Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Caciquism'

El caciquisme en el període de la Restauració ha estat àmpliament estudiat. Aquest fet ha permès una interpretació global, majorment a partir de l’establiment del sufragi universal (1890), amb algunes diferències geogràfiques i cronològiques. Sense qüestionar aquesta interpretació, l’estudi de la microhistòria permet aportar algunes matisacions. Aquesta tesis pretén presentar les característiques del caciquisme al Districte Electoral de Berga en el període 1868-1907. A partir de la segona meitat del segle XIX, en la segona fase de la industrialització catalana, essent insuficient el carbó autòcton, es va recórrer a l’energia hidràulica dels rius Llobregat, Ter i Cardener. En el curs del Llobregat al seu pas per aquest Districte, sempre deprimit, s’establiren fàbriques de riu, la majoria de les quals es van beneficiar de l’estatus de colònia. Els industrials establerts es convertiren en els nous cacics que exerciren un poder absolut en tots els ordres. El frau electoral constant, fou una conseqüència d’aquest caciquisme, nou al territori, que va convertir als antics cacics en els seus agents electorals. Dominat políticament cada un d’ells el territori en el que tenien els seus interessos precisaven exercir la seva influència davant dels successius governs centrals, per la qual cosa van intervenir directament en les eleccions legislatives. Resum de les eleccions legislatives: 1876. els lliberals locals, ofereixen l’acta al general Martínez Campos que la deriva al seu col•laborador, el general Bonanza, sense eleccions; 1879. Els cacics locals tornen a presentar a Bonanza, però els germans Rosal, amb interessos fabriles, agraris, ramaders i forestals, aconsegueixen amb l’aprovació de Martínez Campos que l’acta sigui per Duran i Bas; 1891. Els locals tornen a presentar al lliberal Bonanza, però els Rosal presenten al també lliberal Marín. Fou proclamat Bonanza, però finalment l’acta va ser per Marín; 1884 i 1886, Rosal aconsegueix l’acta pel lliberal Marín amb el vot dels carlistes i clergues, integristes inclosos; 1891. Sufragi universal. Els carlistes presenten al seu cap, Llauder que obté l’acta. Rosal abandona a Marín i no intervé aparentment; 1893. L’acta és per Marín, passat ara als conservadors i presentat pels lliberals contraris a Rosal; 1896 Agustí Rosal presenta al seu germà Antoni, l’acta fou per Marín, però no va ser aprovada; 1898, els lliberals locals aconsegueixen l‘acta per Joan Ferrer Vidal, contra Rosal. L’acta tampoc fou aprovada; 1899. Enfrontament entre industrials pel traçat del ferrocarril i els interessos miners: Rosal contra L. G. Pons Enrich, recolzada per Olano. Rosal y Pons es rellevaran fins l’any 1907. En aquestes eleccions l’acta fou per Rosal; el 1901 per Pons; el 1903 per Rosal i el 1905 per Pons; 1907. Eleccions de Solaridad Catalana. El Comitè d’aquest moviment, va assignar l’acta de Berga als carlistes en la persona de Bordas i Flaquer. Antoni Rosal es va retirar i Pons va representar l’antisolidaritat. L’acta fou per Bordas. El desembre de 1909, morí prematurament Agustí Rosal Sala, conegut al seu temps com “el Gran Cacic”. El caciquisme va entrar en una nova etapa.
The aim of this thesis is to present the characteristics of caciquism in the electoral district of Berga in the period from 1868 to 1907. From the second half of the 20th century onwards, due to the insufficiency of domestic coal, they resorted to hydraulic energy from rivers Llobregat, Ter and Cardener. River factories were established along the course of river Llobregat on its way through this electoral district, always depressed, and most of them got a colony status. The industrialists became the new caciques. Electoral fraud was a consequence of caciquism. Summary of legislative elections: 1876. The local liberals offer the act to general Martínez Campos who, in turn, gives it to his partner, general Bonanza, without elections; 1879. Bonanza is put forward again by the local caciques, but Rosal brothers, who had manufacturing, agrarian, farming and forest interests, succeeded in giving the act to Durán y Bas, with Martínez Campos’ approval; 1891. The liberal Bonanza is put forward by the locals again, but Marín, also a liberal, is put forward by the Rosals. Although Bonanza was elected, the act was eventually given to Marín; 1884 and 1886, Rosal gets the act for the liberal Marín, with votes from carlists and priests, fundamentalists included; 1891. Universal suffrage. Carlists put their leader forward, Llauder, who gets the act. Rosal deserts Marín and apparently he does not intervene; 1893. Marín, who is on the conservative side now, gets the act and is put forward by the liberals, who were contrary to Rosal; 1896. Agustín Rosal puts his brother Antonio forward, Marín gets the act although it was not approved; 1898. The local liberals get the act for Juan Ferrer Vidal, against Rosal. The act was not approved neither; 1899. Conflict among industrialists over the railway line and mining interests: Rosal against L.G.Pons Enrich, supported by Olano. Rosal and Pons take turns until 1907. In these elections Rosal got the act; in 1901 Pons got it; in 1903 Rosal got it and in 1905 Pons got it; 1907. Elections in the Catalan Solidarity Party are held. The committee of this movement assigned the Berga Act to carlists, in the person of Bordas y Flaquer. Antonio Rosal disengaged and Pons represented anti-solidarity. Bordas got the act.

