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1

Machado, Pedro. ""Little Madeira": the Portuguese in Woodstock c.1940-c.1980." Bachelor's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/14958.

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Includes bibliographies.<br>This dissertation seeks to trace the forty-year evolution or the Portuguese or Madeiran immigrant community of Woodstock between the 1940s and 1980s. As the majority of Portuguese in Woodstock came from Madeira the terms, Portuguese and Madeiran, will be used interchangeably when referring to the immigrants. Throughout this period, Woodstock began to attract significant numbers of Portuguese immigrants, earning it the name' Little Madeira'. It became, in fact, the first suburb in Cape Town in which a distinct, Portuguese ethnic community developed .The dissertation is an attempt, however tentative, at the reconstruction of the history of the Portuguese community whilst at (he same time endeavouring to stress the importance of the contribution of sustained immigrant study to parochial and national histories.
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2

Mitchell, Peter Angus. "Contested space : squatting in divided Berlin c.1970 - c.1990." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/11707.

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This thesis examines the history of urban squatting in East and West Berlin from c. 1970 to c.1990. In doing so, it explores the relationship between urban space, opposition and conformity, mainstream and alternative cultures, as well as questions of identity and belonging in both halves of the formerly divided city. During Berlin’s history of division, illegal squatting was undertaken by a diverse range of actors from across the period’s political and Cold War divides. The practice emerged in both East and West Berlin during the early 1970s, continuing and intensifying during the following decade, before the traditions of squatting on both sides of the Berlin Wall converged in 1989-­‐90, as the city’s – and Germany’s – physical division was overcome. Squatting, this thesis argues, provides an important yet little studied chapter in Berlin’s – and indeed Germany’s – post-­‐war history. What is more, it provides an example of the ways in which, during the period of Cold War division, Berlin’s and Germany’s symbolic meaning was not only contested between East and West, but was, within the respective societies, also re-­‐interpreted from below. Drawing on a broad range of archival sources, this thesis compares and contrasts the experience of squatters on both sides of the Berlin Wall, and the ways in which the respective polities responded to this phenomenon. Broadly similar paradigms of urban renewal, this thesis argues, account for not only parallels in the temporality but also the geography of squatting in East and West Berlin. In both Berlins, this thesis demonstrates, the history of squatting was interconnected with that of domestic opposition and political dissidence. Moreover, squatting contributed to the emergence of alternative urban lifestyles, which sustained comparable urban sub-­‐cultures on both sides of the Cold War divide. Perhaps counter-­‐intuitively, this thesis argues that, East Germany’s apparatus of control notwithstanding, the relationship between squatters and the authorities in the GDR was generally more consensual than it was between their counterparts in West Germany and West Berlin. The thesis not only points to the limits of the totalitarian model of interpretation when applied to late Socialist society in the GDR, but also questions the dominant historiographical trend of studying the two Germanys in isolation from one another. Taking its cue from a number of influential scholars, this thesis asserts the importance of incorporating the experiences of both East and West Germany into a narrative of the nation’s divided past. Through identifying and analysing the overarching variable of urban squatting, this thesis attempts to develops a perspective that regards the post-­‐war history of East and West Germany as part of a wider whole.
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3

Ellis, David J. "Pavement politics : community action in Leeds, c. 1960-1990." Thesis, University of York, 2015. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/11727/.

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Community action, centred on everyday issues affecting life at neighbourhood level, was a new form of political activism that flourished across urban Britain from the 1960s to the 1980s. Existing historical narratives of politics in late twentieth century Britain overlook this development due to the low profile of community action nationally and activists’ lack of interest in recording their work for posterity. This thesis recovers part of the forgotten history of community action through a case study of Leeds. In so doing it re-balances a historiography concerned largely with established political institutions. The thesis builds upon the work of historians who have sought to broaden our understanding of the political and scholars who have stressed the importance of the local and the quotidian. In 1960s and 1970s in Leeds, the growth of community action was a response to the failure of traditional political organisations to represent those who disagreed with various aspects of urban policy. Community action challenged the centralising tendencies of the British state, pushing for more direct citizen involvement in policy making. Over the 1970s, activists re-shaped policy on urban renewal, housing and transport. The Leeds experience shows how community activists forged a partnership with local government and together they pioneered new forms of urban policy. Activists developed an infrastructure of grassroots institutions managed by local people, only for it to wither in the 1980s as the Thatcher governments advanced a neo-liberal policy agenda. With the exception of a handful of full-time organisers, Leeds activists were unable to act local and think national. As such, community action was unable to mature into a true social movement. It lacked strong national networks, a set of unifying institutions and a clear ideology. It did, however, survive as an approach to politics and its contribution to public policy remains visible today.
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4

Collinson, Marc. "Commonwealth immigration, policymaking, and the Labour Party, c. 1960-1980." Thesis, Bangor University, 2018. https://research.bangor.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/commonwealth-immigration-policymaking-and-the-labour-party-c-19601980(29025f71-6aa2-4047-b22d-738542b6130f).html.

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This thesis is a study of post-war British political parties and policymaking, primarily examining the Labour party’s combined policy on immigration, integration and race relations between 1960 and 1980. Limited research has been published on post-war parties and policymaking, and what has often neglects the role of the political party within the process. Existing studies of Labour’s engagement with immigration or race relations focus only on Harold Wilson’s 1964-1970 Governments. Labour were a party of Government in this period, returned as the largest or majority party in four of seven electoral contests between 1959 and 1979. Being in power for almost eleven of the twenty years, it is possible to analyse how the party reacted to a divisive political issue, in power and opposition and, therefore, the relationship between party policymaking, electoral politics and governance. To comprehend these interactive and complicated issues, this thesis engages with approaches traditionally utilised political history, in combination with others gleaned from political studies. Historical scholarship has long demonstrated that analysis of longer periods permit greater appreciation of change over time. Recent uptake of similar methodologies within political science have likewise accepted their effectiveness for analysing the actions of historic political actors. Blending innovative new interpretative approaches, alongside traditional intellectual examinations of politics informed by the history of ideas, has proved fruitful. Using Peter F. Clarke’s concept of the ‘purchase of ideas’, this thesis attempts to trace the intellectual origins of policy. By further accepting Duncan Tanner’s contention that policy is a complex process, and following his suggested delineation between institutional and electoral purchase of ideas within a political institution, it recognises historic agents’ capacity to shape, redirect and repackage policy to elicit popular appeal. To do this effectively, the study scrutinises the structure and processes of policymaking within the Labour party. Concentrating on Labour’s political dynamics, the thesis examines the degree to which policy development at the party’s London headquarters reflected the opinions of local parties and voters in constituencies. It surveys Labour’s early engagement with immigration issues before examining its definitive approach under Hugh Gaitskell’s leadership. Afterwards, it considers the role of immigration controls’ local appeal through scrutinising the political cleavage existent between pro-immigration local parties, and pro-control electorates. Enoch Powell’s April 1968 speech reaffirmed existing assumptions and the influence of the National Front and racially charged Powellite politics in the 1970s is analysed through a multi-level study of the party’s responses, to establish the significance of various local, national and international influences and constrictions on the policymaking process. This thesis posits that policymaking is both deliberative and contemporaneous, being a transient manifestation of political priorities and ideas deemed (by the party leadership) to possess institutional and electoral purchase at its time of prospective implementation.
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5

Yekela, Drusilla Siziwe. "Unity and division : aspects of the history of Abathembu Chieftainship c. 1920 to c. 1980." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/11491.

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Includes abstract.<br>Includes bibliographical references.<br>The history of the abaThembu chieftainship in the twentieth century has been very little studied. This thesis is the first attempt to examine the chieftainship in detail. It shows how the chieftainship was deeply divided, yet survived socio-political assaults from both within and without. It focuses on the individuals who were successive paramount chiefs of the abaThembu, exploring how they helped shape the chieftainship over time, and on the impact on the chieftainship of state policy in the eras of segregation and then apartheid.
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Mangi, Lutfullah. "U.S. policy towards South Africa, c.1960-c.1990 : from political realism to moral engagement." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1994. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/28708/.

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This is a study of United States' policy towards South Africa between 1976 and 1986, the important period in the history of their relationship. It sets out to explain that there had never been a basic shift in successive U.S. policies towards the Republic. The driving force behind the Ford, Carter and Reagan doctrines towards Southern Africa, with focus on South Africa, had been to secure the U.S. national interests---economic and military/strategic. These policies, however, were based on belief of negotiated settlement to achieve majority rule in the region, and were critical of the apartheid system in South Africa. Throughout the period under discussion, South Africa has never remained important in U.S. policy planning, except the period of the mid 1980s, when it attracted the attention of high-level policy-makers, including the President and the Congress. It was during this time that the Republic appeared as a major political issue of U.S. domestic constituencies and on foreign policy agenda. It was partly because of the well publicized crisis in South Africa, and partly because of the Reagan administration's attitude towards the anti-apartheid groups. The combination of these factors had led the defeat of the Reagan administration's policy of constructive engagement and the implementation of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986 in which Congress, under public pressure, deviced its policy towards South Africa.
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Toms, Jonathan Paul. "Mental hygiene to civil rights : MIND and the problematic of personhood, c.1900 to c.1980." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2005. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1446618/.

