Academic literature on the topic 'Cairo (Egypt). al-Matḥaf al-Miṣrī'

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Journal articles on the topic "Cairo (Egypt). al-Matḥaf al-Miṣrī"

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Wassalwa, Almannah, and Syivaul Hikmatul Hijjiah. "TANFIDZ THORIQOH AL-TALAQY MA’A FADHIILAH AL-SYAIKH AL-USTADZ AL-DUKTUR MUHAMMAD HASAN USMAN LITARQIYAH NAJAH AL-THULLAB LIGHAIRI NATHIQIINA BIHA FII TA’LIMI AL-LUGHAH AL-‘ARABIYAH FI AL-AZHAR AL-SYARIF." Lahjah Arabiyah: Jurnal Bahasa Arab dan Pendidikan Bahasa Arab 4, no. 1 (March 23, 2023): 81–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.35316/lahjah.v4i1.81-89.

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It has become a popular learning method among the students of Al-Azhar University, Cairo, Egypt that this kind of face-to-face study involved the competent teacher. It becomes one of student's choices in order to explore their knowledge so it can increase their opportunity to get the success in their study. This research used the descriptive qualitative analysis with data collection techniques: interview, observation, and documentation. Based on the research results and data analysis that is used by the researcher in the Madyafah Qazaz, Ghamaliah, Egypt, it can be concluded that: 1) The implementation of talaqqi method as a face-to-face learning. In its application, it is began with the book's reading, material extending, concluding, and ended with questions and answers session, 2) The advantages of talaqqi are: improving the student's listening and reading skill well, increasing the student's vocabularies and statements, the learning is simple and easy to understand, improving the student's emphatic, can feel the struggle of ulama, expanding the social network, and getting the knowledge certificate. The disadvantages are: the hot weather that causes students unfocussed, inadequate space, the difficulty faced by female students in giving questions because of their position, the early time, and the teacher was not required to make all of the students understand his learning.
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Quaranta, Alessandra. "L’inventario della spezieria di Giovanni Zavanti al Cairo (1732)." Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 101, no. 1 (November 1, 2021): 421–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/qufiab-2021-0016.

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Abstract The inventory of the apothecary Giovanni Zavanti, a Venetian pharmacist who worked in Cairo in the 1730s, was drawn up by the Egyptian city’s British Consulate in 1732. Since this institution ensured formal juridical protection to the English shopkeepers of the Levant Company, but devoted little attention to their need for health care, this historical source can be considered a rare testimony of European medical-pharmaceutical activity in the Levant. The inventory’s importance is also connected with the specific political and socio-cultural context of Egypt, the most economically important province of the Ottoman Empire. Substantial groups of English, French and Dutch merchants lived in the Muslim society of Cairo and were officially represented by their respective nations in the eighteenth century. The Venetian, also active in Cairo, could not count on the protection of their State institutions during the Turco-Venetian conflicts (1645–1718). In this complex context, Zavanti tried to take advantage of his professional activity and built up different socio-cultural relations to defend his properties and commercial interests. He was in contact with fellow countrymen, Arabic Christians of Egypt, Jews, Turkish officials and the Franciscan confraternity Custodia Terrae Santae. As second-generation immigrants from Venice, the Zavantis experienced a difficult process of cultural integration in Egypt.
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Anwar, Rosihon, and Asep Abdul Muhyi. "Transmisi dan Transformasi Tradisi Tafsir Dari Mesir ke-Nusantara: Kajian Tafsīr Qur’ān Karīm." Tashwirul Afkar 41, no. 2 (December 30, 2022): 213–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.51716/ta.v41i2.78.

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Mahmud Yunus was the first ulama of Nusantara who expand to al-Azhar, Cairo, Egypt. He studied with several leading ulama to study knowledge of the Qur’an and tafsīr. When he returned to Indonesia, Mahmud Yunus brought with him the traditions of the Qur’anic interpretation that he had found at al-Azhar, Cairo, Egypt, then poured them into the Book of Tafsīr Qur'an Karīm. This research aims to find out the knowledge transmission that was formed between the interpreters of al-Azhar, Egypt and Mahmud Yunus, and the forms of interpretation traditions contained in Mahmud Yunus' Tafsīr Qur'ān Karīm. In order to uncover the ideological transformation of the Nusantara interpretation in this study, the hermeneutic method is used. The research results indicate that there are several tafsīr traditions contained in Tafsīr Qur'ān Karīm, including the knowledge tradition of interpretation, where Mahmud Yunus adopted Mustafa al-Maraghi's thoughts while studying at al-Azhar in Cairo, Egypt. Also the tradition of social interpretation where Mahmud Yunus adopted the thoughts of Rasyid Ridha and Abduh. These traditions continue to develop up today, not even a few interpreters interpret the Qur'an with a scientific and social approach, such as Tafsīr al-Azhar by Hamka, Tafsīr al-Bayan by Hasbi Ashidiqi, Tafsīr al-Furqan by A Hasan, and tafsīr.
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Goldberg, Jan. "On the Origins of Majālis Al-tujjār in Mid-nineteenth Century Egypt." Islamic Law and Society 6, no. 2 (1999): 193–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568519991208709.