"Comunidades encadenadas" es una tesis doctoral antropológica e histórica sobre la cultura política del caciquismo durante el periodo comprendido entre 1915 y 2014 en el distrito Mixe, del estado de Oaxaca, México. El objetivo principal es validar un nuevo modelo teórico que se propone a partir de Oligarquía y caciquismo de Joaquín Costa con el material empírico que se ha recopilado en el campo a través de múltiples fuentes etnográficas e históricas. Se emplea un método hipotético-deductivo para explorar en profundidad de tres cacicazgos de la unidad de geográfica y étnica de análisis. A partir de estos resultados, se han refinado las hipótesis propuestas para ayudar, a fin de cuentas, a definir y detectar el fenómeno socio-político del caciquismo y para conectarlo con el concepto más amplio del patronazgo informal y el de partido político. El caciquismo se define como una fórmula muy concreta de intermediación que conecta y sujeta poblaciones humanas. Establece un triple mecanismo de control sobre los sujetos, un encadenamiento mediante favores, sujeciones y transmisiones entre los grupos local y nacional. La articulación entre estas tres cadenas funciona de la siguiente manera: el caciquismo crea un monopolio político y económico que manipula los vínculos de la comunidad con la nación, desviando recursos y patronazgo hasta convirtiéndolas en cadenas de transmisión; con estos últimos el cacique entreteje las cadenas de favor con las que subordina a su clientela local y con ello reemplaza la jerarquía de responsabilidades de las instituciones locales por deudas de lealtad; finalmente, mediante el poder absoluto y los recursos económicos, el caciquismo contribuye a cercar a la población para mantenerla cautiva y subordinada a su dominio. El caciquismo establece un triple monopolio: 1) el económico, a través de la dominación de las relaciones externas y los intercambios comerciales (transmisión); 2) el de la violencia, mediante la creación de grupos parapoliciales y el control de las armas de fuego (sujeción); 3) el político, al concentrar en la persona del cacique los tres poderes por medio de la reciprocidad asimétrica de las relaciones patrón-cliente (favor). En conclusión, tres cadenas, tres monopolios, tres poderes y una sola persona. El resultado es que el caciquismo integra en una única cadena de mando a los municipios y distritos con el Estado. Los caciques se demuestran así como un eslabón esencial que preservar la hegemonía de una élite que gobierna como una oligarquía. Y, finalmente, la autocracia de los pueblos bajo el yugo del caciquismo sirve a la dinámica más general de la centralización estatal del poder.
"Comunidades encadenadas" (Chained Communities) is an anthropological and historical PhD thesis about the political culture of caciquismo –a special kind of power patronage– between 1915 and 2014 in the Mixe district of Oaxaca, Mexico. The main research objective is to validate a new theoretical model – based on Joaquín Costa’s theory Oligarquía y caciquismo– using empirical data gathered through fieldwork using multiple ethnographic and historical sources. A hypothetical-deductive method is applied to explore three cases of caciquismo from the geographical and ethnic unit of analysis. The hypothesis are refined based on this analysis in order to help define and identify the socio-political phenomenon of caciquismo and to connect it to the wider concept of informal and party patronage. Caciquismo is defined as a very specific formula for intermediation that both connects and restrains human communities. It establishes a triple control mechanism over individuals through favours, subjugation, and transmission between local and national groups. The three chains of Caciquismo are articulated in the following way: by creating an economic and political monopoly that affects the community’s ties to the nation, the resources and patronage provided are diverted internally; with these, the cacique establishes his patronage through favours, which he uses to subordinate his local clientele, replacing the local institutions’ hierarchies of responsibilities with what it is defined here as debts of loyalty; finally, caciquismo uses both absolute power and economic resources to keep people subordinated and captive to its domination. Caciquismo establishes a triple monopoly: 1) economic monopoly, through the domination of external political and commercial relations (transmission); 2) monopoly of violence, through control of firearms and creating community police groups (subjugation); 3) political monopoly, concentrating all three powers in the cacique through the asymmetric reciprocity of patron-client relationships (favours). In conclusion, there are three chains of control, three monopolies, three powers but only one person. Caciquismo integrates communities, districts and the central state into a single chain of command. Caciques are an essential cog in the wheel that preserves the hegemony for an elite that rules government as an oligarchy. The autocracy of caciquismo also contributes to the more general dynamics of state centralization of power.

A començaments del segle XX, en una cojuntura de descomposició institucional, la vida política local de la ciutat de Vic, població catalana d'uns 13.000 habitatnts situada a l'interior de Catalunya, seu de la diòcesi episcopal més extensa del país i amb un important Seminari Conciliar, comença a evolucionar en la direcció d'una modernització que, al llarg dels anys, constatarà importants transformacions. En el context català, la nova política de masses descansarà sobre tres aspectes principals. En primer lloc, s'organitzaran partits capaços de mobilitzar els afiliats i els simpatitzants per aconseguir uns objectius concrets: fer una manifestació, guanyar unes eleccions, constituir una seu social, editar un periòdic. En la fase de transició cap a les organitzacions "mobilitzadores", trobarem partits polítics que combinen el carisma exagerat de determinats líders amb la potència d'unes bases que no es deixen arrossegar si els seus criteris no coincideixen amb els dels "homes forts"; els partits estaran a mig camí entre la influència dels notables i el poder decisori de la militància organitzada. En segon lloc, les urnes reflectiran, progressivament, les peocupacions i els interessos polítics de la majoria, deixant de banda les maniobres "electoreres" dels cacics, que tindran dificultats creixents per a organitzar els processos electorals d'acord amb els seus interessos. Finalment, les institucions locals deixaran de tenir "vida pròpia", al marge de les altrenatives polítiques que es produeixen a la societat; les discusssions i lluites polítiques, forjades en "l'espai públic", es traslladaran als ajuntaments.
Tot i que aquestes transformacions (en l'àmbit dels partits, de les eleccions i dels ajuntaments) definiran nous estils de fer política, la modernització no es produirà de manera uniforme. A la Catalunya tradicional, de la que la ciutat de Vic forma part, els canvis en l'esfera pública tindran unes característiques pròpies, la qual cosa posarà en qüestió, d'altra banda, la imatge idealitzada d'una societat homogènia i avançada. A Vic, en un context que combina una presència institucional de l'Església catòlica especialment significada i el desenvolupament d'una important economia industrial, la vida pública estarà dirigida per forces burgeses que hegemonitzaran, davant la feblesa del moviment popular autòcton, el procés de transformació política. Aquestes èlits combatran, successivament i a partir del tombant de segle XX, les imposicions del "cunerisme" dinàstic, les estratègies de les direccions dels nous partits hegemònics (catalanistes, tradicionalistes) i l'expansió d'un moviment democràtic que reclama protagonisme polític per a les classes populars. Es tractarà de controlar els canvis polítics per tal que no es modifiquin els aspectes essencials de la dominació social, i política, que exerceix el grup dirigent local. Tanmateix, l'extensió de la "vida política nacional" farà que aquest "control polític" esdevingui cada cop més difícil i possibilitarà, en un marc de transformacions econòmiques i d'extrema conflictivitat social, que les forces populars es vagin incorporant a la vida pública de Vic, a pesar de les maniobres de l'èlit dirigent destinades a impedir-ho.
A partir de la crisi del 1917 s'accelerà la dissolució de la "vella política". La dictadura del general Primo de Rivera, que inicialment es presentà com una opció "regeneradora" capaç de resoldre els probles endèmics del país, evidencià la impossibilitat de continuar mantenint les masses allunyades de la vida pública espanyola. La proclamació de la República, que inaugurà un context políticoinstitucional radicalment diferent del que oferia la Restauració borbònica, possibilità que la societat espanyola disposés de dos requisits indispensables per a la convivència democràtica: la llibertat i el Parlament. A la ciutat de Vic, com a la resta de Catalunya, el nou règim republicà va permetre l'entrada de les classes populars en la política local, tot i que aquesta democratització no sempre fou favorable a les forces progressistes.
On the early XXth century, in an environment of institutional decomposition, local political life in the city of Vic, -a catalan community of 13.000 inhabitants of Catalunya, and also see of the bigger Episcopal dioceses if the country and an important conciliar seminar-, begin to change into a modernisation that, along the years, realised important transformations in the catalan context the new mass politics lied on three main aspects. First of all, the parties capable to mobilise affiliates and supporters organised themselves to reach concrete goals: prepare a demnstration, win the elections, create a social see, publish a paper. In this fase of transition into "mobilised" organisations, political parties can be found combining the grat charisma of some of the leaders and the poxer of a basis that doesn't let itself drag on if their believes do not agree with these of the "strong men"; the parties were in the way betwen the influence of the notables and the power of the organised militancy to take decisions. Secondly, the ballot boxes reflected, progressively, the worries and political interests of the majority, siding "electory" manoeuvres of the caciques who had increasing difficulties according to their interests. Finally, local institutions stopped having their "own life", apart of the political alternatives taking place in the society; political struggles and discussions, held in the public sphere, moved into the City Council.
Even these transdormations (in the area of parties, elections and city councils) defined new stiles of doing politics, modernisation didn't spread homogeneously. In the traditional Catalunya, from which Vic is part, the changes in the public sphere had their own characteristics, and this lead into question this ideal image of an homogeneous and advanced society. In Vic, where the particularly signified presence of the institutions of the catolic church was combined with the developing of an important industrial economy, public life was in hands og burgeois forces, against the weakness of the indigenous popular movement, to lead the process of political transformation. These elites fighted, successively after the crossing of the XXth century, the impositions of the "dynastic cunerism", the strategies of the leaderships of the new hegemonic parties (traditionalists catalanists) and the expansion of a democratic movement claiming for the leading role of popular classes. The need was to control the political changes in order not to modify the essential aspects of social, and political, domination practiced by the local leading group. Eventrough, the extension of the "national political life" made this "political control" more difficult and this, in the context of economical transformations and extreme social conflict, allowed popular forces to incorporate into public life of Vic, eventrogh the manoeuvres of the leading elite to avoid it.
After the crises of 1917 the dissolution of the old politics accelerated. The dictatorship of the General primo de Rivera, who inicially presented himself as an option of "regeneration" capable to solve the endemic problems of the country, showed an incapacity to keep the masses away from the Spanish political life. The proclamation of the Republic, as a strat of a political and constitutional context radically different from that of the Borbonic restauration, let the Spanish society enjoy the two requisites for the democractic coexistence: freedom and Parlamient. In the city of Vic, as in the rest of Catalonia, the new Republican regime permited the entrance of popular classes in the local politics, even this democratisation was not always favouring progressive forces.

