qui suit l'ancien exemple d'universalisme illimité, comme, dans le genre littéraire, elle suit l'ancien modèle de la Chronographie depuis la création du monde.</p><p>La nouvelle tendance oecuménique de l'historiographie dynastique des empereurs macédoniens possède deux traits caractéristiques: a) la revision du genre chronographique qui, désormais, commence à des dates autres que l'an de la création du monde, et b) la mise hors-la-loi de l'ancien oecuménisme illimité qui entraine la rupture avec les puissances occidentales, que ce soit la Papauté ou l'empire d'Occident. Tout à fait contraire à ces traits nouveaux est la tradition chronographique universelle et universaliste en même temps, qui est suivie avec empressement par l'opposition à la dynastie macédonienne, jusqu'au règne de Nicéphore Phocas, de façon à provoquer la rancune de Liutprand, qui venait à Constantinople rassuré par l'attitude byzantine qu'il croyait connaître depuis 944.</p><p> </p>