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AbstractSeeking to establish the origins of Majālis al-Tujjār, the special mixed commercial courts of Alexandria and Cairo which existed from the mid-1840s until the mid-1870s, I examine whether the Majālis had their origin in Turkey or in Egypt; and whether or not they served foreign interests and were part of the capitulations system. The evidence of a legal case registered in the court records (sijillāt) of the Cairo court suggests that the Majālis, though established as a result of a concerted action of a number of European consuls general in Egypt, were not part of the capitulations system. To the contrary, they were designed to restrict the legal side of that system, that is, consular jurisdiction.
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HANNA, NELLY. "A Cairo Court Register." International Journal of Middle East Studies 39, no. 1 (February 2007): 3–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743807222500.

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People mentioned in court records tend to be anonymous, but Ja'far Pasha is known from several different sources: his biography in al-Muhibbi's Khulasat al-athar shows him to be a man of learning and a successful military leader Dutch East India Company records mention him as Ottoman pasha in Yemen from 1607 to 1616 and Egyptian historical sources place him in 1617 or 1618 as governor of Egypt, where he died of the plague which bears his name (fasl Ja'far). The above court case sheds light on Ja'far Pasha's economic dealings, indicating that he was doing business in Egypt years before being appointed governor.
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Soliman, Mohamed Ahmed. "VIRTUAL REALITY AND THE ISLAMIC WATER SYSTEM IN CAIRO: CHALLENGES AND METHODS." International Journal of Architectural Research: ArchNet-IJAR 11, no. 3 (November 22, 2017): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.26687/archnet-ijar.v11i3.1386.

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The Nile River plays a central role in Egyptians’ everyday life as the sustainable source of fresh water. Egyptians sought to regulate the Nile through the ages by inventing water systems suitable to monitor, measure and oversee the Nile’s behaviour. Because of the high value of water in Islam and its link to agriculture and taxation, Muslim rulers paid attention to water projects for irrigation and delivery to the cities throughout Islamic medieval dynasties. Islamic Cairo has a variety of water systems reacting to two major factors. First: westward shifting of the Nile, according to topographic inclination, causing the waves cutting into the west bank to precipitate in the east. As a result, the founders (Sultans al-Naser Mohamed and al-Ghoury in particular) always built new water intake towers in response to this phenomenon. Second: the relocation of the capital of Islamic Egypt to Cairo and later to the Citadel northeast resulting in constant displacement further away from the Nile bank. Whereas 'Amr ibn al-'As built al-Fustat (641 A.D) close to the Nile, al-'Asakar (750 CE) and al-Qata'i (876 A.D) were built northeast of al-Fustat away from the Nile. When al-Mu‘izz Ledin-Allah came to Egypt in 971 A.D, he blamed the commander of his army Jawhar al-Saqaly because of the city’s location far from the Nile. The citadel of Cairo is the farthest capital of Islamic Egypt, because of the appropriateness of the fortified location on al-Muqattam heaps inside the newly built Citadel. Chronicles and surviving buildings provide a full narrative and accounts of water systems of the Islamic capitals in Egypt. Such knowledge and information enable a credible virtual reality model to create a realistic output for the tangibles and intangibles of the water system using the virtual reality application.
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مدبولى, مجدى, سعاد جمعة, محمد زكى حسين, and منجود منجود. "Ambient Air Quality Measurement in Al-Asmarat Discrete, Al-Muqatam, Cairo, Egypt, A Case study." المجلة الجنائية القومية 62, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 176–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/ncj.2019.208617.

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Ibrahim, Nasser A. "A Concubine in Early-Modern Egypt." Hawwa 14, no. 3 (December 5, 2016): 251–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692086-12341310.