Fondée sur l’étude d’un corpus riche composé de récits de vie, d’observations participantes réalisées entre 2003 et 2010, d’archives et de documents récoltés sur le terrain, cette thèse explore les rapports de pouvoir et les dominations multiples qui agitent la vie politique de la municipalité de San Pedro Chenalhó, située dans la région des hautes-terres du Chiapas, Mexique. La thèse prend appui sur un cadre théorique inspiré de Gramsci dans lequel s’encastrent des analyses empruntées à la sociologie des mouvements sociaux, à l’anthropologie politique de l’État et des ONG, et à la micro-histoire. L’étude en trois volets remonte aux années 1940 et s’achève en 2010, afin d’analyser la genèse et les transformations des rapports des pedranos à l’État mexicain, par le biais de portraits de leaders politiques et religieux locaux. La crise politique et économique que connaît le Chiapas au tournant des années 1990 s’est exprimée à Chenalhó par un double phénomène d’autonomisation de la justice : la rébellion des pedranos contre des caciques culturels aboutit à la création d’une municipalité autonome zapatiste à Polhó en 1996 (analysée depuis la vie quotidienne et articulée à la mise en scène de l’organisation zapatiste) et engendra la formation d’un groupe d’autodéfense dans l’ejido de Los Chorros en 1997. La réactivation d’anciens antagonismes politiques, religieux ou familiaux entraîna des violences en cascade tout au long de l’année 1997. L’analyse détaillée des assassinats et du massacre d’Acteal atteste d’une combinaison d’un « art de la guerre » des pedranos (rumeurs, accusations de sorcellerie, privatisation des espaces communautaires, armement de civils, déguisements) et d’un rituel sacrificiel de l’État mexicain visant à réinstaurer un ordre profondément menacé. Puis l’affaire Acteal et ses controverses interprétatives (conflit intercommunautaire/guerre de basse intensité, massacre/bataille), ainsi que les dispositifs de réconciliation au bilan mitigé, illustrent comment les réappropriations du passé servent de moteurs à de nouvelles actions collectives par des acteurs politiques et religieux qui s’emparent a posteriori de telles ruptures historique, morale et symbolique. Cette thèse tente ainsi de saisir quelques-uns des enjeux du Mexique contemporain, notamment la violence politique constitutive d’un Centaure mexicain moderne traversé par des crises récurrentes
Based on a rich corpus study, this thesis explores the power relations and the many dominations that stir the political life of the municipality of San Pedro Chenalho in the area of the Highlands of Chiapas, Mexico. At the crossroads of analysis borrowed from the sociology of social movements, political anthropology of the State and NGOs and micro-history, the study treefold analysis genesis and transformation of the Mexican state in the region through portraits of local political and religious leaders. The political and economic crisis in Chiapas in the 1990s has been expressed in Chenalho by a double phenomenon of autonomization of justice: the creation of an autonomous municipality in Zapatista Polho in 1996 and the formation of a group self-defense in the ejido of Los Chorros in 1997. The reactivation of former political, religious or family antagonisms led cascading violence throughout 1997. The detailed analysis of assassinations and of the Acteal massacre shows the "art of war" of the pedranos and the sacrificial ritual of the Mexican state to reinstate a profoundly threatened order. The Acteal case and its interpretative controversies and subsequent reconciliation mechanisms, illustrate how the reappropriation of the past act as drivers of new collective actions by political and religious actors who seize post such historical, moral and symbolic ruptures. This thesis thus attempts to capture the constitutive political violence of a modern Mexican Centaur crossed by recurrent seizures

This thesis focuses upon the cacicazgo of Gabriel Barrios Cabrera, in the Sierra Norte de Puebla, Mexico during the 1920s. It seeks to analysis the extent to which previously identified trends in post-revolutionary regional politics can be applied to this isolated mountainous region. Conclusions are based upon evidence obtained from national, state, municipal, and private archives in Mexico. In addition, a programme of oral history was conducted within the Sierra de Puebla. The study is divided into six main components, each representing a significant aspect of Barrios' cacicazgo. These comprise: local historical precedents of Indian leadership and co-operation with non-Indian politicians; the range of responsibilities and opportunities that Barrios enjoyed in his pivotal role as a federal military officer under Carrancista and Sonorense administrations; the nature of his grass-roots support, his use of cuerpos voluntarios and patronage of municipal officials; Barrios' political affiliations beyond the Sierra and his struggle for political supremacy within the Sierra; the nature and motives of the cacique's regional development initiatives, and an analysis of the contradiction of his apparent pro-campesino, yet anti-agrarian, stance; a case study of the district of Zacapoaxtla, which demonstrates the importance of local factionalism and portrays the practical application of the Barrios cacicazgo at the most local level. After identifying the causes of Barrios' fall from grace in 1930, the thesis concludes by arguing that caciquismo in the Sierra de Puebla was essentially different from models of regional power-broking found elsewhere in postrevolutionary Mexico. While similarities existed, Barrios' style of leadership displayed more of a consistency with local conditions and precedents than any broader ideological tendencies. Continued research at the local level is essential if we are to obtain a clearer understanding of the diversity of experiences endured by Mexicans in the aftermath of revolution.