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8

Van, der Heyden Ulrich Klaus Helmut. "GDR development policy with special reference to Africa, c. 1960-1990." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001860.

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This thesis explores the political, economic and theoretical underpinnings of the German Democratic Republic’s (GDR’s) development policies towards the Third World between c.1960 and 1990. Particular attention is paid to Africa. Case studies of assistance to SWAPO and the ANC further focus the attention of the reader on southern Africa in particular. Aspects of both military and civilian aid are considered, including both development initiatives overseas in Africa, and development training for Africans within the GDR itself. Since German “reunification”, the GDR’s history has been explored largely from a West German perspective. The present work attempts to provide a more balanced view of successes and shortcomings of the GDR’s policies towards, and interaction with, African countries and liberation movements. It also aims to bring to the attention of English-speaking readers German archival sources, other primary sources and published works which they would otherwise have been unlikely to encounter. From its formation, the GDR made strenuous efforts to develop relations with countries which were either free from colonial dependency or were struggling for freedom. Over the course of thirty years, it followed a number of different approaches, and developed diverse objectives. These were shaped in the wider context of the cold war, the Hallstein doctrine (which established that the FRG – and, in effect, its allies - would not establish or maintain diplomatic relations with any state that recognised the GDR), the relationships between the GDR and partner socialist states, and the economic difficulties faced by the GDR. Arising from this complex situation, from time to time, both internally in the GDR and in terms of its foreign affairs, tensions and discrepancies arose between theoretical objectives and political and economic reality. Despite these severe constraints, during the period under review, the volume and range of the GDR’s relationships with developing countries increased dramatically. For example, between 1970 and 1987, the number of developing countries with which the GDR had foreign economic relations on the basis of international agreements grew from 23 to 64. Viewed within its economic context, the state was arguably far more committed to development aid than the Federal Republic of Germany. In addition, there is a great deal of evidence that “solidarity” with developing nations and the oppressed enjoyed a considerable degree of popular support.
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Nelson, Gillian. "A century of covert ethnography in Britain, c.1880-c.1980." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2010. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2163/.

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The purpose of this thesis is to explore the history of covert ethnography in Britain between the 1880s and 1980. During this century, a range of academic and non-academic social researchers have used the method of covert ethnography. The starting point for this thesis is the observation that there is no adequate and sustained explanation of covert ethnography as a historical phenomenon. It is argued that the fragmented nature of the existing historiography precludes a full understanding of this important historical phenomenon. It is the intention of this thesis to bridge the gaps in the historiography, as it stands, and to promote an inclusive historical account of covert ethnography in Britain across time. Through an analysis of covert ethnographic projects undertaken in Britain between the 1880s and 1980, with particular attention being paid to the structure and language used by covert ethnographers, this thesis will locate the use of this research method in its historical context. This thesis will chart the changes and continuities over time in the use of covert ethnography and demonstrate how key forces, such as the establishment of new models of ethnographic research and the development of ethical concern regarding covertness, shaped the use of covert ethnography significantly. This thesis will contribute a more comprehensive account of covert ethnography to the existing historiography.
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10

Bennett, Ronan A. H. "Enforcing the law in revolutionary England Yorkshire, c. 1640-c.1990." Online version, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.283797.

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11

Turner, Thomas. "The sports shoe : a social and cultural history, c.1870-c.1990." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 2013. http://bbktheses.da.ulcc.ac.uk/21/.

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Sports shoes are a familiar part of the modern casual wardrobe. They are worn by millions of people around the world for a range of athletic pursuits, as fashionable status symbols, and as comfortable everyday footwear. Over the past decade and a half, this ubiquity has encouraged a discussion about their significance in contemporary culture among writers working within academia, the popular press, and mainstream journalism. Focusing on Britain, the United States, and Germany, and drawing on physical artefacts, company records, music, film, and a rich variety of press and marketing material, this thesis moves the discussion into a historical framework. It traces the development of modern sports shoes from the late Victorian era to the end of the twentieth century and argues that they were dependent on a broad range of social and cultural factors, including science and technology, industry, commerce, and the rise of sports. These connections contributed to the meanings that developed around shoes as they moved from sports into more quotidian settings. It adds to the literature on the history of material culture by showing how sports shoes were used for purposes of symbolic communication and identity formation, but also embraces recent thinking on the relationship between things and practice. It argues that notions of use informed design and that sports shoes enabled and were integrated into a range of practices, many of them not envisaged by producers. The influence of youth culture on mainstream tastes is explored, while the significance of sports shoes within the skateboarding, hip hop, and football Casual subcultures of the 1970s and 1980s is considered in detail. It suggests that these groups developed new ways of thinking about sports footwear that helped prepare the ground for the sports shoe market of the twenty first century.
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12

Legnér, Mattias, and Mia Geijer. "Heating regimes in Swedish churches c. 1880-1980." Högskolan på Gotland, Institutionen för kultur, energi och miljö, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-1880.

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Ondoua, Patrice-William. "Les rapports Europe-Etats-Unis, 1980-1992." Paris 8, 1999. http://octaviana.fr/document/174466412#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=0.

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L'histoire des relations entre l'Europe et les Etats-Unis commence au 16e siècle, avant même la fondation des Etats-Unis avec le peuplement de l'Amérique du Nord par une immigration en provenance d'Europe, et notamment des îles britanniques. C'est pour cette raison que l'on a pu dire que les Etat-Unis sont les filles de l'Europe. Ce constat a pour corollaire le fait que les deux entités s'identifient par les origines et des valeurs communes qui sont le respect de la personne humaine et la pratique du système démocratique. Mais, le fait d'appartenir à la même orbite civilisatrice n'a pas forcément permis des échanges puisque l'on sait que la politique américaine a été marquée dans le passé par un fort courant isolationniste qui interdisait aux américains de se mêler des querelles et des conflits en Europe. C'est l'idée même de la doctrine Monroe qui spécifiait aux américains de limiter leurs ambitions à leur propre continent. L'immixtion des Etats-Unis dans la Grande Guerre rompt temporairement l'isolationnisme américain. . .
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Wood, Geoffrey Thomas. "Comprehending strike action: the South African experience c.1950-1990 and the theoretical implications thereof." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003107.

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Regular strike action has become a central characteristic of the South African industrial relations system. Whilst in the 1950s strikes were mostly isolated outbursts of relatively short duration, strikes in the 1980s were challenges of unprecedented duration and intensity. It is argued that despite this dramatic change, reflecting a series of discontinuities in both the political and economic arenas, strike action in South Africa does follow distinct patterns, and can be ascribed to a combination of identifiable causes. Principal causal factors include wage aspirations, past experiences and the subjective interpretation thereof, and the role of the union movement. Contingent factors include the prevailing political climate, industrial relations legislation, the amount of information opposing sides possess of their adversaries' intentions as well as spatial issues, such as the internal dynamics of individual communities. Partially as a result of South Africa's political transformation, the late 1980s and early 1990s saw further changes in the industrial relations environment. Reflecting these developments, it is argued that a new type of trade unionism has developed, "coterminous unionism" . This will have far-reaching implications for the nature of industrial conflict. However, it falls fully within the theoretical parameters outlined in this thesis. Despite significant developments in social theory in the 1980s and 1990s, there have been few attempts accordingly to update theories of strike action. One of the objectives of this thesis has been to attempt such an update. It is hoped that the constructs developed will shed light on a widely prevalent form of social conflict, assist in the analysis of future outbreaks, and enable the identification of those situations where a high propensity to engage in strike action may exist.
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Ojeda, Jiménez Edel. "La stratégie : le cas du syndicalisme démocratique mexicain, pendant la décade 1970-1980." Paris 8, 1995. https://octaviana.fr/document/182114228#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=0.

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En utilisant comme axes, d'une part, les notions et termes connexes au combat et a la guerre et, d'autre part, differents analyses portent sur le conflit syndical, particulierement le marxisme, il est possible de prefigurer la presence d'une theorie de la modification du social dont l'un des principaux composants est l'approche strategique en tant que perspective pouvant rendre compte de l'aspect combat-guerre qui compte certains conflits sociaux tels que les conflits du syndicalisme. A partir des elements basiques de la suggestion theorique proposee nous abordons le complexite du syndicalisme democratique mexicain durant la periode 1970-1980 tout en faisant sortir de l'ombre des aspects caches du conflit non eclaircis par les analystes en vogue<br>Using as referenceon one hand, notions and terms related to theories of war combat, and on the other, the diferent analysis (particularly marxsism) of trade-unions, it is possible to foresee the emergence of a theory of social modification in which the basic co component is the strategic approach. In this perpective it will enable is to ses aspects of war combat manifested in certain social conflicts such as in trade-unions. From these theoritical basic components just staded, we bring up the compexities of the mexican democratie trade-unions during the the periode of 1970-1980. The results will permit us to bring light upon hidden aspects of this conflict, which have been disregarded by other analysts
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Chabal, Emile. "Republicanism, liberalism and the search for political consensus in France, c.1980-c.2010." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610454.

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Gourievidis, Laurence. "The image of the Highland Clearances, c. 1880-1990." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2898.