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This article portrays the life of Al-Sit Nafisa Khatun al-Muradiyya, originally taken captive in Georgia and sold into slavery in Cairo, who rises from life as a concubine to become the wife of the Mamluk leader Murad Bey in the late eighteenth century. In the process, Nafisa became chief of the Mamluk Harem and acquired substantial wealth, but her fate would take a turn for the worse after Muhammad Ali Pasha consolidated his control of Egypt and began his efforts to annihilate the Mamluks, culminating in the famous Cairo Citadel massacre of 1811. As her life in various ways mirrored that of Egypt’s Mamluks, this study uses the example of Nafisa to understand the extent to which large social, economic and political changes impacted the lives of individuals who lived through them.
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Abu-Manneh, Butrus. "FOUR LETTERS OF SAYH HASAN AL-'ATTĀR TO SAYH TĀHIR AL-HUSAYNĪ OF JERUSALEM." Arabica 50, no. 1 (2003): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005803321112155.

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AbstractSayh Hasan al-'Attār, a young 'ālim of al-Azhar, left Egypt for the Ottoman-Turkish lands in 1803. He stayed there for seven years before moving to Damascus in 1810 where he stayed for the next three and a half years. In late 1813 he joined the Hağğ caravan to Mecca. On his way back he went to Jerusalem where he enjoyed the hospitality of its hanafī muftī Sayh Tāhir al-Husainī whom he apparently befriended while the latter was studying at al-Azhar. From Jerusalem he returned to Egypt in the spring of 1814. The four letters sent by 'Attār to Sayh Tāhir shed a light on his movements and mood of thought at that time, and on the relations between 'ulamā' of al-Azhar and those of Jerusalem and the cultural interests of the latter. Two of the letters are of special importance because they give us a first hand account of his way back to Cairo and of the personal hardships which he encountered after his resettlement there. Moreover, he referred in them to the books which he started to teach and to the great interest they aroused among the Azharite students. In short those rare letters show a side of 'Attār's life unknown to scholars and help us to understand the condition of the 'ulamā' under Muhammad Alī.
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Leiser, Gary. "The Life and Times of the Ayyūbid Vizier al-Ṣāḥib b. Shukr." Der Islam 97, no. 1 (May 4, 2020): 89–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/islam-2020-0005.

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AbstractThis is a description and assessment of the career of al-Ṣāḥib b. Shukr (548–622/1153–1225), the most important vizier of Ayyūbid Egypt. Born in the Delta, and raised in an influential family, he studied to become a jurist. After serving as a judge (qāḍī), he entered the administration of Saladin and subsequently became the vizier of two Ayyūbid sultans, al-ʿĀdil and his son al-Kāmil. His ruthlessness in raising money for them by transforming the Egyptian vizierate into a fund raising institution was a critical factor in their ability to stay in power, and in saving Egypt from the Fifth Crusade. At the same time he patronized the religious class and built the first Mālikī law school (madrasa) in Cairo. His vizierate represented a nexus of administrative and religious authority in Egypt.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Cairo (Egypt). al-Matḥaf al-Miṣrī"

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Auber, Julien. "Yūḥannā al-Armanī al-Qudsī et le renouveau de l'art de l’icône en Égypte ottomane." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEP051.

