Journal articles on the topic 'California. Division of Mines and Geology'

In 1990 a study was completed for the California Division of Mines and Geology on the effectiveness of California's fault zone regulations (the Alquist-Priolo Special Studies Zones Act and associated policies and activities). The Act, passed in 1972, instituted the following elements of a statewide mandatory approach to dealing with the hazard of surface fault rupture: state mapping of fault zones (Special Study Zones) where active faults are suspected; local government imposition of the requirement of a geologic study on new building projects within these Zones (with some single family dwellings and low-occupancy structures exempt); review procedures for the studies submitted by an applicant's geologist; prohibition of the siting of projects on active faults; notification of real estate purchasers that a property is located within a Zone. This paper presents the results of that evaluation and comments more broadly on applying the Alquist-Priolo model to other regions and to other geologic hazards.

Seventy-two strong-motion accelerograph stations, mostly from within the permanent networks of the U. S. Geological Survey and the California Division of Mines and Geology, were triggered during the Morgan Hill earthquake, April 24, 1984. Among the more interesting of the records are the large acceleration (1.29g) at Coyote Lake dam, the Gilroy array spanning the region between the San Andreas and Calaveras faults, the record from Hall's Valley (epicentral distance 4 km), and records from buildings, a bridge, and a dam within 20 km of the epicenter. Digitized data from 16 stations are available on tape.

More than 250 strong-motion accelerograph stations were triggered by the Whittier Narrows, California, earthquake of 1 October 1987. Considering the number of multichannel structural stations in the area of strong shaking, this set of records is one of the more significant in history. Three networks, operated by the U.S. Geological Survey, the California Division of Mines and Geology, and the University of Southern California produced the majority of the records. The excellent performance of the instruments in these and the smaller arrays is attributable to the quality of the maintenance programs and their funding and personnel requirements. Readiness for a magnitude 8 event is directly related to these maintenance programs. Prior to computer analysis of the analog film records, a number of important structural resonant modes can be identified, and frequencies and simple mode shapes have been scaled. The structural records form a basic performance measurement for comparison with larger earthquake response in the future.

Abstract Probabilistic seismic hazard (PSH) maps for southern California produced from the models of Ward (1994), the Working Group on California Earthquake Probabilities (1995), and the U.S. Geological Survey and California Division of Mines and Geology (Frankel et al., 1996; Petersen et al., 1996) show the peak ground accelerations predicted with each model to occur at 10% probability in 50 years, and the probability that 0.2 g will occur in 30 years, for “rock” site conditions. Differences among the maps range up to 0.4 g and 50%, respectively. We examine the locations and magnitudes of the differences as a basis to define the issues and avenues of research that may lead to more confident estimates of PSH in the future. Our analysis shows that three major factors contribute to the observed differences between the maps. They are the size of maximum magnitude assigned to a given fault, the proportion of predicted earthquakes that are distributed off the major faults, and the use of geodetic strain data to predict earthquake rates.

Abstract Forced harmonic and impulse-response vibration tests were conducted at several California accelerograph stations operated by the California Division of Mines and Geology (CDMG) and U.S. Geological Survey (USGS) to determine the extent to which soil-structure interaction may be affecting the recorded ground motions. The results of the tests on the foundations comprising USGS Station 6 in the Imperial Valley and CDMG Cholame 1E and Fault Zone 3 stations in the Cholame Valley indicated the presence of highly damped fundamental frequencies between 20 and 40 Hz. However, at the much larger Differential Array station, a masonry-block structure approximately 6 km southwest of Station 6, a moderately damped fundamental frequency of 12 Hz was observed. Approximate transfer functions between earthquake motions recorded at the stations and the free-field motions were computed from the response data obtained from the forced harmonic vibration tests. For the three smaller stations, these functions showed peak amplification factors ranging from 1.25 to 1.4 at frequencies between 20 and 40 Hz. The amplification at smaller frequencies was insignificant. For the Differential Array station, the amplification factor was 1.5 at 12 Hz and was roughly 0.6 for frequencies between 14 and 25 Hz. These results suggest that soil-structure interaction will have little effect on ground motions recorded at the smaller stations provided that most of the energy in these motions is confined to frequencies less than approximately 20 Hz. However, at the Differential Array station, soil-structure interaction probably has had, and will continue to have, a significant influence on the motions recorded at this station.