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The Highland Clearances have featured in many historical analyses over the past thirty years and have particularly attracted the attention of socio-economic historians interested in the study of agricultural changes, their causes and multi-faceted impact on the Highland region and society. Yet it seems that the increasingly refined knowledge that the period now enjoys has hardly percolated down to the popular interpretation given of the events. The present study concerns itself with the popular representations of the Highland Clearances which, to a large extent, are consensual and are revealing of the collective attitudes towards the period, especially in the crofting districts. The first part concentrates on the historiographical background of the period since the nineteenth century, so as to establish the fund of knowledge gradually accumulated on the times, the standpoints adopted by the various historical currents and the evolution in historical methods and perspective. To convey the collective perception on the Clearances, three areas are selected: twentieth-century Scottish fiction, political writings and the museum world. Through the individual analysis of each, the themes, elements and viewpoints which have been given priority, will emerge. The popular representation of the Clearances yields as much information on the way people see their past as on current attitudes and concerns since it is, more often than not, recycled to fit a particular reading. It is also, because of its consistency and its recurrence, a mark of the significance of the period in the collective memory and sense of identity of the inhabitants of the crofting districts.
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Griffin, Danielle. "Sport and Canadian anti-apartheid policy : a political and diplomatic history c.1968-c.1980." Thesis, De Montfort University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/7432.

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In the 1970s the Canadian government took a strong stand against apartheid sport policies. Despite Canada’s limited sporting links with South Africa, Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau and his Liberal government took on a leading Commonwealth position in promoting the isolation of South African sport. The catalyst for this leadership was Canada as host of two ‘mega’ sporting events during the 1970s - the 1976 Montréal Olympics and the 1978 Edmonton Commonwealth Games. This thesis focuses on the progression and adoption of new policies and initiatives which looked to strengthen Canada’s foreign policies dealing with apartheid sport while promoting these initiatives within the Commonwealth. Canada, a senior member of the association, had proved itself to be a key ally of newly independent Commonwealth nations throughout the 1960s and into the 1970s. These nations looked to Canada for guidance. Along with taking on a stronger Commonwealth position during the Trudeau era, Canada also looked to increase its international presence by focusing less on its traditional ties with the United States and more on forging relationships with a variety of newer nations. As Canada looked outside its borders to assert itself, within the country regionalism was on the rise with the advent of Québec separatism. All these factors played a major role in the development of Canadian foreign policy during the 1970s. This thesis focuses on the balance between internal and external pressures for change and how changes unfolded in light of Canada holding two mega sporting events in quick progression. From 1968 to 1980, Trudeau dominated Canadian politics. An engaging figure, he came to power promoting his notion of a ‘Just Society’ and looking to expand Canada’s international prestige. Newly opened archives of the External Affairs Department at the Library and Archives Canada show that Trudeau played a key role in the development of Canada’s new policies, especially during the period of 1975 to 1978. The wide range of primary sources consulted, many recently opened through Access to Information and Privacy requests, alongside a variety of sources from voluntary associations, analysed in this thesis provide a fulsome, chronological narrative of how Canada moved to the forefront of the Commonwealth and the association’s movement to isolate South African apartheid sport.
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Maravanyika, Simeon. "Soil conservation and the white agrarian environment in Colonial Zimbabwe, c. 1908-1980." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/40253.

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This thesis utilizes three theoretical approaches; political ecology, settler culture and community conservation to examine soil conservation and the white agrarian environment in colonial Zimbabwe to evaluate to what extent players in government and the agricultural sector were conscious or concerned about preservation and conservation of the soil. The thesis also examines the role of local and international ideas in the colony’s conservationist tradition, and whether the soil conservation movement was identity-forming among the colony’s settler farmers. The history of conservation on settler farms in colonial Zimbabwe can be periodized into three broad timeframes - from the 1890s to around the mid-1930s, between 1934 and 1965 and the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) period. In the first three and half decades of the 20th century the history of conservation can best be described as being characterized by a series of “dilemmas.” The British South Africa Company (BSA Co.) administration did not pursue soil conservation in any significant, synchronized or sustained manner. In the second period, from 1934 to 1965, there was considerable progress in the construction of conservation works on settler farms. This process was the result of recommendations made by Natural Resources Commission, a body that was appointed in 1938 to investigate the status of the colony’s natural resources. The mid-1940s were characterized by the formation of Intensive Conservation Areas (ICAs) in settler farming districts whose mandate was to oversee the construction of conservation works to rehabilitate settler farms. With the support of the Natural Resources Board (NRB), and the Department of Conservation and Extension (CONEX), formed in 1948 to provide expertise on conservation-related matters and extension support, all settler farming areas were covered by trained CONEX staff, though in most instances very thinly distributed due to high demand for their service and manpower constraints in the department. The third period, the UDI era, was characterized by attempts by the minority settler government to forestall majority rule in the colony. Malawi and Zambia (formerly Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia, respectively) had been granted their independence by Britain in 1964. As decolonization was taking place in other parts of Africa, black majority rule in colonial Zimbabwe also seemed imminent. To the alarm of the white minority government, Britain had set out to grant majority rule to its African colonies, including Southern Rhodesia (renamed Rhodesia after Zambia’s independence). The Ian Smith-led government of Rhodesia, feeling betrayed, declared UDI on 11 November 1965, delaying Zimbabwean independence by another 15 years. With the end of the Federation in 1963, the colony could no longer rely on federal resources as it had done between 1953 and 1963. Sanctions, imposed in reaction to UDI, further put the regime in a tight corner. Their impact was quite significant. Fuel had to be rationed, and general belt-tightening across the board inevitably followed as major Rhodesian exports such as tobacco and minerals were embargoed on international markets. The start of the liberation war at the end of the 1960s further complicated matters.<br>Thesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2013.<br>gm2014<br>Historical and Heritage Studies<br>Unrestricted
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Moreno, Sacchi Hugo M. "Le paradigme argentin : conflits sociaux et luttes politiques : essai d'interprétation de l'argentine moderne (1930-1980)." Paris 8, 1990. http://octaviana.fr/document/182110117#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=0.

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Essai d'interpretation de l'argentine moderne(1930-1980), il s'agit d'une recherche centree sur l'histoire sociale envisagee dans une optique interdisciplinaire qui articule l'histoire, l'economie, la sociologie, la science politique. Le peronisme, phenomene specifique de l'histoire argentine est la question centrale de cette etude. En utilisant de facon flexible les outils theoriques du marxisme critique, elle essaye de rendre compte des contradictions du nationalisme peroniste et des raisons de son emprise pendant un demi-siecle sur la classe ouvriere argentine. L'analyse de la structure economique, de la dynamique des affrontements sociaux et de l'histoire politique moderne du pays permettent de cerner la specificitre du "paradigme argentn" dans le cadre general du capitalisme dependant en amerique latine. Le but de l'analyse est de demontrer qu'il n'y a pas de fatalite historique, que la crise et la degradation de la societe argentine est le produit d'un "choix" social et politique. Cette recherche s'appuie sur une abondante bibliographie mais egalement sur une experience personnelle qui a traverse trente ans de l'histoire sociale et politique de l'argentine<br>We are dealing here with a research on argentina's social history envisaged under an interdisciplinary aspect, centered around the history, the economy, the sociology, and the political science. The central question of this research is "peronism", a specific aspect of orgentina's history. Using, in a very flexible way the theoriticalustensils of critical marxism, this study tries to report the contradictions of peronist nationalism and the reasous of it's impact on argentina's working class for half a century. The analyses of the economical structure, of the dynamic of social struggles and of the modern political history of the country permit to center the specific aspects of the "argentina paradigme" and this within the dependant capitalism in latin america. The qoal of this study is to demonstrate that there is no historical fatality and that the crisis and degrading of the argentina society are the result of a social and political "choice". This research is based upon an abondant bibliography as well as on a personal experience which underwent thirty years of social and political history in argentina
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LUQUET, NATHALIE. "L'evolution du c. A. M. S. P. De cannes de 1990 a 1992." Nice, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994NICE6502.

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Harris, Tony School of History UNSW. "Basket weavers and true believers : the middle class left and the ALP Leichhardt Municipality c. 1970-1990." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of History, 2002. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/19325.

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In the two decades between 1970 and 1990, hundreds of people passed through the ALP branches of Leichhardt Municipality. These were predominantly members of what this thesis calls a 'middle class Left', employed in professions and para-professions like teaching or the public service and motivated, to one degree or another, by the social movements and politics of the late 1960's and early 1970's. This is a social history incorporating the life histories of a selection of these people. It is set against the backdrop of conflicts with incumbent, conservative, working class-based political machines and the political climate of the times. The thesis is in four parts. Part I, the introduction, establishes the point of view of the writer as it shapes what is also a 'participant history'. In this context, and that of the oral history interviews, the introduction addresses the relationship between memory and history. Parts II and III are the body of the thesis and each is lead by a 'photo-essay', recognising the complimentary importance of a visual narrative. Part II sets out the broad political topography of the 1970's and early 1980's. Chapter one describes the middle-classing of the ALP in Leichhardt Municipality, set against a review of the principal literature. It then moves through chapters two to four to examine the three loci of middle-classing: Annandale, Balmain and Glebe. Part III moves on into the 1980's when the middle class Left 'takes power'. It examines, in chapter five, the emerging, sharp, divisions among the Left on Leichhardt Council and in the contests for federal and state parliamentary seats. Chapter six examines the deepening of these divisions in the mid to late 1980's, concluding with the climactic struggle over the Mort Bay public housing project. Chapter seven looks at the diaspora of the Labor Left in Leichhardt at the end of the 1980's as the branch membership declined and many sought out political alternatives to the ALP. Part IV brings the thesis to its conclusion, focussing on the complexities and ambiguities of the middle class Left and drawing out the main socio-political themes of the two decades.
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Marsan, Jean-François. "Etude de l'activité du centre de prélèvements d'organes du C. H. R. De Bordeaux 1989-1990-1991." Bordeaux 2, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992BOR2M122.