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Actif de 1740 à 1786, année de sa mort, Yūḥannā al Armanī al-Qudsī fut l’un des plus prolifiques peintres d’icônes que l’Égypte ottomane ait pu connaître. Bénéficiant d’un renouveau politique et économique, les chrétiens d’Égypte ont pu restaurer et mettre en valeur leur patrimoine religieux, notamment en faisant réaliser de nombreuses icônes pour décorer les églises. Yūḥannā al Armanī et son proche collègue Ibrāhīm al-Nāsiḫ répondirent à cet appel en développant de grands ateliers prêts à répondre à ces commandes. Le résultat est si spectaculaire que, encore aujourd’hui, il est difficile de ne pas visiter une église copte du Caire sans voir un panneau réalisé par l’un ou l’autre de ces hommes. La réunion d’un corpus de plus de quatre cents icônes permet désormais d’envisager l’ampleur du travail qui résulta de ce tandem. Le style des peintres est également ce qui fait la grande originalité de cette production. Souvent indéfinissable, comme le remarquait déjà en son temps A. J. Butler à la fin du XIXe siècle, celui-ci illustre les multiples sources qui ont été utilisées. On y trouve à la fois, pêle-mêle, des inspirations des traditions chrétiennes locales, des évocations de tissus ottomans ou des compositions issues de tableaux européens. Cette particularité tient dans un fait bien concret. Yūḥannā al Armanī, comme son nom l’indique, est issu d’une famille arménienne. Bien qu’étant né en Égypte et ayant épousé une Égyptienne copte, il n’en demeure pas moins très attaché à ses racines, aussi bien par son lieu d’habitation au Caire – proche de l’église arménienne – que par la sociabilité qu’il développe. Afin de mieux cerner ce peintre atypique et son œuvre, il convient de cerner les réseaux qui existent au Caire dans la seconde moitié du XVIIIe siècle. Ses sources d’inspiration ont ainsi pu notamment être découvertes au détour d’ouvrages liturgiques imprimés en Europe ou à la Nouvelle-Djoulfa et retrouvés dans la bibliothèque des pères franciscains du Mūski au Caire. Comprendre l’art de Yūḥannā al Armanī permet ainsi de mieux cerner la diffusion des iconographies chrétiennes en Afrique et au Proche-Orient, voguant, au gré des courants de la mer Méditerranée. Son œuvre montre qu’il n’est pas simplement entre Orient et Occident, il est au croisement de circulations complexes qui font éclater cette problématique
Active from 1740 to 1786, the year of his death, Yūḥannā al Armanī al-Qudsī was one of the most prolific icon painters that Ottoman Egypt has ever known. Benefiting from a political and economic renewal, the Christians of Egypt have been able to restore and enhance their religious heritage, in particular by having many icons made to decorate churches. Yūḥannā al Armanī and his close colleague Ibrāhīm al-Nāsiḫ responded to this call by developing large workshops ready to respond to these orders. The result is so spectacular that, even today, it is difficult not to visit a Coptic church in Cairo without seeing a panel made by one or the other of these men. The gathering of a corpus of more than four hundred icons now makes it possible to consider the extent of the work that resulted from this tandem. The style of the painters is also what makes this production so original. Often undefinable, as already noted in his time A. J. Butler at the end of the 19th century, this one illustrates the many sources that have been used. There are both, jumbled together, inspirations from local Christian traditions, evocations of Ottoman fabrics or compositions from European paintings. This particularity is based on a very concrete fact. Yūḥannā al Armanī, as its name suggests, comes from an Armenian family. Although he was born in Egypt and married a Coptic Egyptian, he remains very attached to his roots, both by his place of residence in Cairo - close to the Armenian church - and by the sociability he develops. In order to better understand this atypical painter and his work, it is necessary to understand the networks that existed in Cairo in the second half of the 18th century. His sources of inspiration have been discovered in liturgical works printed in Europe or New Julfa and found in the Franciscan's Library at Mūski in Cairo. Understanding the art of Yūḥannā al Armanī thus makes it possible to better understand the diffusion of Christian iconographies in Africa and the Near East, sailing, according to the currents of the Mediterranean Sea. His work shows that he is not simply between East and West, he is at the crossroads of complex circulations that make this problem explode
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Abdel-Hamid, Hoda. "The khanka of Sultan Al-Ashraf Barsbay : a proposal for reconstruction and restoration." Virtual Press, 1992. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/845955.

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The khanka or monastic mosque, was first established in Cairo by Saladin, founder of the Ayyubid dynasty, in 1171. Prior to this time, residents of the khanka, better known as Sufis - the ascetics of Islam were a group of mobile mystics who travelled widely seeking knowledge and truth of divinity and creation. It was during the Mamluk period (1250-1517) however, that the khanka gained popularity. It was normally constructed as part of a larger complex which housed other pious functions. It became commonplace among Mamluk sultans to attach their mausoleums to these khanka complexes, thus giving the khanka ultimate social and religious significance.Due to this significance, khankas, were among the first building types to face destruction upon the downfall of Mamluk rule. Unfortunatley, the deterioration of the khanka, institution has continued to this present day. In fact the khanka, institution and its architecture are slowly disappearing.In an effort to help preserve the vanishing architecture of the khanka institution, the khanka, of Sultan Al-Ashraf Barsbay, one of great architectural significance, was selected for the topic of this thesis. A reconstruction and restoration proposal is presented following complete historical, social and arcitectural research and documentaion. This proposal is based on a research methodology established for application to this and other historical buildings which may be approached for documentation and analysis.The reconstruction of the missing portions of the complex is important for the preservation of an almost extinct building type. The Khanka of Al-Ashraf Barsbay presents an interesting challenge in several repects: understanding the elements of Mamluk architecture as a distinct building style, identifying elements of islamic architecture, and finally applying this knowledge of architecture to the process of reconstruction within the framework of national and international preservation standards.
Department of Architecture
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Guérin, du Grandlaunay René. "Iršād al-ġāwī bal isʿād al-ṭālib wa-l-rāwī li-l-iʿlām bi-tarǧamat al-Saḫāwī : édition et analyse de la première partie de l’autobiographie d’al-Saḫāwī (831-902/1428-1497)." Thesis, Paris 4, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA040165.