California's first major earthquake safety policy initiative was 1933's Safety of Design and Construction of Public School Buildings Act, popularly known as the Field Act for its author, Assemblyman Don C. Field, who became the Field Act's legislative champion. The foundation for its enactment a month after the 10 March 1933 Long Beach earthquake was laid earlier by the 29 June 1925 Santa Barbara earthquake, the Dam Act of 1929, the drafting of a proposed Building Code for California, the formation of the Structural Engineers Association of California, and general acceptance of California's earthquake risk. This paper reviews the roles played by the pre-Field Act factors and the politics of the law's enactment, including the central role played by the State Division of Architecture in preparing the legislation and supporting Assemblyman Field's efforts.

Surface vibrations induced by mining rockbursts resulting from underground exploitation in the mines in western Poland were analyzed and classified into three different categories. Comparison of the accelerograms simultaneously recorded on the ground and on the foundations of typical buildings, as well as the response spectra determined on the basis of these records, leads to the conclusion that ground vibration characteristics have a significant influence on the nature of vibration transmission from the ground to the building foundation. Analysis of the response spectra, separately determined from both ground vibrations and building foundation vibrations, indicates that the standard response spectrum based on building foundation vibrations is more useful in the design of new buildings in areas of mining tremors than the spectrum based on ground vibrations. Moreover, the usefulness of the models of soil-structure interaction based on seismic data in California was investigated with respect to mine-induced rockbursts in Poland.

In the region where Eastern Ningxia coalfield locates, with the fragile eco-environment and the relative short water resources, it is significant to make clear the influence of coal mining on the groundwater in this region. According to analyses of water-filling factors for the 21 mine fields in the 7 mining areas and 1 independent mine field of Eastern Ningxia coalfield. Firstly, this paper selects the formula in the regulations on the preserving of the coal pillar and coal mining under buildings, water, rail and main shafts (regulations for short) and the Standard on the Exploration of Hydrogeology and Engineering-Geology in the Mining Area (GB12719-91) (standard for short) to calculate the height of water-flow fractured zone in the first coal seam mining, and compares the analysis results of the above formula to the observation data of 3 working faces, and determine the estimated method on the height of water-flow fractured zone, and then use “three maps-two predictions” method to complete the criterion of aquifer water-enrichment and inbreak in safety of the first coal seam. Finally, analyzing the influence of coal mining on the direction of groundwater and recharge-runoff-discharge conditions, the final comprehensive division program on the risk of the groundwater inrush is presented. The research results served as the general guidelines for the mine operations.

Purpose is to identify process engineering of mining under the Late Bronze age (18th-13th centuries BCE) in the context of copper deposits in the Eastern Ukraine. Among other things, it concerns analysis of manufacturing artifacts (i.e. ore production and preparation) in Kartamysh archeological area within the copper-ore territory of Bakhmut basin of Donbas. Methods. Following methods have been applied: a comparative historical method supported by typological archaeological approach; statistical procedures; engineering and geological methods to determine extraction volumes and evaluate copper ore extraction from the mines in Kartamysh archaeological area as well as structural and technologic analysis; functional and typological analysis; traceological analysis; experimental modelling; and carbon dating. Findings. Analysis of the specialized mining artifacts in Kartamysh archaeological area as well as mining artifacts within other copper-ore deposits in Bakhmut basin, extracted actively under the Late Bronze age, has made it possible to consider newly a number of important issues connected with process engineering of mining, specialization and labour division of ancient miners as well as evaluate significance of Donbas copper mines for the system of metal production development in the Eastern Europe of the second millennium BCE. Originality.Analysis of Kartamysh archaeological area, where the majority of business performance objects are connected with mining, has helped the authors consider specialization of the industrial systems (i.e. different-purpose mine workings, various mining tools, and areas to prepare ore) right from the viewpoint of the production method. Since similar situation is typical for other Donets complex artifacts, being involved in scientific terminology as the mining and smelting one, it would be more reasonable to represent it as Donets ore mining system owing to its specialization in the integrated copper ore extraction and preparation. Practical implications.The research results develop the history of mining science and engineering inclusive of ancient mining history in the Eastern Ukraine. They may be applied to train mining experts and in the process of creation of museum exhibitions (looking ahead, creation of Kartamysh skansen) while synthesizing technical and humanitarian aspects of engineering activities.