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24

Lynas, Matthew Gibson. "The state and the making of the white settler agriculture in Natal c.1820-c.1990." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2012. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=192257.

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Contributions to the historiography of Natal’s agricultural development were limited and generally descriptive pre-1980s and fragmented thereafter. This thesis aims to address this by providing a more comprehensive understanding of agrarian land use which recognises not only monocultural dominance in the search for revenue by the colonial state but addresses the struggle of isolated white mixed farming communities in developing a viable agrarian economy. The postannexation years from 1843 was a period of transition marked by financial stringencies which limited the options for the governance of Natal. In particular this determined the nature of state relationships with landowners and Africans within the colony and set the precedents which impacted on agrarian land use during the second half of the nineteenth century. Chapter 1 provides a review of historical literature which considers the contributions of the main ‘schools of historical thought’ which interact in offering theoretical explanation on the aims of the state and settlers and the tensions with the rights of the indigenous people of Natal in relation to land. Natal, in comparison to the Cape was an isolated colony, deemed to have limited agrarian prospects and faced with political and economic challenges which dictated agrarian priorities. Chapter 2 considers the contextual precedents which impacted on settlement. The attraction of emigrants and agricultural settlement from mid-nineteenth century is recounted in Chapter 3 and the determination of such communities in overcoming subsistence conditions, coalescing into distinctive cultural identities, is developed in chapter 4 which highlights the dominance and influence of a landowning society on the direction of the colony in economic, political and social terms. Chapters 5 to 9 shift the focus to a white mixed farming community in the second half of the nineteenth century dependent on a vibrant African peasantry for staples, restricted by infrastructure, markets and the limitations of indigenized science and environmental knowledge. The traumatic events described in chapters 5 and 6 articulate the demand for organized state intervention in mixed agriculture in Natal. The role of the state changed with the Alfred Milner influence on the post bellum reconstruction of South Africa’s government administration from the first decade of the twentieth century. The promotion of science and technological change in South African agriculture and the apparatus for its dissemination marked a ‘tipping point’ in relation to the profile of mixed agriculture. The dominance of white landowner power is portrayed in chapter 7 reflecting the responses of both state and white farmers in the expansion of monocultural commercial land use. Chapters 8 and 9 turn the emphasis to mixed agriculture in providing understanding of the machinery of the state in promoting agricultural modernization and in assessing its assimilation at an individual level of white mixed farming in Natal in pre and post World War II years. This brings distinctiveness to this thesis because it deals with cultural, political as well as the economic and social determinants of change impacting on the agrarian history of Natal and allows conclusions to be drawn on the intensity of state support in promoting white agrarian prosperity.
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Lemos, Ana Paula Silva de. "Descrição de um novo clone de Neisseria meningitidis Sorogrupo C, Grande São Paulo, 1990 a 2003." Universidade de São Paulo, 2005. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/9/9136/tde-04062009-084009/.

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Infecções por Neisseria meningitidis estão associadas a altos índices de morbimortalidade no mundo. Na Região da Grande São Paulo a Doença Meningocócica (DM) causada por Neisseria meningitidis sorogrupo C começou a se tornar prevalente em 2001 , representando, em 2003, 62,7% de todos os casos de DM sorogrupados sendo que aproximadamente 88,5% dessas cepas eram não sorotipados e não sorosubtipados (C:NST:NSST). Estes dados sugeriam que um fenótipo, C: NST:NSST, tinha emergido na Grande São Paulo e, considerando-se a importância histórica da doença na região, iniciamos o presente estudo com o objetivo de esclarecer a mudança na dinâmica da DM pela determinação das características fenotípicas e genotípicas destas cepas. Para tanto, analisamos por sorotipagem, tipagem das regiões Variáveis da PorA e PorB e do gene 16S RNA ribossomal, 753 cepas de N. meningitidis C isoladas de casos de DM provenientes da Grande São Paulo, no período de 1990 a 2003. Dado a impossibilidade de caracterização do novo fenótipo pelos anticorpos monoclonais disponíveis mundialmente, objetivamos também a produção de hibridomas produtores desses anticorpos para caracterização do fenótipo C:NST:NSST. Foram selecionadas duas linhagens celulares híbridas, produtoras de anticorpos monoclonais que reconhecem as proteínas PorA e PorB deste novo fenótipo. Entre as 255 cepas de N. meningitidis C inicialmente caracterizadas como NST:NSST, 75% (n=191) tomaram-se completamente sorotipadas como 23:P1.14-6. A análise da similaridade do gene 16S RNA ribossomal das cepas analisadas demonstrou um único padrão genético, sugerindo a clonalidade deste novo fenótipo. Os dados obtidos neste trabalho, demonstram a introdução, na Região da Grande São Paulo, de um novo clone de Neisseria meningitidis C apresentando o fenótipo C:23:P1.14-6 e que está sendo responsável pelo aumento dos casos de DM causada por este sorogrupo.<br>Neisseria meningitidis (Men) is an important cause of morbidity and mortality and is a leading cause of bacterial meningitis and septicemia in children and young adults in Brazil. Meningococcal disease caused by MenC started becoming the most prevalent serogroup in 2001, representing 62.7% of all MD cases serogrouped in 2003 in Greater Sao Paulo and approximately 88.5% of MenC isolates were nonserotypeable and non-serosubtypeable (NST:NSST). This data suggested that a novel invasive isolate (C:NT:NSST) had emerged in GSP, and considering the historical importance of MenC disease in the region, we initiated this study to better understand the dynamics of MD looking at the phenotypic and molecular characteristics of these isolates. To accomplish this goal, we characterized 753 MenC isolates recovered during the period of 1990 to 2003 by serotyping, PorS and PorA VR typing, 16S rRNA gene typing and produced new serotyping monoclonal antibodies (MAbs) to characterize the C:NST:NSST isolates. We were able to select two hybridoma cells that recognizes PorB and PorA proteins. Among the 255 strains initially characterized as NST:NSST, 75% (n=191) of them became completely serotyped as 23:P1 .14-6. Sy 16S RNA ribossomal typing, these strains showed the same pattern suggesting strain clonality. Our data demonstrate the introduction of a new clone of Neisseria rneningitidis C presenting the phenotype C:23:P1.14-6 and that is being responsible for the increase of the cases of DM caused by this serogroup in Great Sao Paulo.
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Huston, Carol. "Eduardo Paolozzi and J.G. Ballard : representing new British modernities, c. 1966-1980." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/eduardo-paolozzi-and-jg-ballard-representing-new-british-modernities-c-1966--1980(97dadfe7-8ca9-4c36-86ae-3fcbcad61a7b).html.

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The significance of the relationship between Scottish artist Sir Eduardo Paolozzi (1924-2005) and English novelist J.G. Ballard (1930-2009) has previously been overlooked in art historical and literary scholarship. This thesis fills this research gap through the analysis of how the pair’s works overlapped thematically to represent a particular strain of British modernity. By looking at shared cultural circumstances after World War II, parallels will be drawn between the work of Paolozzi and Ballard in the late years of British modernism. Drawing upon the topics of science fiction, Surrealism, the neo-avant-garde and militaristic and crash aesthetics, this thesis explores the various themes which Paolozzi and Ballard encountered during the period of their friendship. Overall, this comparative analysis reveals that despite dissimilar upbringings, Paolozzi and Ballard’s harrowing experiences of the Second World War culminated in a dual reaction against the stagnant flow of British modernism during the late postwar era. My thesis demonstrates this through their involvement with literary magazines as well as their mutually shared interests as expressed in their works of art and writings. By creating works which appropriated early twentieth century traditions, Paolozzi and Ballard rejected their immediate modernist inheritance and turned to the modernist past with renewed avant-garde intent. As exemplified in their works, the pair together represented the late postwar transition of British modernity during the dawn of what would come to be called ‘postmodernism’.
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Luce, Jean-Marc. "Fouille a delphes 1990-1992 : l'habitat et le sanctuaire de 1200 a 500 av. j.-c." Dijon, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993DIJOL005.