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Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Šams al-Dīn al-Saḫāwī (831-902/1428-1497) est principalement un savant égyptien musulman spécialiste des traditions du Prophète. Également historien, il est surtout connu pour avoir écrit un important dictionnaire biographique très utilisé pour documenter l’histoire de la fin de la période mamelouke. L’édition partielle d’un abondant texte autobiographique nous donne l’occasion de connaître un peu mieux ce lettré provenant du milieu des marchands cairotes. Dans notre étude introductive à l’édition, nous définissons le genre littéraire, la tarǧama, auquel appartient l’Iršād al-ġāwī et situons l’ouvrage d’al-Saḫāwī dans son contexte littéraire immédiat. Avant d’étudier en détail la toute première période de sa formation, nous présentons le contexte social dans lequel est né Šams al-Dīn al-Saḫāwī. Le dernier chapitre de l’étude décrit l’aspect codicologique particulier à l’édition de ce texte. Il apporte également les élémentsde méthode mis en oeuvre dans l’édition. Seuls les cinq premiers éléments de l’Iršād al-ġāwī se trouvent ici édités : un préambule, une introduction thématique sur la licéité pour le musulman de faire son propre éloge, le premier chapitre sur la famille de l’auteur, le deuxième sur sa formation et, enfin, le troisième sur les enseignements qu’il donna au Caire et dans le Ḥiǧāz
Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Šams al-Dīn al-Saḫāwī (831-902/1428-1497) was primarily a Muslim Egyptian scholar specialist on the traditions of the Prophet. Also an historian, he is best known for a large biographical dictionary used extensively in the historigraphy of the end of the Mamluk period. The partial edition of an abundant autobiographical text affords us us the opportunity to develop our knowledge of the scholar in question, situated as he within a milieu of middle-class Cairene traders. In our introductory study to the edition, we specify the genre tarǧama to which it belongs Iršād al-ġāwī and we situate the work of al-Saḫāwī in its immediate literary context. Before studying in detail the first period of his education, we introduce the social context in which Šams al-Dīn al-Saḫāwī was born. The final chapter of the study describes the codicological aspects of this particular edition of the text. It also provides the method used in this edition.This edition features the first five parts of Iršād al-ġāwī only. 1. It begins with a preamble ; 2. it then develops a thematic introduction on the theme of the legality for self-praise ; 3. the first chapter focuses on the author’s family ; 4. the second chapter deals important questions related to the author’s formation ; 5. finally, the third chapter considers the theachings given by al-Saḫāwī in Cairo and in the Ḥiǧāz
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Daly, Marwa El. "Challenges and potentials of channeling local philanthropy towards development and aocial justice and the role of waqf (Islamic and Arab-civic endowments) in building community foundations." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/16511.