Como veremos en este trabajo, la nobleza indígena de Chiapa de Mota logró mantenerse a lo largo del periodo colonial. Así, pudimos identificar que estos caciques seguían disfrutando de una posición privilegiada dentro del pueblo de indios durante el siglo XVIII. Esta nobleza nativa estaba formada por varias familias, las cuales tuvieron que desarrollar diversas estrategias para mantener su posición a lo largo del periodo novohispano. Una de las revelaciones notables de esta investigación es que las familias nobles que estudio fueron parte de la élite local de Chiapa de Mota, cuya residencia original no era el de la cabecera, sino que procedían, en su mayoría, de una localidad sujeta llamada San Luis Michmaloyan, también conocida como San Luis de las Peras. Esta élite local, formada por un reducido grupo, reunía influencia, mando, riqueza y prestigio.3 También fueron parte de este grupo de élite local algunos sacerdotes y hacendados españoles con los que los nobles indígenas establecieron relaciones amistosas, de poder y económicas.

Suite a la conquete espagnole et au traumatisme consequent, les populations indigenes du vice-royaume du perou sont regroupees dans des "reductions". Au-dela de faire naitre sur un meme territoire deux republiques, cette reorganisation permet de maintenir l'elite blanche loin des dangers du metissage et de la promiscuite sociale et aboutit au cloisonnement et a la dependance du secteur indigene. Des juillet 1547, entre ces deux republiques, les caciques sont reconnus comme le moyen le plus efficace d'encadrement administratif et de reproduction des indigenes. De cette reconnaissance resulte une politique basee sur des marques officielles et privees de respect qui, si elle leur permet d'echapper a toutes les servitudes imposees a leurs freres de race, ne leur garantit nullement les avantages obtenus par leur integration dans le systeme colonial. Leur nouveau statut est precaire, mais il leur suffit a se constituer des monopoles locaux d'exploitation a partir desquels ils se batissent de veritables fortunes privees en terres, en troupeaux et en activites commerciales. De la sorte, ils deviennent des proprietaires fonciers et des entrepreneurs prives, associes a la charge de l'etat, en depit du caractere indigene de leur statut personnel. C'est d'ailleurs pour etre un indigene noble rive a ses privileges de cacique et d'entrepreneur prive que tupac amaru ii se revolte en 1780 suite a la politique fiscale des bourbons d'espagne dont l'un des aspects est de remettre en question l'equilibre geo-politique et economique delicat herite de la periode des habsbourgs. Ne parvenant pas a rallier a sa cause les elites et particulierement les autres caciques, son insurrection finit dans l'isolement et la repression en 1783. Bien que les caciques soient en grande majorite restes fideles a la couronne espagnole, apres ce mouvement, leur statut est remis en question et leur pouvoir est limite. Cette institution typiquement coloniale est cassee
Following the spanish conquest and the subsequent traumatism, the native populations of the peruvian vice-kingdom are gathered together in "reductions". Such reorganization not only gives birth to two republics on the same territory, but also preserves the white elite from the dangers of interbreeding and social promiscuity, and leads to the compartmentalization and the dependance of the indigenous sector. As early as july 1547, between these two republics, the cacique organization is recognized as the most efficient structure for the indigenous administrative control and reproduction. Such acknowledgement leads to a policy based on official and private signs of respect towards the natives. This enables them to avoid all the servitudes imposed on their race brothers, but does not necessarily confer upon them the advantages due to their integration into the colonial system. Although their new status is precarious, it enables them to establish for themselves local monopolies, on which basis they build for themselves real private fortunes in land, herd, and trade. Heceforth, they become landowners and private entrepreneurs, and are associated to the state management in spite of the indigenous character of their private status. Indeed, tupac amaru ii rebels in 1780 in his quality of indigenous noble attached to his privileges as a cacique and a private entrepreneur. He fights against the spanish bourbons fiscal policy that challenges the delicate geo-political and economic balance inherited from the habsburgs. However, the elites, in particular other caciques, refuse to join his cause, so that his insurrection ends in isolation and repression in 1783. Although a majority of caciques has remained faithful to the spanish crown, their status is questioned and their power restricted following the uprising. That typically colonial institution is broken

A través de la prensa ibicenca de los años republicanos advertimos una sociedad en pleno proceso de transformación, aunque continuase siendo una comunidad conservadora muy influenciada por la Iglesia, en la cual pervivía un caciquismo clientelista consentido y de base política. En ella encontramos, junto a las débiles organizaciones políticas de izquierdas o el camaleónico Partido Liberal-Disidente/ Partido Republicano de Centro, formaciones dinásticas derechistas como el Partido Liberal Regionalista Ibicenco, cuyo líder se convirtió interesadamente al regionalismo tras haber roto con la dirección provincial y nacional del Partido Liberal. Tal adscripción regionalista, no asumida enteramente por los votantes, fue una de las causas que comportaron el descalabro electoral de sus candidatos en todas las convocatorias de 1931 y, con ello, la disolución de la formación y el nacimiento del Partido Social Agrario-CEDA y, posteriormente, del Partit Regionalista d’Eivissa.

El trabajo muestra la evolución de la trama política general, española mediante el análisis en una zona concreta de la Región de Murcia en el período 1891-1910. La primera parte indaga en la estructura de la propiedad presentando a los grupos sociales. La segunda parte atiende expresamente a la política, mostrando la relación entre la dinámica de los poderes locales y del estado a través de la organización de las elecciones. La tesis demuestra que en el período estudiado no se produce ni una sola elección libre y democrática. Finalmente expone información sobre las revueltas sociales que se produjeron y la contundente represión en una aparente contradicción entre actitudes de paternalismo y de violencia, las dos caras definitorias del sistema caciquil.
The study is centred upon the small boroughs which formed three separately named districts, in the period 1891-1910, and which formed societies of a rural charachter, in the midst of the general transformation towards capitalistic norms. These district were characterised by the unequal distribution of property, - concentrated in few hands: - those of the descendants of the established oligarchy, and those of a reduced number of merchants and landowners, these latter two grown richer by the forming of matrimonial ties with the former. Only between a quarter and a half of the individuals who comprised these rural-societes had access to the ownership ofland. The rest was made up of tenant- farmers, casual-workers, and the poor. All undergoing a new breed of property, that property associated with work, - a 'structural-proverty'; into which this study has attempted to penetrate. The division has been found to have been underlined, due to the inexistence of associations capable of representing collective interests, - the first of such movements oniy appeared during this same periodo it was within this context that universal-suffrage for men first appeared, which, in the three districts studied was so denaturalised as not to have produced a single democratic election whose voting resulted in its electors being representad by any freely- appointed parliamentarian. This being so, it has been necessary to investigase the totality of electoral resuits and returns of the three main groups, Conservative, Liberal, and Republican. In order to be able to exert such control over the popular vote, it was essential for the grand-propietors to create social-restrictions, managed by the local, party-bosses, who embodied the oligarchic sectors of the societies and who, via paternalistic measures, administered a goverment of authoritarian, repressive, charachter whose essence was the domination of local-counciis, and channels of communication with the word outside.