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Une fouille menee a delphes sous la fondation du pilier des rhodiens entre 1990 et 1992 est ici decrite, ainsi que ses consequences sur l'histoire du sanctuaire et de la ville. Une nouvelle datation du premier peribole et six maisons qui se sont succede dans le temps entre 1200 et 600 av. J. -c. Permettent de suivre l'evolution du temenos, ses differents elargissement, l'evolution de la structure en terrasses du terrain fouille et meme de tout le site, celle du materiel utilise. Les restes vegetaux et surtout les inscriptions ainsi que les textes litteraires permettent de proposer une interpretation sur le paysage delphique jusqu'a la fin de l'antiquite<br>An excavation at delphi in 1990-1992 under the fondation of the pillar of the rhodians is the subject of the dissertation. The consequences on the history of the sactuary and the settlement are developed. A new datation of the first peribolos and six houses built between 1200 and 600 b. C. Allow to follow the evolution of the temenos, its progressive extension, the evolution of the structure of the excavated plot and of the whole site, the evolution of the material ( pottery, bronzes, etc. ). The vegetable remains and above all the epigraphical inscriptions and the litterature allow to propose an interpretation on the landscape of delphi until the end of the antiquity
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BAILLY, AUDOUIN PASCALE. "Bilan de la cryopreservation des embryons au c. H. U. De nantes de 1985 a 1990." Angers, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991ANGE1034.

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BONEIN, MIREILLE. "Bilan d'hospitalisations neonatales au c. H. G. De martigues pour l'annee 1990." Aix-Marseille 2, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992AIX20043.

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30

Mu, Wei. "Les Nongmingong à Chongqing : transformation de la culture sociale en Chine." Paris 8, 2012. http://octaviana.fr/document/178305707#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=0.

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Les migrants ruraux portent le nom de Nongmingong en Chine. Ce nom est la désignation stigmatisant des migrants ruraux qui fournissent l'essentiel de la main d'œuvre précaire qui contribue à l'urbanisation du pays depuis les années 1980. Cette thèse traite de l’identité collective et de la société d’obligations, causes principales de beaucoup de problèmes politiques et sociaux chinois, y compris le problème du Nongmingong. Les nombreux changements politiques et sociaux qui se succèdent depuis dix ans sont liés directement ou indirectement au développement de la société privée sous la forme de l’économie libérale. L’analyse des paroles des paysans et Nongmingongs dans mes enquêtes révèle qu’aujourd’hui la mentalité des chinois est fondée sur le principe de liberté et d’égalité entre les citoyens : fondement de la société démocratique<br>Rural migrants are called nongmingong in China. This name is stigmatizing designation of rural migrants who provide most of the precarious labor that contributes to the urbanization of the country since the 1980s. This thesis deals with the collective identity and social bonds, the main causes of many Chinese political and social problems, including the problem of nongmingong. The many political and social changes that follow the last ten years are directly or indirectly to the development of the private company in the form of liberal economy. The analysis of words and Nongmingongs farmers in my survey today reveals the mentality of the Chinese is based on the principle of freedom and equality among citizens: the foundation of democratic society
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L'Hôte, Catherine. "Etude rétrospective sur les patients transfusés dans un service de réanimation médicale de 1980 à 1985 et essai de suivi post-transfusionnel." Montpellier 1, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993MON11175.

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Godiwala, Dimple. "Breaking the bounds : British feminist dramatists writing in the mainstream since c. 1980." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367775.

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Minck, Christopher. "Washington et l'Afrique : le rôle de Charles C. Diggs, "Mr Africa" : 1955-1980." Thesis, Paris 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA030124.

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Le mouvement initié le 6 mars 1957 par l’indépendance du Ghana de la Grande-Bretagne balaya l’ensemble de l’Afrique australe jusqu’à culminer en 1960 – « année de l’Afrique ». La décolonisation et la résultante émergence d’une troisième voie dans le conflit idéologique entre les Etats-Unis et l’URSS provoqua l’irruption du continent africain sur l’échiquier politique international. Parallèlement, dans le Sud des Etats-Unis, les Noirs luttaient pour obtenir la reconnaissance de leurs droits civiques. Dès lors, les connections entre ce combat et la lutte internationale pour la décolonisation apparurent, échos modernes aux liens déjà tissés plus tôt entre les Afro-Américains et leur continent d’origine. Le changement dans les relations raciales s’accompagna par un regain de conservatisme aussi bien aux Etats-Unis qu’en Afrique subsaharienne. L’élection du républicain Nixon en 1968 faisait écho au maintien de régimes dirigés par la minorité blanche en Afrique du Sud, en Rhodésie et dans l’ensemble de l’Afrique lusophone. C’est dans ce contexte « globalisé », où politiques intérieure et internationale, race et nation commencèrent à fusionner que les relations raciales émergent sur la scène internationale comme enjeu politique. Les Etats-Unis durent faire face à la ségrégation et à la discrimination dans leur propre pays ainsi qu’à la décolonisation à l’étranger. L’émergence des relations raciales en tant qu’enjeu global se posait comme un obstacle aux tentatives américaines de construire une coalition internationale et multiraciale contre le communisme. L’émergence d’un corps politique noir américain à la fin des années 1960 dans ce contexte pose la question des Représentants afro-américains au Congrès et de la politique africaine des Etats-Unis. Se situant dans ce contexte, cette thèse examine le rôle que le Représentant Charles C. Diggs a joué dans les politiques de Washington vis-à-vis de l’Afrique subsaharienne de 1955 à 1980. Représentant démocrate du Michigan, « Mr. Africa » devint le premier Afro-Américain nommé à la Commission des Affaires étrangères de la Chambre basse en 1959. Il présida, sous l’Administration Nixon, la Sous-commission aux Affaires africaines, orchestra la fondation du lobby parlementaire noir, le Congressional Black Caucus, en 1971 et fut l’architecte de TransAfrica – un lobby non-institutionnel visant à sensibiliser les Américains à la situation raciale en Afrique – en 1977. De par sa carrière, ses engagements politiques et sa nature même de Représentant noir, Charles Diggs a incarné une vision transnationaliste des relations raciales. Notre propos vise à analyser le rôle de Diggs dans la reconnaissance nationale de problèmes raciaux globaux à travers sa définition de ces problèmes en des termes transgressant le simple intérêt racial<br>The movement which began on 6th March 1957 with Ghanaian independence from Great Britain swept through the rest of southern Africa, culminating in 1960, hailed the ‘Year of Africa’. Decolonization and the resultant emergence of a third way in the ideological conflict between the United States and the USSR led to the sudden appearance of the African continent on the international political stage. At the same time, in the southern United States, blacks fought for recognition of their civil rights. From this point on, contemporary resonances of the links already woven by Afro-Americans with their continent of origin allowed the connections of their combat with the international struggle for decolonization to become apparent. Changes in race relations were accompanied by a rise in conservatism as much in the United States as in sub-Saharan Africa. The election of the Republican Nixon in 1968 was mirrored in the preservation of regimes of minority white rule in South Africa, Rhodesia and the whole of Portuguese speaking Africa.It is in this ‘globalised’ context, in which domestic and international politics, race and nation began to fuse that race relations emerged on the international scene as a political issue. The United States had to confront segregation and discrimination in their own country, as well as decolonization abroad. The emergence of race relations as a global issue acted as an obstacle to American efforts to construct a multiracial international coalition against communism. The emergence of a Black American political body at the end of the 1960s raises, within this context, the question of the status of Afro-American Representatives at Congress and the African politics of the United States as a whole. Rooted in such a context, this thesis examines the role that Representative Charles C. Diggs played in Washington politics in relation to sub-Saharan Africa from 1955 to 1980. Democrat Representative for Michigan, Diggs, later to be known as ‘Mr Africa’, became, in 1959, the first Afro-American appointed to the Committee of Foreign Affairs of the lower house. Under the Nixon administration, he presided over the Subcommittee on Africa, orchestrated the foundation of the black parliamentary lobby the Congressional Black Caucus in 1971, and was the architect in 1977 of TransAfrica, a non-institutional lobby aiming to raise American awareness of the racial situation in Africa. Through his career, his political engagements, and the very fact of being a black Representative, Charles Diggs incarnated a transnationalist vision of race relations. Our intention is to analyze Diggs’ role in the national recognition of global racial problems, through the terms he used to define them, terms which exceeded straightforward racial interest
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Amin, Janaki Public Health &amp Community Medicine Faculty of Medicine UNSW. "Hepatitis B and C associated cancer and mortality: New South Wales, 1990-2002." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Public Health and Community Medicine, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/27338.