On November 15, 1987, the City of Los Angeles' Earthquake Division, launched a study of the performance of its strengthened unreinforced masonry buildings during the Whittier Narrows Earthquake. The objective of the study was twofold: (1) To analyze the damage to unstrengthened as well as to strengthened and tension-anchored-only buildings, and from that analysis (2) to determine the most effective ways of improving the design standards for strengthening unreinforced masonry buildings. The initial part of that objective has been completed, and the findings of that study are the primary basis for this article. Observed damage demonstrated a clear-cut need to improve certain aspects of the Code design standards for strengthened buildings; more importantly, however, it sent out warning signals to owners of unstrengthened buildings and only to a slightly lesser extent to owners of tensioned-anchors-only buildings, of the very serious need to fully strengthen their buildings and to improve on the low probability of those buildings surviving a major earthquake. The second part of the study's objective will require additional work, and the combined effort of the City of Los Angeles and the SEAOSC.

Abstract The iron oxide-apatite (IOA) deposits of the eastern Adirondack Highlands, New York, are historical high-grade magnetite mines that contain variable concentrations of rare earth element (REE)-bearing apatite crystals. The majority of the deposits are hosted within sodically altered Lyon Mountain granite gneiss, although some deposits occur within paragneiss, gabbro, anorthosite, or potassically altered Lyon Mountain granite gneiss. The IOA deposits and the waste and/or tailings piles associated with them have potential as an unconventional resource for REEs. Reprocessing of these piles would have the advantage of partial recycling of the waste material to produce a set of critical elements. Thirty-four ore, nine rock, 25 waste-pile, and four tailings-pile samples were collected and analyzed for major, minor, and trace elements. At the tailings- and waste-pile sites, composite samples were collected by combining 30 to >50 subsamples randomly distributed over each pile. The total REE content of the waste and tailings piles varied from approximately 10 to 22,000 ppm, whereas the ore sample concentrations ranged from approximately 15 to 48,000 ppm total REEs. A positive correlation exists between the total REE content of ore and its associated waste pile. Median light REE/heavy REE values were 2.14 for waste/tailings piles and 2.25 for ore, which is a substantial relative enrichment in the heavy REEs in comparison to many developed REE mines, such as the mined carbonatites of Bayan Obo, China, and Mountain Pass, California. Importantly, the ore and waste samples are significantly enriched in both Y and Nd compared to other REEs in the samples. Other minor components such as Th are also elevated. Airborne radiometric surveys show large positive eTh and eU anomalies corresponding to tailings piles. Although it is a limited data set, geochemical data of unaltered and altered host rocks suggest a speculative new model for IOA ore formation in the Adirondack Highlands that is consistent with the geology and previously published data. The ferroan ore-hosting Lyon Mountain granite gneiss underwent localized potassic alteration that enriched the altered rock in Fe, REEs, Th, and other metals. A later sodic alteration event affected the previously potassically altered Lyon Mountain granite gneiss, which increased rock porosity and remobilized Fe, REEs, and other elements from the host rock into the iron ore seams. The sodic fluids responsible for ore formation were enriched in F and Cl.