Les travaux les plus récents s'accordent à dire que la période de la post-indépendance a été la plus sombre de l'histoire des communautés indiennes en Bolivie. A partir des années 1880 l'Etat bolivien applique un programme économique brutal qui vise à la dislocation des ayllus. Or c'est justement au moment des "revisitas" et en réponse à cette agression libérale que les "masses rurales" de l'altiplano font leur retour sur la scène politique, particulièrement dans les provinces d'Omasuyos et de Pacajes. Issus des structures communautaires et des systèmes de charge revitalisés dont ils tirent leur légitimité et leur pouvoir de représentation, les Apoderados aymaras entreprennent une défense acharnée de leurs droits collectifs sur la terre. Regroupés autour de quelques leaders ils mènent une lutte oscillant entre les formes légales d'un recours systématique au sens de la justice et à la protection paternaliste de l'Etat et celles de soulèvements violents qui ne sont pas de simples explosions conjoncturelles, expression de la "fureur indienne", mais bien l'aboutissement d'un long et complexe processus de résistance et d'affirmation politique contre le pouvoir omnipotent et accablant des hacendados et des gamonales. Après une période d'apparente accalmie, suite à l'élimination des principaux leaders communautaires au lendemain de la guerre fédérale, on assiste à un retour de la question indienne vers 1914. Un nouveau réseau se réorganise et, au travers de la redécouverte des titres coloniaux, se réapproprie et réinvente le caciquat. L'apprentissage politique des Caciques-Apoderados est lié de façon étroite et parfois contradictoire à l'émergence du Parti Républicain de Bautista Saavedra. L'objectif principal reste l'accès à la terre sur la base d'une renégociation du "pacte colonial", mais désormais cette revendication centrale est de plus en plus intégrée à une vision globale de la Nation dont le modèle élitiste et excluant est profondément remis en cause.
According to the most recent researches, the post-independence has been one of the darkest period in the history of the Bolivian Indian communities. During the decade of 1880 the Bolivian state apply an economic program that aims to the dislocation of the ayllu's traditional organisation and territory. The "rural masses" of the Aymara highlands make their return on the political scene in response to that liberal aggression against communal land tenure, especially in the provinces of Omasuyos and Pacajes. The Aymaras Apoderados are stemmed from the communal political structures which confers them their legitimacy and their political and juridical power of representation. They carry out a strenuous struggle in defence of their collective territorial rights and lead a fight that wave between the legal forms of a systematic resort to the sense of justice and paternalist protection of the State, and some violent uprisings which are not the mere expression of the "Indian rage" but the result of a large and complex process of resistance and political assertion against the overwhelming power of the hacendado class. Most of the leaders are killed during the Federal War, but the Indian question came back on the national scale towards 1914. A new network is reorganised, and throughout the rediscovery of the colonial titles the cacical tradition is reinvented. Within a dynamic and sometimes contradictory bargaining, the political apprenticeship of the Caciques-Apoderados is tightly connected to the emergence of the Bautista Saavedra's Republican Party. While the main objective is still the access to the land based on the renegotiation of the "colonial pact", this initial claim become more and more integrated into a wider global vision of the Bolivian Nation which elitist and excluding model is profoundly questioned

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This research aims to study the historical and literary representations built about Ñheçu and Sepé Tiaraju caciques, that lived between the 17th and the 18th century, and how those views increased the ideas that characterized the good and the bad savage, through a European perspective. We also analyzed how the said writings reproduced and merged themselves into another authors' works, disseminating domination ideologies. We verified socio-political elements through the religion diffusion proposed by Companhia de Jesus and the effects to the guarani culture, we also verified factors studied by Eco (2012), about the author-work-reader and concepts like decolonialism and medieval imaginary. The works chosen as corpus for the investigation are: Os Três Mártires Rio-Grandenses, from the priest Luís Gonzaga Jaeger S. J. (1951); the epic poem O Uraguai, from Basílio da Gama (1769); the work Sepé Tiaraju - Uma farsa em nossa história, from Ubirajara Raffo Constant (2006) ant the theorical essay Terra de Ñheçu, from the writer Nelson Hoffmann (2009). This investigation proposal signalizes to the qualitative research field; the theoretical basis is the comparative literature from authors like Coutinho and Carvalhal (1994) and Santiago (2000). It was important, to this research, the analysis from scholars like Anibal Quijano (2005), that deciphered aspects relating to the power coloniality; Walter Mignolo (2003) and Gayatri C. Spivak (2014), that based this research about the questions related to decoloniality and subalternity; Erneldo Schallemberger (2006), which talk about the guarani territoriality; and Laura de Mello e Souza (1986), that discuss the respect to medieval imaginary in her works. We can note that, nowadays, this representation about all and any indigenous is still made naturally; for this reason, we understand that this study could contribute to the reversion of this value judgement, in the sense of recognize that in these representations there is almost always present only the colonizers' voice. By using the polyphony and dialogism concepts, in the Bakhtin (2010) perspective, and the comparative literature methodology, we find out, in the corpus works, that the winners voice become present, promoting prejudice by disseminating a colonized thought. Therefore, we understand that creation of historical and literary characters, as Ñheçu and Sepé, thus represented, helped to ideologically structure the projection of Portugal and Spain colonialist imperialism, apart from the ideologies coming from the Religious Counter-Reformation, sowing conservative ideals, good practice and politeness in conformity with the religious and Eurocentric precepts to represent the good and the bad savage.
O objetivo geral desta pesquisa foi a análise das representações históricas e literárias que se construíram sobre os caciques Ñheçu e Sepé Tiaraju, que viveram entre os séculos XVII e XVIII, e como tais visões reforçaram as ideias que caracterizaram o bom e o mau selvagem, a partir do eurocentrismo. Os objetivos específicos foram: responder como são representadas figuras dos dois caciques na literatura brasileira e entender como as referidas escritas se reproduziram e se fundiram nas obras de outros autores, disseminando ideologias de dominação (colonialismo e subalternidade). Verificaram-se elementos sócio-políticos a partir da difusão religiosa proposta pela Companhia de Jesus e os efeitos para a cultura guarani, além de fatores estudados por Eco (2012), sobre as intenções do autor-obra-leitor e conceitos como decolonialismo e imaginário medieval. As obras escolhidas para o corpus da investigação foram: Os Três Mártires Rio-Grandenses, do padre Luís Gonzaga Jaeger S. J. (1951); o poema épico O Uraguai, de Basílio da Gama (1769); a obra Sepé Tiaraju – Uma farsa em nossa história, de Ubirajara Raffo Constant (2006) e o ensaio histórico Terra de Ñheçu, do escritor Nelson Hoffmann (2009). É uma pesquisa qualitativa; serviram, de base teórica, a literatura comparada de autores como Coutinho e Carvalhal (1994) e Santiago (2000). Foram importantes, para esta pesquisa, as análises de estudiosos como Quijano (2005), que decifrou aspectos referentes à colonialidade do poder; Mignolo (2003) e Spivak, (2014), que embasaram o texto com relação a questões referentes à decolonialidade e subalternidade; Schallemberger (2006), que discorre sobre a territorialidade guarani; e Mello e Souza (1986), que trabalha em suas obras a respeito do imaginário medieval. Utilizando os conceitos de polifonia e dialogismo, na perspectiva de Bakhtin (2010), e a metodologia da literatura comparada, averiguou-se, nas obras do corpus, que se torna presente a voz dos vencedores, promovendo o preconceito ao disseminar um pensamento colonizado. Entende-se, portanto, que a criação de personagens históricos e literários, como Ñheçu e Sepé, assim representados, ajudaram a estruturar ideologicamente a projeção do imperialismo colonialista de Portugal e Espanha, além das ideologias advindas da Contrarreforma Religiosa, semeando ideais conservadoristas, boas práticas e boas maneiras em conformidade com os preceitos religiosos e eurocentrados para representações do bom e do mau selvagem.