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This thesis examines cancer and mortality rates among people diagnosed with hepatitis B (HBV) and C (HCV) infection in New South Wales (NSW) from 1990 through 2002, by linking hepatitis notifications with the NSW Central Cancer Registry (CCR) and National Death Index. Of the 39101 HBV, 75834 HCV and 2604 HBV/HCV co-infection notifications included 1052, 1761 and 85 were linked to cancer notifications and 1233, 4008 and 186 were linked to death notifications respectively. Of 2072 hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC) notifications to the CCR 323, 267 and 85 were linked to HBV, HCV and HBV/HCV co-infection notifications. Incidence of HCC was 6.5, 4.0 and 5.9 per 1000 person years for HBV, HCV and HBV/HCV co-infected groups. Risk of HCC in those diagnosed with hepatitis was 20 to 30 times greater than the standard population. There was a marginally statistically significant increased risk of immunoproliferative malignancies associated with HCV infection (SIR=5.6 95% CI 1.8 ???17.5). Risk of death for those with hepatitis was significantly greater, 1.5 to 5 fold, than the general population with the greatest risk among those with HBV/HCV co-infection. The primary cause of HBV deaths was liver related, particularly HCC, whereas in the HCV groups drug related deaths were most frequent. Among people with HCV, risk of dying from drug related causes was significantly greater than from liver related causes (p=0.012), with the greatest increased risk in females age 15- 24 years (SMR 56.9, 95%CI 39.2???79.9). Median age at diagnosis of HCC varied markedly by country of birth and hepatitis group: HBV 66, 63 and 57years ; HCV 51, 68 and 71 years; unlinked 69, 70 and 64 years for Australian, European, and Asian-born groups, respectively (P<0.0001 for all groups). While the risk of cancer, particularly HCC, is elevated among people with HBV and HCV infection, the absolute risk remains low. Young people with HCV face a higher mortality risk from continued drug use than from liver damage related to their HCV infection. The influence of IDU in the epidemiology of HCC in New South Wales was possibly reflected in the varying distributions of age and country of birth.
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Cartwright, Katherine. "'Perceptions of the 'red peril'' : the National Party's changing portrayal of the 'communist threat' c.1985 - February 1990." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/17487.

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Includes bibliography.<br>For the National Party of South Africa, Communism was simultaneously a legitimate concern and a useful concept with which to attract voters and deflect criticism. The threat of Communism was frequently allied with the threat of African nationalism in National Party discourse during the apartheid era. The alliance between the African National Congress and the South African Communist Party, and the Soviet's role in supporting various governments and opposition movements on the subcontinent lent credence to the National Party's stance. This study, believed to be the first of its kind on the subject, examined the National Party's perception of the Communist 'threat' or 'red peril' from c. 1985 until February 1990, at a time when the Communist's role on the subcontinent was changing but 'revolutionary' unrest in South Africa was escalating. The study culminated in an assessment of National Party discourse prior to and during February 1990 to decipher the influence of the collapse of Communism in Eastern Europe on the decision to lift the bans on the ANC, SACP and PAC. Secondary research examined the facets of the Communist 'threat' in South Africa. Primary research used the South African Survey, the parliamentary Hansard, key journals, party and sub-national newspapers, the papers of P. W. Botha and F.W. de Klerk, and party electioneering material to analyse National Party references to the Communist 'threat'. In addition F.W. de Klerk, and his co-author, David Steward were interviewed. The analysis was necessarily qualitative, but the volume of evidence gathered enabled a number of insights to be advanced. The National Party's references to the Communist 'threat' changed during the period in response to political settlement in South West Africa/Namibia, the increased pressure from the West to abolish apartheid, and to domestic political challenges both from traditional sources of opposition and traditional sources of support. The confusion caused by the changing loci of domestic political opposition and international criticism was also evident. While the portrayal of a Soviet driven Communist threat declined in party discourse and the National Party posited a more constructive approach to socio-economic aspects of the Communist threat (in the face of Conservative Party opposition), the portrayal of a military and political threat from Communist-backed forces remained common until 1989. The discourse between 1985-89 did not anticipate the lifting of the ban on the ANC-SACP alliance who were portrayed in party rhetoric as being committed to Communism, and therefore illegitimate negotiating partners, as late as July 1989. In this context the study examined the February 1990 lifting of the ban on the ANC-SACP alliance, against the background of the collapse of Communism in Eastern Europe. The study demonstrated de Klerk's misjudgement of the ANC and his belief that as a result of the collapse of Communism, the initiative could be seized at the ANC's expense, to create a new political dispensation that still 'protected' the white minority.
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MARECAUX, OLIVIER. "Bilan du traitement chirurgical de la lithiase reno-ureterale avant la lithotripsie extra-corporelle (l. E. C. ), 1980-1987." Lille 2, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988LIL2M199.

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37

Miquelot, Géraldine. "Logiques de médiation en art contemporain : pour une description ordonnée des actions de médiation en centres d’art : étude critique de leurs cadres idéologiques et structurels et de leur répercussion sur le monde de l’art." Paris 8, 2011. http://octaviana.fr/document/167322354#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=0.

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Le développement des structures d’art contemporain et de leurs actions de médiation nous a amenée à interroger la pertinence d’une typologie de ces actions. La présence de formes récurrentes dans des contextes d’élaboration différents permet-elle cette typologie ? Nous avons choisi de concentrer notre étude sur les conditions de mise en place des dispositifs de médiation, en nous tenant éloignée des œuvres référentes. Notre étude repose sur un corpus de 26 structures d’art contemporain dans lequel la représentativité, difficilement envisageable, a été compensée par un souci de diversité. Dans ces structures, nous avons rencontré 38 professionnels dont une majorité d’acteurs de la médiation. Quels cadres sont susceptibles d’informer les pratiques de médiation ? Comment les médiateurs articulent-ils ces cadres avec leurs missions ? Directives officielles pour la démocratisation culturelle, « nécessité » de médiation en art contemporain, disparités entre les structures et conditions de travail des médiateurs sont ainsi analysés dans l’hypothèse de leur influence sur les pratiques. En ressort une définition enrichie de la médiation, qui consiste non seulement à accompagner le public mais aussi à le « développer », deux missions potentiellement concurrentes qui distordent le rôle initial du médiateur. À partir de ces contextes, comment élaborer une typologie des actions de médiation ? En isolant dans un premier temps des « unités » de médiation, ingrédients premiers des dispositifs, nous avons classé ces derniers selon l’équilibre qu’aménagent les médiateurs entre leur travail et l’implication des publics destinataires : actions entièrement conçues par les médiateurs d’une part, actions conçues en concertation avec les publics d’autre part. Cette partition nous a permis de repérer notamment les ressources auxquelles la conception de dispositifs fait appel. Si les effets de la médiation sur les publics sont exclus de cette recherche, qu’en est-il de leurs effets sur le monde de l’art contemporain ? Considérant le travail des médiateurs comme l’épicentre d’un impact, la dernière partie de notre étude recherche ses répercussions, l’« onde de choc » de la médiation. Ce faisant, nous postulons l’existence d’un « monde de la médiation » qui, tout en mobilisant certaines ressources du monde de l’art, agit sur celui-ci et a un effet global positif sur les structures d’art contemporain<br>Contemporary visual arts centers have increased, developing their education (“mediation”) devices, which leads us to question the relevance of a typology of those devices. Do recurring patterns, in contexts differently constructed, allow such a typology? We chose to focus on the contexts in which those devices are set up rather than the art works they are referring to. Our study is based on a 26-structures corpus. Facing difficulties to have a representative corpus, we made up for it by making it as diverse as possible. In those facilities we met 38 people, most of them mediation workers. What kinds of frames are likely to shed light on patterns in mediation? How do mediation workers deal with those frames and their tasks? We studied hypothetical influences on mediation: official commands aiming towards cultural democratisation, the “need” of mediation for contemporary visual art, the heterogeneity of structures and working environments. An improved definition of mediation thus emerges: it consists in assisting the public but also in “developing” it, two missions potentially opposed and which contort the role of mediation workers. Starting from those frames, how can we elaborate a typology of mediation actions? By identifying “units” of mediation, the first components of the devices, we classified them according to the balance mediators put between their work and public involvement: devices fully set up by mediators on the one hand, and devices set up through cooperation between mediators and their public on the other hand. This distribution allowed us to notice which resources mediators use for the conception of their devices. If we don’t study the effects of mediation on the public, what about its effects inside the world of contemporary art? By regarding the work of mediators as the epicentre of an impact, the last part of our study concerns the way its “shockwaves” spread from this impact. This leads us to our final hypothesis, which considers the existence of a “world of mediation”, which calls upon resources of the art world and has global positive effects on it
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38

Buitrago, Orjuela Liliana. "La parole en conflit : analyse de la parole publique sur une pratique de violence : la prise d'otage politique en Colombie (2002-2010)." Paris 8, 2014. http://octaviana.fr/document/185411649#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=0.

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Dans le contexte du conflit contemporain en Colombie, la prise d’otage politique a suscité sur la scène publique beaucoup de débats de tous ordres, notamment sur la légitimité de la recherche d’un accord. Cette thèse aborde la prise d’otage à partir de la parole publique qui émerge dans ce contexte paradoxal, sous la forme de polémiques politiques et de témoignages. Cette étude est centrée sur les prises d’otages politiques des Farc pendant les deux mandats du président Álvaro Uribe, période durant laquelle les acteurs du conflit ne se sont jamais mis d’accord. Il s’agit d’une analyse d’un désaccord politique constant, non résolu. La prise d’otage est comprise ici, non pas d’abord comme forme de violence, mais comme matrice d’un espace communicationnel, d’un espace de stratégie politique et sociale où les prises de paroles, sensées résoudre un problème, ne font que se juxtaposer. Le récit de la victime entre aussi dans ce répertoire, consolidant sa place dans l’espace public : la visibilité médiatique de son témoignage introduit dans le débat national l’expérience individuelle de la violence comme argument politique. Cette mise en scène d’une expérience de violence intègre la souffrance de la victime dans les stratégies de communication politique. Ce parcours à travers la parole publique montre que cet espace communicationnel n’est pas seulement un champ de forces dans lequel les acteurs armés confrontent leurs images politico-militaires, mais aussi un espace de représentations où interviennent d’autres acteurs du monde social<br>In the context of contemporary conflict in Colombia, political hostages generated a lot of debate in the public arena, at all levels, including the legitimacy of trying to reach political agreement. This thesis addresses hostages taking from the analysis of the public discourse that emerges in this paradoxical context, in the form of political controversies and testimonies. This study focuses on the Farc political hostages during Álvaro Uribe’s presidency years, when the parties involved in the conflict did not agree. This is an analysis about a constant unresolved political disagreement. Hostage taking is analysed here primarily, not as a form of violence, but as the origin of a communication space, a space of political and social strategy where speeches, supposed to help solving a problem, get juxtaposed. The victims stories also belong in this repertoire, consolidating their place in the public space: testimony medias exposure introduced into the national debate the individual experience of violence as a political argument. This staging of a violent experience includes the victim’s suffering as a political communication strategy. This journey through public speaking shows that this communication space is not only a force field in which armed actors confront their politico-military images, but also a performance space where other actors of the social world are involved
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39

André, Anne-Sophie. "Le rearmement allemand et la c. E. D. Dans le debat politique britannique." Paris 3, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA030040.