On June 30, 1984, Bill Mathews retired from full-time teaching in the Department of Geological Sciences at the University of British Columbia (UBC). On October 10, 1984, a large group of his friends and admirers met in a symposium to honour his immense contributions to science and to students of the Earth, but more importantly, to celebrate his continuing intense scientific activity. His personal and scientific vigour continues unabated, and "retirement" only means the opportunity to concentrate on his research, full-time.Bill Mathews is a phenomenon. It is not easy to keep up with the list of his publications, let alone to emulate his productivity. Since his first scientific publication in 1942, he has written 125 papers, which translates into three papers every year for 42 years! Now that he can devote himself entirely to this work, we can only suppose that this productivity will increase.W. H. Mathews received the B.A.Sc. degree in Geological Engineering from UBC in 1940 and the M.A.Sc. from UBC in 1941 and spent the war years in strategic minerals research with the B.C. Department of Mines, following which he continued his studies, receiving the Ph.D. from University of California, Berkeley, in 1948. In 1951 he joined the faculty at UBC, and he served as Head of the Department of Geology from 1964 to 1971. Dr. Mathews has been honoured by scientific societies and is a Professional Engineer, Fellow of the Geological Society of America, a member of the American Association of Petroleum Geologists and of the Geological Association of Canada, and a Fellow of the Royal Society of Canada.Perhaps the most striking feature of the symposium to honour Bill Mathews was the recognition of the breadth of his contributions. He calls himself a geomorphologist and Quaternary geologist, but the titles of his papers tell a different story. They tell of a man interested in everything at a fundamental and penetrating level, who has made important contributions to glaciology, volcanology, Tertiary tectonics, coal geology, mineral deposits, structural geology, geochronology, sedimentology, stratigraphy, engineering geology, and marine geology. It is very rare to find such a person, who can carry on a high-level scientific conversation with any specialist in the subdisciplines of the Earth sciences. Most of us are content to struggle with some mastery of a single subdiscipline, but Bill's curiosity reaches into every corner. This catholicity of interest has been a wonderful stimulus for his graduate students, undergraduate students, and colleagues.The four papers that follow this introduction were presented at the symposium and are kept together in this issue of the Canadian Journal of Earth Sciences as a tribute to Bill Mathews and in recognition of the astonishing range of his interests and contributions. We are pleased to celebrate in this way his return to full-time research after a career of combining his research with the full-time work of a distinguished professor.As is always the case, many of Bill's scientific friends could not produce a manuscript and symposium lecture in time to appear in this issue. Without exception, however, they join us in our applause of Bill Mathews' distinguished and continuing scientific career.

Seismic status in Bangladesh has been investigated using earthquake data recorded by the global network of USGS during 1980 to 2016. Seismicity parameters such as magnitude completeness Mc, b-value and a-value are being estimated. It has observed that the overall b-value in and around Bangladesh is of 0.84 which is seemed to be seismically active zone. As, reliable b-value assessment can lead to better seismic hazard analysis, reliable magnitude of completeness Mc can lead to b-value assessment of an area, this work has dealt and estimated magnitude of completeness Mc using various techniques for the whole region for a reliable estimation. Estimated Mc is obtained to be around 3.9-4.7, which lead to b-value of 0.93. Spatial variations of Mc and b-value have been investigated for 1ox1o horizontal and vertical rectangular regions for the study area between 18-29°N and 84-95°E. Estimated Mc and b-value along with b-value are then averaged for the common regions in the pair of horizontal and vertical regions. Results are then being presented in the form of maps. The findings resemble as, the Mc is low at the border line of N-W Bangladesh, and a line from Cox’s bazaar to Sylhet through Hill tracts. Remain parts belong to the Mc value of 4.1-4.2, thus the b-value obtained is varying from 0.68 to 1.2, where, the value is higher at region in Chittagong and Barisal division that extends toward north through part of Dhaka to Sylhet and lower at Rajshahi, Rangpur and part of Khulna division, while a-value is varying from 5.0 to 7.2 mostly from west to east.ReferencesAbercrombie R.E., and Brune J.N., 1994. Evidence for a constant b-value above magnitude 0 in the southern San Andreas, San Jacinto, and San Miguel fault zones and at the Long Valley caldera, California. Geophys. Res. Lett., 21(15), 1647-1650.Aki K., 1965. 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Talnakh and Oktyabrsky ore fields are estimated as rockburst-hazardous starting from the depth of 700 m downward according to safety rules. This means that mining is only permitted within certain protected zones. At the present times, such protected zones are generated in underground mines by means of the large-diameter destressing drilling. Despite proved efficiency, the high cost and large amount of the destressing drilling are the grave faults of this approach. Aiming to save drilling cost, it is proposed to make rock mass rockburst-unhazardous using destress blasting. This article gives a brief description of the destress blasting mechanism. This method has been effectively used in relaxation of pillars from stresses before extraction of the reserves from the pillars both in Russia and abroad. In Oktyabrsky Mine stress relaxation of pillars was implemented by slotting, and the drilling and blasting data were available. This study proposes to destress rock masses by means of directional destress fracturing in horizontal plane through blasting of decked charges of special design. The initial parameters for destress blasting using holes with diameters of 76 and 130 mm are determined. The charge design aimed to ensure a zone of fractures in the horizontal plane, at minimized vertical fracturing is described. This information can be used in planning of full-scale tests to refine parameters and application ranges of the method. For the full-scale tests, it is suggested to undertake destress blasting at different blast patterns on different test sites, and to compare the results with the current destressing method (destressing drilling). Efficiency can be proved using geomechanical and geophysical methods. The authors appreciate participation of V. P. Marysyuk and T. P. Darbinyan from NorNickel’s Polar Division in this study.