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Diese Arbeit bietet eine solide theoretische Grundlage zu Philanthropie und religiös motivierten Spendenaktivitäten und deren Einfluss auf Wohltätigkeitstrends, Entwicklungszusammenarbeit und einer auf dem Gedanken der sozialen Gerechtigkeit beruhenden Philanthropie. Untersucht werden dafür die Strukturen religiös motivierte Spenden, für die in der islamischen Tradition die Begriffe „zakat“, „Waqf“ oder im Plural auch „awqaf-“ oder „Sadaqa“ verwendet werden, der christliche Begriff dafür lautet „tithes“ oder „ushour“. Aufbauend auf diesem theoretischen Rahmenwerk analysiert die qualitative und quantitative Feldstudie auf nationaler Ebene, wie die ägyptische Öffentlichkeit Philanthropie, soziale Gerechtigkeit, Menschenrechte, Spenden, Freiwilligenarbeit und andere Konzepte des zivilgesellschaftlichen Engagements wahrnimmt. Um eine umfassende und repräsentative Datengrundlage zu erhalten, wurden 2000 Haushalte, 200 zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen erfasst, sowie Spender, Empfänger, religiöse Wohltäter und andere Akteure interviewt. Die so gewonnen Erkenntnisse lassen aussagekräftige Aufschlüsse über philanthropische Trends zu. Erstmals wird so auch eine finanzielle Einschätzung und Bewertung der Aktivitäten im lokalen Wohltätigkeitsbereich möglich, die sich auf mehr als eine Billion US-Dollar beziffern lassen. Die Erhebung weist nach, dass gemessen an den Pro-Kopf-Aufwendungen die privaten Spendenaktivitäten weitaus wichtiger sind als auswärtige wirtschaftliche Hilfe für Ägypten. Das wiederum lässt Rückschlüsse zu, welche Bedeutung lokale Wohltätigkeit erlangen kann, wenn sie richtig gesteuert wird und nicht wie bislang oft im Teufelskreis von ad-hoc-Spenden oder Hilfen von Privatperson an Privatperson gefangen ist. Die Studie stellt außerdem eine Verbindung her zwischen lokalen Wohltätigkeits-Mechanismen, die meist auf religiösen und kulturellen Werten beruhen, und modernen Strukturen, wie etwa Gemeinde-Stiftungen oder Gemeinde-„waqf“, innerhalb derer die Spenden eine nachhaltige Veränderung bewirken können. Daher bietet diese Arbeit also eine umfassende wissenschaftliche Grundlage, die nicht nur ein besseres Verständnis, sondern auch den nachhaltiger Aus- und Aufbau lokaler Wohltätigkeitsstrukturen in Ägypten ermöglicht. Zentral ist dabei vor allem die Rolle lokaler, individueller Spenden, die beispielsweise für Stiftungen auf der Gemeindeebene eingesetzt, wesentlich zu einer nachhaltigen Entwicklung beitragen könnten – und das nicht nur in Ägypten, sondern in der gesamten arabischen Region. Als konkretes Ergebnis dieser Arbeit, wurde ein innovatives Modell entwickelt, dass neben den wissenschaftlichen Daten das Konzept der „waqf“ berücksichtigt. Der Wissenschaftlerin und einem engagierten Vorstand ist es auf dieser Grundlage gelungen, die Waqfeyat al Maadi Community Foundation (WMCF) zu gründen, die nicht nur ein Modell für eine Bürgerstiftung ist, sondern auch das tradierte Konzept der „waqf“ als praktikable und verbürgte Wohlstätigkeitsstruktur sinnvoll weiterentwickelt.
This work provides a solid theoretical base on philanthropy, religious giving (Islamic zakat, ‘ushour, Waqf -plural: awqaf-, Sadaqa and Christian tithes or ‘ushour), and their implications on giving trends, development work, social justice philanthropy. The field study (quantitative and qualitative) that supports the theoretical framework reflects at a national level the Egyptian public’s perceptions on philanthropy, social justice, human rights, giving and volunteering and other concepts that determine the peoples’ civic engagement. The statistics cover 2000 households, 200 Civil Society Organizations distributed all over Egypt and interviews donors, recipients, religious people and other stakeholders. The numbers reflect philanthropic trends and for the first time provide a monetary estimate of local philanthropy of over USD 1 Billion annually. The survey proves that the per capita share of philanthropy outweighs the per capita share of foreign economic assistance to Egypt, which implies the significance of local giving if properly channeled, and not as it is actually consumed in the vicious circle of ad-hoc, person to person charity. In addition, the study relates local giving mechanisms derived from religion and culture to modern actual structures, like community foundations or community waqf that could bring about sustainable change in the communities. In sum, the work provides a comprehensive scientific base to help understand- and build on local philanthropy in Egypt. It explores the role that local individual giving could play in achieving sustainable development and building a new wave of community foundations not only in Egypt but in the Arab region at large. As a tangible result of this thesis, an innovative model that revives the concept of waqf and builds on the study’s results was created by the researcher and a dedicated board of trustees who succeeded in establishing Waqfeyat al Maadi Community Foundation (WMCF) that not only introduces the community foundation model to Egypt, but revives and modernizes the waqf as a practical authentic philanthropic structure.
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Cheney, Clifford Sidney. "The Arab street : a photographic exploration." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2009-12-677.

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Journalists use the term Arab Street to describe what they often imply is a volatile Arabic public opinion. This photo story travels through four Arab areas or Jordan, Qatar, Israel/Palestine and Egypt in order to show the diversity and complexity of each. The media’s tendency to lump all Arabs into one political block is detrimental to a true sense of cultural understanding that is required for peace.
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Kučerová, Květa. "Problematika ašwá'íját v současném Egyptě. Vznik, současný stav a perspektivy řešení." Master's thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-298919.