La presente Tesis doctoral se divide en tres bloques bien diferenciados: en el primero se trazan las líneas maestras de la realidad social, económica y política imperante en la provincia de Santa Cruz de Tenerife durante la primera mitad del siglo XX. En el segundo, se aborda el desarrollo de las instituciones políticas (municipales, insulares, provinciales y nacionales) a lo largo del periodo tomando como hilo conductor la supervivencia del clientelismo y el caciquismo sobre el que se asienta el sistema. En el tercero, se estudian todas las manifestaciones de oposición surgidas contra un régimen que margina y oprime a gran parte de la población, tanto en el campo como en la ciudad, aglutinando a todas las orientaciones políticas catalogadas bajo el, tan amplio como confuso, concepto de "izquierdas". Dentro de él tiene una relevancia especial el análisis y caracterización de la resistencia y represión surgida tras la sublevación militar del 18 de julio de 1936.
Title of Thesis: THE PROVINCE OF SANTA CRUZ DE TENERIFE BETWEEN TWO DICTATORSHIPS (1923-1945). HUNGER AND ORDER. The doctoral thesis is divided into three blocks. In the first are traced the main points of the social, economic and political conditions in the province of Santa Cruz de Tenerife in the first half of the twentieth century. In the second section, is raised the development of political institutions (municipal, insular, provincial and national) during the examined period, taking as a common theme the survival of patronage system and chieftainship. In the third section, I study the opposition emerged against a regime that marginalizes the great majority of the population, both in the country and in the city, uniting all the political directions laid under the concept of the left-wing. The analysis of the repression emerged after the military uprising of July the 18th, 1936, has special relevance. The traditionally dominant class in the province (large landowners and merchants, enriched with the export of bananas) through its network of clientele, dominated all political structures in the province, since the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera. They kept political control during the Second Republic, holding back social reforms in areas where power was lost, and got involved in the coup of July the 18th, 1936, being restored back into the institutions that govern public life.

Esta tesis presenta el caso de Gregorio Taco, ex - cacique de Andagua en Arequipa, poseedor de mochaderos, próspero comerciante de lanas, padrino de dos cofradías y presunto incitador al delito fiscal, denunciado por el cacique interino Carlos Tintaya y procesado por el corregidor Joseph de Arana entre 1751 y 1754. El juicio que se le siguió pertenece a los fondos documentales del Archivo Arzobispal de Arequipa y en él se presentan los testimonios de los habitantes del antiguo Condesuyos. Ésta y otras fuentes permiten conocer las prácticas y creencias de Andagua a mediados del siglo XVIII y cómo éstas fueron un medio para legitimar el desacato fiscal y las revueltas indígenas en contra de la autoridad colonial. Asimismo, se exploran las relaciones y conflictos entre los fueros civiles y eclesiásticos en un contexto de cambios, producidos por la nueva dinastía que ocupaba el trono español: los Borbones. Gregorio Taco, sus mochaderos, riqueza y prestigio en la década de 1750 demuestran que las tradiciones prehispánicas continuaron mediante un proceso dinámico de transmisión, en donde aspectos como la oralidad y el contacto con los ancestros eran elementos que afianzaban la autoridad del cacique ante el común. Estas formas tradicionales se mantuvieron, mezclaron y coexistieron con las españolas sin inconvenientes para los habitantes de la zona, hasta que los conflictos dentro del grupo subalterno llamaron la atención de las autoridades coloniales y tuvieron que redefinirse las bases del pacto social de convivencia.
Tesis

La thèse a pour objet l’histoire et la mémoire de Tinguipaya. Elle tente de reconstruire le passé des ayllus de Tinguipaya à partir de l’empreinte que celui-ci a laissé dans la mémoire collective mais aussi à partir des documents conservés dans les archives historiques. Il s’agit notamment de confronter les histoires orales transmises dans les ayllus, recueillies en quechua, avec les documents écrits, de comparer leurs points de vue et versions des faits, et d’interpréter chacune de ces deux sources à la lumière de l’autre. La démarche est indiciaire au sens où elle progresse à partir d’indices, souvent ténus, pour les relier entre eux et ainsi faire surgir une nouvelle version de l’histoire. Celle-ci n’est alors ni celle qui se raconte dans cette communauté ni celle qui pourrait être produite à la lecture des seules sources écrites mais bien le produit d’un dialogue entre savoirs. La recherche porte sur une histoire longue de cinq cents ans. Elle part du moment actuel et de la manière dont le passé est remémoré aujourd’hui au travers des histoires et des rites pour remonter jusqu’aux origines de Tinguipaya : la création du village de réduction vers 1575 et le processus d’ethnogenèse qui s’en suivit. Les habitants de Tinguipaya content un certain nombre de « mythes d’origine » qui permettent de mieux comprendre comment les réformes tolédanes furent vécues par les populations indigènes et comment ce vécu fut transmis aux générations suivantes. À partir du rituel du cabildo (qui accompagne actuellement le payement de la taxe), la thèse examine l’évolution de ces trois institutions coloniales fondamentales que sont le caciquat, le cabildo et le tribut. La thèse étudie aussia lutte des caciques délégués (apoderados) contre les politiques libérales sur la terre (ex-vinculación) et la résistance des ayllus de Tinguipaya aux tentatives d’annexion des haciendas, montrant ainsi les liens étroits entre la micro histoire de Tinguipaya et l’histoire de la Bolivie. Les narrations orales et les documents écrits constituent les deux principales sources de cette recherche. Cependant, malgré l’abondance de la mémoire-narrative, on constate également des « trous de mémoire ». La thèse cherche donc aussi à voir si au-delà de la mémoire explicite, il n’est pas possible de retrouver dans certaines pratiques rituelles la trace d’un passé apparemment oublié. La thèse cherche à mettre en valeur les récits historiques propres aux ayllus de Tinguipaya et ainsi à faire connaître une historiographie encore largement ignorée qui permet de remettre en question l’histoire officielle.