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Au_cours de l'ete 1950, la guerre de coree a provoque un nouvel examen des priorites strategiques de l'alliance occidentale. Zone menacee etait le ventre mou de l'europe, a savoir l'allemagne occupee et demilitarisee. Les chefs militaires occidentaux n'eurent des lors de cesse de rearmer l'allemagne. Cette these montre comment la diplomatie britannique a essaye de prendre en otage les discussionscontemporaines sur le rearmement allemand afin de torpiller les efforts d'integration menes sur le continent et de reprendre le dessus dans ses relations avec les etats-unis. Tant attlee et bevin que churchill et eden ont fait tout leur possible pour empecher la ced de naitre, tout en professant le contraire. Le pragmatisme britannique les a empeche de s'emparer du leadership europeen au moment le plus propice pour eux, car trop peu avaient compris le changement de position du pays sur la scene mondiale. Il y a la un paradoxe car dans son ensemble, la societe britannique etait loin d'etre anti♭ europeenne, et s'opposait bien plus au rearmement allemand qu'a la participation britannique aux instances en cours d'elaboration. L'etude des partis, de la presse; des sondages et des caricatures montre que ce sentiment transcendait les clivages et creait une ambiance assez favorable a la construction europeenne, contrairement a ce qui est generalement admis. L'impact de ce debat sur les negociations ulterieures pour l'entree de la grande-bretagne dans le marche commun est donc considerable.
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40

Wu, Yi-Hua. "De la théâtralité des arts contemporains au début du XXIe siècle." Paris 8, 2014. http://octaviana.fr/document/185175929#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=0.

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Cette thèse vise à transposer la notion de théâtralité en extension métaphorique du théâtre afin de démythifier l’art comme évènement de conceptualisation. Pour appuyer cette proposition, nous avons choisi d’examiner les pièces des artistes Blast Theory, Jeremy Deller, Francis Alÿs, Tino Sehgal, Damien Hirst et le phénomène de pop star Lady Gaga en fonction de leurs caractéristiques de mise en scène. Ainsi, nous formulons l’hypothèse que l’art est un producteur d’imaginaire social médiatisé entre des personnes qu’il est possible de diffuser à l’échelle globale, au moyen des technologies numériques, comme un néo theatrum mundi dans les conditions de vie du XXIe siècle. Cette hypothèse est démontrée à l’aide d’une méthodologie combinée de critique sémiologique et de sémiologie théâtrale pour étudier les régimes esthétiques dans différentes situations : en hyper-situation 2. 0, en situation post-publique, en situation transesthétique dans l’art contemporain et dans la pop culture. Les formes dramaturgiques d’une manière de faire postdramatique et d’une manière d’être monodramatique et pataphysique, sont ainsi explorées et étudiées. Nous affirmons que chaque pièce impose une dramaturgie fondatrice en tant que condition préalable de l’unité scénique pour former un récit fantasmatique collectif dans les interstices de la représentation et de la perception. En conséquence, cette reconstitution d’un monde des arts polymorphes, d’orientation nietzschéenne, invoque l’esprit émancipateur pour traverser, enchaîner et sublimer les frontières entre les médiums, les disciplines, les régimes esthétiques au cours d’échanges féconds et subtils à l’ère postmoderne<br>This thesis aims to transpose the notion of theatricality as metaphorical extension of theater to demystify art as event of conceptualization. In order to support this proposition, we have chosen to examine the works of the artists Blast Theory, Jeremy Deller, Francis Alÿs, Tino Sehgal, Damien Hirst and the phenomenon of pop star Lady Gaga, in terms of their characteristics of staging. Thus, we hypothesize that art is a social fantasy producer mediated between people and that it can be spread on a global scale, using digital technologies as a neo theatrum mundi in conditions of life in the twenty-first century. This hypothesis is demonstrated by using a combined methodology of critical semiotic and theatrical semiotics to study the aesthetic regimes in different situations: hyper-condition 2. 0, post-public situation, transaesthetic situation in contemporary art and pop culture. Dramaturgical forms are explored and studied through the postdramatic method of making and the monodramatic and pataphysical method of being. We affirm that each work imposes a founding dramaturgy as a precondition for the scenic drive forming a collective fantasy narrative in the interstices of representation and perception. Accordingly, this reconstruction of this polymorphic art world, with the guidance of nietzschean orientation, invokes the emancipatory spirit to cross, to link up and to refine the boundaries between mediums, disciplines, aesthetic regimes during the prolific and subtle exchanges in the postmodern era
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41

Mitchell, Andrew Hunter. "Institutions and endowments : state credibility, fiscal institutions and divergence, Argentina and Australia, c.1880-1980." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/835/.

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The thesis compares Argentine and Australian fiscal systems from the late nineteenth to the late twentieth centuries. It uses institutionalist and endowments approaches to evaluate the importance of state credibility and taxation on long run economic development. After rapid convergence in the early twentieth century, Argentina and Australia clearly diverged in the latter twentieth century. Divergence emanated from different institutional experiences, which ultimately originated from dissimilar experiences of state credibility. State credibility is the extent to which society trusts the state to act in its interests. Fiscal institutions are a clear and comparable measure of state credibility over time as they frankly express underlying political economy. As Argentina and Australia were once similarly successful settler economies with comparable geographic prospects for development, the comparison promises to transcend geographically deterministic explanations for development. Geography primarily consists of factor endowments and location. In fact Argentina was better placed to succeed in geographic terms than Australia. Yet Australia, not Argentina, secured the status of a developed country. Australia and Argentina exemplify the relative insignificance of geography in shaping development. Divergence resulted from a failure of Argentine institutions to generate sufficient space for negotiation and compromise, and a ‘latent civil war’ was entered from the 1930s until the early 1980s. A key finding of the thesis is that divergence in fiscal institutions, especially differing capacities to embed progressive systems of direct taxation was crucial to divergence in development. This finding is based upon the discovery of new evidence and the harmonisation of fragmented time series which enable comparison over a long period of time. Argentina and Australia took different paths in the latter half of the twentieth century due to distinct institutional environments and their legacies for social consensus and development.
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42

Balona, de Sà Oliveira Ana. "Fort/Da : unhomely and hybrid displacements in the work of Ângela Ferreira c. 1980-2008." Thesis, Courtauld Institute of Art (University of London), 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.702738.

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43

Freear, Josephine. "Marks and Spencer and the social history of food c. 1950-1980, with particular reference to the relationship between consumer behaviour and retailing strategies." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2015. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/10498/.

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This thesis uses a detailed study of the relationship between the retailing strategies of Marks and Spencer and consumer behaviour to examine wider changes in the history of food retail and consumption in Britain between 1950 and 1980. Using material from the Marks and Spencer company archive, it situates these traditional business history sources alongside primary material from a wide range of social, cultural and political and multi-disciplinary scholarship in order to contextualise the company’s experiences as a food retailer. The first half of the thesis explores the complexities of this relationship and investigates the ways in which the histories of consumption, retail and supply interacted during the twentieth century. The second half then uses this retailer-customer interface to identify patterns, trends and areas of change and continuity in consumer behaviour through the lens of Marks and Spencer’s retail strategies. This includes the development of the company’s hygienic food retail practices in the 1940s and its creation of the chilled ready meals sector in 1979. It finds that Marks and Spencer’s focus on the progressive dimensions of advances food technology allowed the company to redefine its relationship with its customers while building on its cultural role as a ‘national institution’. This technological emphasis then permeated the company’s product range through a series of innovations, first through a focus on hygiene, then by the diversification of its product range and finally through the packaged ready meal. Ultimately, it argues that Marks and Spencer was able to create a new relationship with food consumers and develop retail strategies which allowed the company to navigate and, to a certain extent, actively shape consumer preferences over this thirty year period.
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44

Richter, Catja [Verfasser], and C. [Akademischer Betreuer] Alexiou. "Prognostische Relevanz des Gradings von Kopf Hals Tumoren [[Elektronische Ressource]] : eine retrospektive Krankengutanalyse von Patienten der Jahre 1970 - 1990 / Catja Richter. Betreuer: C. Alexiou." Erlangen : Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg (FAU), 2010. http://d-nb.info/1056019182/34.