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The ashwaiyat or informal areas in contemporary Egypt are vast residential areas built during the last several decades without any means of regulation or following principles of physical planning. They gradually came to existence because of the continuing migration from the countryside to cities and by natural population growth. The newcomers, who were not able to find adequate housing in accordance with their economic possibilities, started to build their houses on private agricultural land which was not intended for building purposes, or on state desert land, to which they had no legal tenure rights. Any infrastructure in such areas was constructed relying solely on self-help. Despite the fact that the ashwaiyat phenomenon has grown substantially, it has not been addressed nor treated officialy until recently. Firstly, the formation and growth of the informal settlements with a focus on Egypt's capital, Cairo, is discussed. Further analyses are made regarding the hardships and poverty endured by its inhabitants using tangible evidence to illustrate specifics and everyday reality in some of Egypt's ashwaiyat. It shows that the informal areas are not homogenous and that they represent various living conditions. The purpose of this paper, aside from summarizing the development, is to potentially...
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Books on the topic "Cairo (Egypt). al-Matḥaf al-Miṣrī"

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Corteggiani, Jean Pierre. The Egypt of the Pharaohs at the Cairo Museum. London: Scala Books, 1987.

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al-Thaqāfah, Egypt Wizārat, ed. Matḥaf al-Khazaf al-Islāmī. al-Qāhirah: Ṣundūq al-Tanmiyah al-Thaqāfīyah, 1998.

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Hirmīnā, Jamāl. Rawāʼiʻ min al-Matḥaf al-Qibṭī. [Cairo]: Trīntī, 2013.

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Araldo, De Luca, Bongioanni Alessandro, Croce Maria Sole, Accomazzo Laura, and Matḥaf al-Miṣrī, eds. The illustrated guide to the Egyptian Museum in Cairo. Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2001.

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Iskandar, Suhayr. Jarīdat al-Miṣrī wa-al-qaḍāyā al-waṭanīyah, 1936-1946. [Cairo]: Muʾassasat Sijill al-ʻArab, 1986.

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Hirmīnā, Jamāl. Mukhtārāt min al-Matḥaf al-Qibṭī wa-al-kanāʼis. Cairo?]: [publisher not identified], 2016.

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ʻAbd al-Ḥamīd ʻAbd al-Salām Muḥammad ʻAbd al-Raḥmān ʻAlyū. Majmūʻat al-tamāʼim wa-al-aḥjibah al-maḥfūẓah fī Matḥaf al-Fann al-Islāmī bi-al-Qāhirah: Dirāsah āthārīyah fannīyah. al-Iskandarīyah: Dār al-Wafāʼ li-Dunyā al-Ṭibāʻah wa-al-Nashr, 2021.

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Bács, Tamás A., and Zoltán I. Fábián. Hungarian excavations in the Theban necropolis: A celebration of 102 years of fieldwork in Egypt : catalogue for the temporary exhibition in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo, November 6, 2009 - January 15, 2010. Budapest: Department of Egyptology, Institute of Classical Studies, Eötvös Loránd University, 2009.

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Sāmī Aḥmad ʻAbd al-Ḥalīm Imām. al- Mansūjāt al-atharīyah al-Qibṭīyah wa-al-Islāmīyah: Al-maḥfūẓah fī Matḥaf Jāyir Andirsūn bi-al-Qāhirah. al-Iskandarīyah: Muʾassasat Shabāb al-Jāmiʻah, 1990.

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Juvin, Carine. Jāstūn fiyīt wa-al-Fann al-Islāmī: Gaston Wiet et les arts de l'Islam. al-Qāhirah: al-Maʻhad al-ʻIlmī al-Faransī lil-Āthār al-Sharqīyah, 2021.

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Book chapters on the topic "Cairo (Egypt). al-Matḥaf al-Miṣrī"

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Abouelmagd, Doaa Ahmed Shehata. "The Role of Architectural Education in Increasing Heritage Awareness for Art Students (A Case Study of al-Darb al-Ahmar, Cairo, Egypt)." In Cultural Sustainable Tourism, 57–68. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-10804-5_6.

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Sami, Karma, and Monika Smialkowska. "Culture and Colonialism: The 1916 Shakespeare Tercentenary in Egypt." In Palgrave Shakespeare Studies, 89–115. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-84013-6_4.