La present tesi doctoral estudia la biografia del metge i dirigent catalanista Bartomeu Robert Yarzábal.
Figura destacada de la Catalunya de finals del segle XIX i començaments del XX, el doctor Robert va ser considerat com un dels metges més prestigiosos de la seva època i com un excel·lent professor universitari. Cal destacar, també, el seu paper com a renovador de les infrastructures hospitalaries i docents catalanes.
Tanmateix, si per alguna raó ha passat a la posteritat el doctor Robert, és gràcies a la seva transcendental activitat política. Erigit en un convençut partidari de la regeneració política després del desastre del 98, el doctor Robert es nomenat alcalde de Barcelona l'any 1899. El seu pas per l'alcaldia serà breu, però la seva lluita contra el caciquisme i la seva obra en favor de la depuració del cens electoral el convertiran en una figura política molt respectada.
L'any 1901, Robert, que ja s'ha convertit en un símbol del catalanisme polític, serà elegit primer president de la Lliga Regionalista, partit polític fundat aquell any i que ha estat considerat com la primera formació política moderna i catalanista en la història política catalana.
Elegit diputat a Corts el maig de 1901 en representació d'aquest partit, el doctor Robert farà sentir la veu del catalanisme polític en el Congrés dels Diputats de Madrid.
La seva mort, esdevinguda l'abril de 1902, es convertirà en una multitudinària manifestació de dol popular, i posarà de manifest que Robert havia estat un dels metges i una de les figures polítiques més estimades del seu temps.
La presente tesis doctoral estudia la biografía del médico y dirigente catalanista Bartolomé Robert Yarzábal.
Figura destacada de la Cataluña de finales del siglo XIX y principios del XX, el doctor Robert fué considerado cómo uno de los médicos más prestigiosos de su época y cómo un excelente profesor universitario. Cabe destacar, también, su papel como renovador de las infraestructuras hospitalarias y docentes catalanas.
Sin embargo, si por alguna razón ha pasado a la posteridad el doctor Robert, es por su transcendental actividad política. Erigido en un firme partidario de la regeneración política tras el desastre del 98, el doctor Robert es nombrado alcalde de Barcelona en 1899. Su paso por la alcaldía será breve, pero su lucha contra el caciquismo y su obra en favor de la depuración del censo electoral le convertiran en una figura política muy respetada.
En 1901, Robert, que ya se ha convertido en un símbolo del catalanismo político, será elegido primer presidente de la Liga Regionalista, partido político fundado aquel año y que ha sido considerado cómo la primera formación política moderna y catalanista en la historia política catalana.
Elegido diputado a Cortes en mayo de 1901 en representación de éste partido, el doctor Robert hará sentir la voz del catalanismo político en el Congreso de los Diputados de Madrid.
Su muerte, acaecida en abril de 1902, se convertirá en una multitudinaria manifestación de duelo popular, y pondrá de manifiesto que Robert había sido uno de los médicos y una de las figuras políticas más queridas de su tiempo.

Esta tesis tiene por finalidad estudiar la elite indígena de la sierra central peruana, específicamente del antiguo valle de Jauja, y la jefatura femenina durante la primera mitad del siglo XVIII. El punto de inicio del estudio es el análisis regional, por lo que se determinan las particularidades que llevaron a la situación específica que se vivirá en la región en este momento, principalmente la ausencia de ciudades y de una importante población española. Como parte de ello, se propone que la elite indígena de Jauja asumiría un rol protagónico y que llegaría a constituirse como una de las más importantes y complejas del virreinato peruano, además de tener distintos niveles de jerarquía. Para su consolidación en el poder, las principales familias indígenas recurrieron a la política de la alianza matrimonial. La principal razón de ello fue el acceder al cargo de cacique principal y gobernador. En un segundo momento, se examina las circunstancias por las cuales una mujer accede al cargo de cacique en dos de los cacicazgos que en la zona hubo, llegándose a constituir como cacica principal y gobernadora. Se propone que en ello se conjugaron varios aspectos, además de la ausencia de varones. Uno de ellos es la riqueza material de la señora en cuestión, que se contaba entre uno de los más importantes del virreinato. Otro, es el hecho que en Jauja existieron formas de sucesión que daban espacio para el acceso de las mujeres al poder, que se conocen como sucesión paralela y herencia femenina, que operaba hasta un momento del periodo colonial.
This thesis has the purpose to the study indiginous elites of the Peruvian Central Highlands, specifically from the ancient valley of jauja, and the female chiefdoms during the first half of the XVIIIth century. The starting point of the research is a regional analysis, to determine the peculiarities which produced the specific situation in the región at the time, mainly the abscence of cities and an important spaniard population. As part of it, we propose that Jauja’s indigenous elites asume an important role configuring itself as one of the most important and complex of the Peruvian viceroy, besides having different hierarchy levels. To consilidate their power, the main indigenous families practiced the politics of marriage alliances. The main reason behind it was adquiring the Rank of main cacique and governor. At a second instance, we examine the circunstances by which a woman adquires the Rank of cacique in two of the dominions at the area, being able to act as main curaca and governor. We propose that here several aspects merge, besides the abscence of males. One of them is the material wealth of the lady in question, counting as the most important of the viceroy. Anotherone, is the fact that in Jauja there existed forms of succesion allowing women Access to power, known as parallel succession and female heritage, in effect up to a certain time in the colonial period.
Tesis