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45

Regard, Frédéric. "Ethique et esthétique des ténèbres : l'oeuvre romanesque de William Golding : (1954-1980)." Paris 8, 1989. http://octaviana.fr/document/174331010#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=0.

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46

Langhamer, Claire Louise. "Women and leisure in Manchester, 1920-c.1960." Thesis, University of Central Lancashire, 1996. http://clok.uclan.ac.uk/21905/.

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The focus of this thesis is the complex relationship between women and the category 'leisure', a relationship which is only infrequently addressed within the historiography of leisure and only partially understood within the existing frameworks of that field. The research draws upon feminist scholarship to establish a fluid theoretical structure within which the leisure experiences of women may be better conceptualised, and re-thinks the methodologies necessary to access those experiences within a defined historical period: that of 1920-1960. Throughout, 'leisure' is approached less as self-defined, discrete activity, and more as a mutable category, open to changing meanings and inseparable from its contextual and historical background. To this end, the nature of 'leisure' is itself problematised: the study challenges definitions of the concept as directly oppositional to work/workplace and explores the problems inherent in the notion that leisure constitutes a reward for paid labour. Indeed, the sources suggest that 'leisure' and 'work' often interacted within women's lives and that notions of leisure as something 'earned' had a fundamental impact upon women's experiences over the life cycle. The thesis is built around interviews with Manchester women from working-class and lower middle-class backgrounds. However, it also uses local newspaper evidence, women's magazines and the contemporary work of a number of researchers with an interest in leisure during the period. The study examines changing experiences of leisure and shifting perceptions of the concept across social classes and over the historical period. It presents a picture of leisure at the local level, whilst suggesting a chronology of leisure which has implications for our understanding of the national experience. The fundamental originality of the project rests in its approach; it offers a holistic, life cycle based, approach to a field which largely consists of research of a topic-based nature. The central findings concern the role of life cycle stage in determining the relationship of women to leisure across both period and social classes. In particular, the thesis explores how the transition from youth to adulthood impacted upon women's ideas of appropriate leisure behaviour and entitlement, and asserts that a contrast may be drawn between the personal leisure of youth, and the 'family' leisure of adulthood.
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47

Mwatwara, Wesley. "A history of state veterinary services and African livestock regimes in colonial Zimbabwe, c.1896-1980." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86424.

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Thesis (PhD)-- Stellenbosch University, 2014.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the relationship between African traditional livestock regimes and state veterinary services in colonial Zimbabwe from the perspective of socio-environmental history. It offers a new direction both methodologically and empirically as few academic studies have used state veterinary services archives extensively as a lens to understanding the parameters of the interaction of veterinarians and African livestock owners during the colonial period. Though located in socio-environmental history, this study has applicability to the histories of medicine, conservation and land policy as it connects with the broader debate regarding the experiences of local healing practices under colonial administrations. It examines the complex, fluid and interactive interdependence of people, livestock and disease, and discusses how veterinary medicine, conservation policies, and introduced epizootics impacted on African traditional livestock regimes. It demonstrates how African livestock owners reacted to veterinary challenges, and how they understood veterinary and environmental arguments mobilized by the colonial state to justify segregation. It shows that state veterinary services were not limited to pharmacological drugs and the administration of inoculants but also extended to breeding and other livestock improvement activities such as pasture management. It argues that the provision of state veterinary services was largely influenced by the shifting, contradictory relationship involving the state, native commissioners and white settlers. Given the fractured nature of colonial administration in Southern Rhodesia, this thesis also discusses conflicts between colonial experts (veterinary and animal scientists) and African livestock owners over what type of cattle to rear, how they were to be pastured, and also how epizootics and enzootics could be eradicated or controlled. Key Words: conservation; African livestock regimes; veterinary medicine, local healing practices; dipping; therapeutics; acaricides; centralisation; socio-environmental history; liberation war; Zimbabwe; Southern Rhodesia; Rhodesia.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: This thesis explores the relationship between African traditional livestock regimes and state veterinary services in colonial Zimbabwe from the perspective of socio-environmental history. It offers a new direction both methodologically and empirically as few academic studies have used state veterinary services archives extensively as a lens to understanding the parameters of the interaction of veterinarians and African livestock owners during the colonial period. Though located in socio-environmental history, this study has applicability to the histories of medicine, conservation and land policy as it connects with the broader debate regarding the experiences of local healing practices under colonial administrations. It examines the complex, fluid and interactive interdependence of people, livestock and disease, and discusses how veterinary medicine, conservation policies, and introduced epizootics impacted on African traditional livestock regimes. It demonstrates how African livestock owners reacted to veterinary challenges, and how they understood veterinary and environmental arguments mobilized by the colonial state to justify segregation. It shows that state veterinary services were not limited to pharmacological drugs and the administration of inoculants but also extended to breeding and other livestock improvement activities such as pasture management. It argues that the provision of state veterinary services was largely influenced by the shifting, contradictory relationship involving the state, native commissioners and white settlers. Given the fractured nature of colonial administration in Southern Rhodesia, this thesis also discusses conflicts between colonial experts (veterinary and animal scientists) and African livestock owners over what type of cattle to rear, how they were to be pastured, and also how epizootics and enzootics could be eradicated or controlled. Key Words: conservation; African livestock regimes; veterinary medicine, local healing practices; dipping; therapeutics; acaricides; centralisation; socio-environmental history; liberation war; Zimbabwe; Southern Rhodesia; Rhodesia.
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48

Cahier, Bernard. "Le devisement de l’homme moderne : dynamique des configurations, domestication de la violence et discours fédérateurs de la modernité." Paris 8, 2007. http://octaviana.fr/document/122015665#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=0.

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Norbert Elias s’est laissé enfermer, malgré lui, dans la linéarité de ce qu’il a été contraint de reconnaître comme des mouvements de "décivilisation", tel l’holocauste. Pour le sortir de cette impasse, son outillage méthodologique a été complété, à l’aide d’une notion de discours inspirée de Foucault, en se focalisant sur ce qui se passe lors de la formation même d’une configuration, selon un schéma socio-anthropologique ("négociation" – "plateforme" – "discours"). La façon dont la configuration se met en place ou se défait, par une série de partages, constitue un devisement (mot repris à Marco Polo). Par delà les dispositifs de gouvernementalité (Foucault) qu’elle permet d’appréhender, cette méthode a pour ambition de répondre au problème, récurrent en philosophie, de la permanence et du changement. Répondant ainsi aux difficultés rencontrées par Elias, elle est appliquée, en seconde partie, à l’histoire de l’homme moderne, et aux recompositions qu’il s’impose sans cesse à lui-même<br>"Le Devisement du monde" ("The description of the world") is the title of the book by Marco Polo. This term here covers a socio-anthropological method which combines the notion of "figuration" (Elias) and that of discourse (Foucault). This method is based on an analytical structure ("negotiation" – "platform" – "discourse"), which thus completes the tool bequeathed to us by Norbert Elias, by specifying how a figuration is set up or broken down, by a series of divisions. Allowing us to analyse certain measures of governmentality (Foucault), this approach also answers the problem of permanence and change, recurrent in philosophy. This forms the first part. Applying this tool, the second part reviews the history of modern man up to the recompositions which he applies ceaselessly to himself
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49

Rogan, Timothy Michael. "Shifting Anglo-American conceptions of self and society, c.1920- c.1960." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648627.

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50

Kabandula, Abigail. "Women of St. Marks, Transkei : negotiating customary law, c.1940 - c.1960." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/8969.

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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 68-73).<br>This thesis explores the ways in which customary law affected the women of the St. Marks district, Transkei between 1940 and 1960. In particular, it examines how women worked within and through customary law and the customary law courts in order to obtain redress for their problems. The thesis discusses the argument that the codification of customary law was the result of collaboration between older African men and colonial administrators and that its effect was to increase and render more rigid the patriarchal control of women. It argues that literature on women and customary law shows that after African customs were codified, their form and content changed in accordance with British administrators' legal and administrative needs. Women's legal and social status was negatively affected. The codified law emphasised the patriarchal aspects of the African custom and reduced women's social status in society. However, the thesis concludes that the question of how far customary law oppressed women has not yet been resolved. Using Customary Law Court Cases and records from the Chiefs Courts, the Native Commissioner Courts and the Native Appeal Courts of St. Marks District in Cofimvaba in Transkei from the late 1930s to the early 1960s, this thesis explores how women viewed themselves in relation to the law and also to the way it was applied by officials in the courts. It also explores and how women negotiated customary law in a bid to deal with the changes in the lives brought about by Christianity, capitalism and migrant labour. Missionary teachings, colonial rule, capitalism and migrant labour were significant social and economic factors that greatly affected the lives of the women of St. Marks. In court, educated women married by Christian rites were able to manipulate and challenge patriarchal values and frustrate men's attempts to prevent their access to property and inheritance or their efforts to demean women in various ways. The thesis shows that African women were not merely victims of customary law. Rather, they found ways of negotiating their agency within the confines of the customary law courts.
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