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AbstractThe 300th anniversary of William Shakespeare’s death in 1916 coincided with an unprecedented political crisis across the globe. The outbreak of the First World War in 1914 brought to the fore the ambitions of the established and would-be colonial powers, conflicts between and within existing nation states, and disenfranchised groups’ aspirations for self-determination. Recent scholarship has demonstrated how the 1916 Shakespearean commemorations in countries such as Britain, Germany, Ireland, and the USA registered these political upheavals. However, research into the Shakespeare Tercentenary has so far neglected Egypt’s complex response to the occasion. Amidst developing political tensions, which were to culminate in the Revolution of 1919, Egyptian intellectuals nevertheless chose to commemorate Shakespeare’s Tercentenary. These commemorations, however, were marked by ambivalence: while expressing admiration for Shakespeare, Egyptian commentators questioned the appropriateness of celebrating an English writer instead of promoting Egypt’s, and the Arabs’, own national literature. This chapter examines the manifestations of these conflicting feelings, ranging from the heated press debates surrounding the occasion, through Cairo University’s celebrations, to tributes published by individual intellectuals, such as Ahmad Lutfi al-Sayyid and Mohammed Hafiz Ibrahim. In doing so, the chapter explores the ambiguities created by celebrating a cultural anniversary at a historical moment fraught with acute colonial tensions.
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Brömer, Rainer. "Scientific practice, patronage, salons, and enterprise in eighteenth century Cairo: examination of al-Gabartī’s history of Egypt." In Multicultural science in the Ottoman empire, 107–19. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.dda-eb.4.00529.

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Gabra, Gawdat, and Hany N. Takla. "The Esna Monasteries: Dayr al-Shuhada and Dayr al-Fakhuri." In Christianity and Monasticism in Upper Egypt, 225–42. American University in Cairo Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.5743/cairo/9789774163111.003.0020.

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Wadi, Fr Awad. "Butrus al-Sadamanti al-Armani (Peter of Sadamant ‘the Armenian’)." In Christianity and Monasticism in Northern Egypt. American University in Cairo Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5743/cairo/9789774167775.003.0019.

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This chapter focuses on Butrus al-Sadamanti al-Armani, who enriched the Christian Arabic literature of Egypt later in the thirteenth century with many important works. More works are attributed to Butrus than those he actually wrote, and some works are recorded under more than one title. His works can be divided into five categories: biblical, theological, moral or ethical, spiritual works, and edifying stories. His masterpiece is a commentary on the Passion of Christ preceded by an introduction on biblical hermeneutic, al-Tashih fi alam al-Sayyid al-Masih (The Correction [or Rectification] in the Sufferings of the Lord Christ), or Tafsir alam al-Sayyid al-Masih (Interpretation of the Sufferings of the Lord Christ).
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van Loon, Gertrud J. M. "Al-Shaykh Sa‘id Revisited." In Christianity and Monasticism in Middle Egypt, 265–80. American University in Cairo Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5743/cairo/9789774166631.003.0024.

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Sheehan, Peter. "Al-Fustat and the Making of Old Cairo." In Babylon of Egypt, 79–96. American University in Cairo Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.5743/cairo/9789774162992.003.0005.

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Gabra, Gawdat, and Hany N. Takla. "How to Save the Wall Paintings of Dayr al-Shuhada and Dayr al-Fakhuri." In Christianity and Monasticism in Upper Egypt, 287–94. American University in Cairo Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.5743/cairo/9789774163111.003.0025.

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Sidarus, Adel. "Yuhanna al-Samannudi, the Founder of National Coptic Philology in the Middle Ages." In Christianity and Monasticism in Northern Egypt. American University in Cairo Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5743/cairo/9789774167775.003.0014.

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This chapter examines Yuhanna al-Samannudi's pioneering contribution to Coptic philology, which documented the fundamentals of the Coptic language to preserve it for generations to come. Nothing definite is known about this bishop of Samannud before his consecration by Patriarch Kyrillos III Ibn Laqlaq on June 29, 1235, at St. Mercurius/Abu Sayfayn Church in Old Cairo. Considering the crystallized form “Yuhanna al-Samannudi”—or simply “al-Samannudi”—which prevailed among his contemporary and coreligionist writers and philologists, it may be assumed he had published his grammar known as al-Muqaddima al-samannudiya, together with his Sullam kana'si, sometimes named al-Sullam al-samannudi, before his consecration as bishop.
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Gabra, Gawdat, and Hany N. Takla. "Tell Al-Qubeba: An Unknown Monastic Site?" In Christianity and Monasticism in Upper Egypt, 281–85. American University in Cairo Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.5743/cairo/9789774163111.003.0024.

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Conference papers on the topic "Cairo (Egypt). al-Matḥaf al-Miṣrī"

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Issawy, E., A. Othman, J. Mrlina, A. Saad, A. Radwan, T. Abdelhafeez, and M. Emam. "Engineering and Geophysical Approach for Site Selection at Al-Amal Area, Southeast of Cairo, Egypt." In 73rd EAGE Conference and Exhibition incorporating SPE EUROPEC 2011. Netherlands: EAGE Publications BV, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.3997/2214-4609.20149725.

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