Le gouverneur civil portugais ne cesse d’être, pour les juristes, les politistes et les historiens, une sourceconstante d’interrogations. Établi en 1832 par José Xavier MOUZINHO da SILVEIRA avec le titre de prefeito, puisen 1835 avec celui de gouverneur civil, en même temps que la création du district en tant que division administrativedu territoire, il a été, dès ses origines, fortement inspiré du préfet français. L’institution a été instaurée dans laperspective de créer une séparation entre les fonctions juridictionnelles et administratives, lesquelles relevaient descomarcas. De même, il s’agissait de doter le pouvoir royal d’une réelle structure politique à l’échelon local. Par lasuite, les Codes administratifs successifs, révisés ou adoptés quasiment à chaque alternance politique, avantl’avènement de l’État Nouveau et la Constitution Politique de 1933, n’ont pas bouleversé fondamentalement lesattributions de l’institution en tant que représentation locale du pouvoir central, et il a fallu attendre le Codeadministratif de 1940 pour faire du gouverneur civil un acteur essentiel de la vie administrative et politique locale.Après la transition démocratique, qui a fait suite à la Révolution des OEillets du 25 avril 1974, et l’adoption de laConstitution de la République Portugaise de 1976, le gouverneur civil, toujours nommé par le pouvoir central, a étémaintenu à titre transitoire… durant quatre décennies. Depuis l’échec du référendum du 8 novembre 1998, relatif à larégionalisation administrative du territoire, les relations complexes de la classe politique à l’égard de l’institutioncentrale du district se sont toujours inscrites entre perspectives de suppression, volonté de réformes et indécisions. Encela, elles sont révélatrices des atermoiements et des paradoxes de la classe politique qui souhaitait une réforme enprofondeur du gouverneur civil, mais qui maintenait l’institution dans une situation ambiguë. La loi organiquen° 1/2011 du 30 novembre 2011 a disposé que le gouverneur civil était supprimé. En l’absence d’un représentantlocal du pouvoir central on propose une réforme théorique dans laquelle le prefeito régional représenterait l’État dansles régions administratives lorsqu’elles auront été instaurées
The role of the Portuguese Civil Governor remains a constant source of interrogation for lawyers, politicalscientists and historians. It was established in 1832 by José Xavier MOUZINHO da SILVEIRA, under the title ofPrefeito then in 1835 at the time of the creation of the district as an administrative division of the territory, the titlebecame the “Civil Governor”. It was initially inspired by the French Prefect. The institution was founded in anattempt to separate the jurisdictional and administrative functions within the districts. Similarly, the goal was toprovide the royal power with a real political structure at local level. Accordingly, before the advent of the New Stateand the Political Constitution of 1933, the revised and adopted administrative codes, resulting from any politicalchange, did not fundamentally alter the powers of the institution as a local representation of the central power. TheCivil Governor only became a key player in the administration and local politics following the Administrative Codeof 1940. After the democratic transition following the Carnation Revolution (April 25, 1974) and the adoption of theConstitution of the Portuguese Republic in 1976, the Civil Governor, who was always appointed by the centralgovernment, has remained in a transitory state for four decades, more than a third of a century. Since the referendumof November 8th 1998 relating to the administrative regionalization of the territory failed, the complex relationshipsbetween the political class and the central institution of the district have always wavered between the prospect ofsuppression, the desire for reform and indecisiveness. As such these relations revealed the prevarications andparadoxes of the political class which wanted an in depth reform of the Civil Governor’s role while maintaining theinstitution in an ambiguous situation. The organic law n° 1/2011 of November 30th 2011 states that the CivilGovernor is abolished. In the absence of the local representative of the central power, a theoretical reform is proposedwhere the regional Prefeito represents the State in the administrative regions once they are established

As investigações sobre o caciquismo em Portugal durante a Monarquia Constitucional são praticamente inexistentes, ao contrário de Espanha, onde, graças aos estudos levados a cabo há várias décadas, é possível traçar um quadro bastante preciso sobre a importância dos caciques na vida política da Restauração borbónica (1874-1923). Pelo contrário, em Portugal os trabalhos sobre as elites políticas da periferia têm sido enquadrados no âmbito dos municípios, recaindo a análise, essencialmente, sobre a origem social das vereações, negligenciando a atuação dos seus membros como influentes políticos e eleitorais. A dissertação que aqui se apresenta tenta romper com esta situação e tem como objetivo estudar a atividade política dos chefes de duas famílias - os Vaz Preto Geraldes e os Tavares de Almeida Proença - influentes na Beira Baixa, na segunda metade do século XIX. A estas duas famílias é tradicionalmente reconhecida uma grande preponderância política, constituindo duas fações, conhecidas por pretos e brancos, a quem são atribuídas o controlo das câmaras municipais, a indicação de governadores civis, a manipulação dos atos eleitorais, a escolha de deputados e o condicionamento da ação governativa nas suas zonas de influência. Apesar disso não há nenhum estudo sobre o seu real poder pelo que, aquilo que se propõe é analisar as origens desse poder, a forma como o exerciam, as redes clientelares que estabeleceram, as relações com o poder central, a evolução destas tendências políticas beirãs e as particularidades da vida política local.
Research on caciquismo in Portugal during the Constitutional Monarchy is practically inexistent, whereas in Spain it is possible to draw a fairly accurate picture of the importance of the caciques in the political life during the Borbonic Restoration period (1874-1923), thanks to studies that have been carried out for several decades. On the contrary, in Portugal the works about the political elites of the periphery have been framed in the context of the municipalities, essentially falling upon the analysis of the social origin of town-councillors, neglecting their role as political and electoral influents. The dissertation presented here tries to break with this situation and has the aim of studying the political activity of the chiefs of two families – the Vaz Preto Geraldes and the Tavares de Almeida Proença – influents in the Beira Baixa region, in the second half of the nineteenth century. Traditionally a major political preponderance is recognised to these two families which gave rise to two factions known as «pretos» (Blacks) and «brancos» (Whites), to whom the control of the municipal councils, the indication of the civil governor, the manipulation of the electoral acts, the choice of national members of parliament and the conditioning of government action in their areas of influence are attributed. In spite of the apparent evidences, there has not been published any study on their real power. Furthermore, what is proposed is the analysis of the origin of this power, how they exerted it, the patronage networks they established, the relations with the central power, the political evolution of these tendencies and the particularities of the local political life.

This thesis analyzes caciquismo as a temporally and spatially specific type of clientelistic relations in the Restoration Spain (1874 - 1923). First, the analysis primarily focuses on Spanish historiography of caciquismo/clientelism, its development and current situation of research including contemporary reception of the problem. Second, it also deals with the discussion of contemporary manifestations of caciquismo/clientelism in relation to the issues of terminology, corruption and political clientelism in modern Spain. In both cases the researcher sonsiders other important non-Spanish theoretical works. The thesis is based on interdisciplinary approach: besides of a historical perspective, it also brings to the topic view of anthropology, political science and sociology as well. The contribution of this thesis is refuting the concept according to that the contemporary critics (regeneracionists, Generation of '98 and Generation of '14) condemn caciquismo as a wholly negative manifestation of social interaction, which is based on a psychopathological and ethno-geographical perspective destined only to the Spanish nation, the idea, which is attributed to the contemporary critics of the Restoration Spain by the historians of caciquismo. Keywords: Spain - caciquismo - clientelism - patron-client...