IntroductionI work at a regional campus of La Trobe University, Australia. More precisely, I work at the Bendigo campus of La Trobe University. At Bendigo, we are often annoyed when referred to and addressed as ‘regional’ students and staff. Really, we should not be. After all, Bendigo campus is an outpost of La Trobe’s metropolitan base. It is funded, run, and directed from Bundoora (Melbourne). The word ‘regional’ simply describes the situation. A region is an “administrative division of a city or a district [… or …] a country” (Brown 2528). And the Latin etymology of region (regio, regere) includes “direction, line”, and “rule” (Kidd 208, 589). Just as the Bendigo campus of La Trobe is a satellite of the metropolitan campus, the town of Bendigo is an outpost of Melbourne. So, when we are addressed and interpellated (Althusser 48) as regional, it is a reminder of the ongoing fact that Australia is (still) a colony, an outpost of empire, a country organised on the colonial model. From central administrative hubs, spokes of communication, and transportation spread to the outposts. When Bendigo students and staff are addressed as regional, in a way we are also being addressed as colonial.In this article, the terms ‘region’ and ‘regional’ are deployed as inextricably associated with the Australian version of colonialism. In Australia, in the central metropolitan hubs, where the colonial project is at its most comprehensive, it is hard to see what remains, to see what has escaped that project. The aim of this article is to explore how different aspects of the country escape the totalising project of Australian colonialism. This exploration is undertaken primarily through a discussion of the ways in which some places on this continent remain not regional (and thus, not colonial) how they keep the metropolis at bay, and how they, thus, keep Europe at bay. This discussion includes a general overview of the Australian colonial project, particularly as it pertains to First Nations Peoples, their knowledge and philosophies, and the continent’s unique ecologies. Then the article becomes more speculative, imagining different ways of seeing and experiencing time and place in this country, ways of seeing the remains and refuges of pre-1788, not-regional, and not-colonial Australia. In these remains and refuges, there persist the flourishing and radical difference of this continent’s ecologies and, not surprisingly, the radical suitedness of tens of thousands of years of First Nations Peoples’ culture and thinking to that ecology, as Country. In what remains not regional, I argue, are answers to the question: How will we live here in the Anthropocene?A Totalising ProjectSince 1788, in the face of the ongoing presence and resistance of First Nations cultures, and the continent’s radically unique ecologies, the Australian colonial project has been to convert the continent into a region of Europe. As such, the imposed political, administrative, scientific, and economic institutions are largely European. This is also so, to a lesser extent, of social and cultural institutions. While the continent is not Europe geologically, the notion of the Anthropocene suggests that this is changing (Crutzen and Stoermer). This article does not resummarise the vast body of scholarship on the effects of colonisation, from genocide to missionary charity, to the creation of bureaucratic and comprador classes, and so on. Suffice to say that the different valences of colonisation—from outright malevolence to misguided benevolence–produce similar and common effects. As such, what we experience in metropolitan and regional Australia, is chillingly similar to what people experience in London. Chilling, because this experience demonstrates how the effects of the project tend towards the total.To clarify, when I use the name ‘Australia’ I understand it as the continent’s European name. When I use the term ‘Europe’ or ‘European’, I refer to both the European continent and to the reach and scope of the various colonial and imperial projects of European nations. I take this approach because I think it is necessary to recognise their global effects and loads. In Australia, this load has been evident and present for more than two centuries. On one hand, it is evident in the social, cultural, and political institutions that come with colonisation. On another, it is evident in the environmental impacts of colonisation: impacts that are severely compounded in Australia. In relation to this, there is vital, ongoing scholarship that explores the fact that, ecologically, Australia is a radically different place, and which discusses the ways in which European scientific, aesthetic, and agricultural assumptions, and the associated naturalised and generic understandings of ‘nature’, have grounded activities that have radically transformed the continent’s biosphere. To name but a few, Tim Flannery (Eaters, “Ecosystems”) and Stephen Pyne, respectively, examine the radical difference of this continent’s ecology, geology, climate, and fire regimes. Sylvia Hallam, Bill Gammage, and Bruce Pascoe (“Bolt”, Emu) explore the relationships of First Nations Peoples with that ecology, climate, and fire before 1788, and the European blindness to the complexity of these relationships. For instance, William Lines quotes the strikingly contradictory observations of the colonial surveyor, Thomas Mitchell, where the land is simultaneously “populous” and “without inhabitants” and “ready for the immediate reception of civilised man” and European pastoralism (Mitchell qtd. in Lines 71). Flannery (Eaters) and Tim Low (Feral, New) discuss the impacts of introduced agricultural practices, exotic animals, and plants. Tom Griffiths tells the story of ‘Improving’ and ‘Acclimatisation Societies’, whose explicit aims were to convert Australian lands into European lands (32–48). The notion of ‘keeping Europe at bay’ is a response to the colonial assumptions, practices, and impositions highlighted by these writers.The project of converting this continent and hundreds of First Nations Countries into a region of Europe, ‘Australia’, is, in ambition, a totalising one. From the strange flag-plantings, invocations and incantations claiming ownership and dominion, to legalistic conceptions such as terra nullius, the aim has been to speak, to declare, to interpellate the country as European. What is not European, must be made European. What cannot be made European is either (un)seen in a way which diminishes or denies its existence, or must be made not to exist. These are difficult things to do: to not see, to unsee, or to eradicate.One of the first acts of administrative division (direction and rule) in the Port Phillip colony (now known as Victoria) was that of designating four regional Aboriginal Protectorates. Edward Stone Parker was appointed Assistant Protector of Aborigines for the Loddon District, a district which persists today for many state and local government instrumentalities as the Loddon-Mallee region. In the 1840s, Parker experienced the difficulty described above, in attempting to ‘make European’ the Dja Dja Wurrung people. As part of Parker’s goal of Christianising Dja Dja Wurrung people, he sought to learn their language. Bain Attwood records his frustration:[Parker] remarked in July 1842. ‘For physical objects and their attributes, the language readily supplies equivalent terms, but for the metaphysical, so far I have been able to discover scarcely any’. A few years later Parker simply despaired that this work of translation could be undertaken. ‘What can be done’, he complained, ‘with a people whose language knows no such terms as holiness, justice, righteousness, sin, guilt, repentance, redemption, pardon, peace, and c., and to whose minds the ideas conveyed by those words are utterly foreign and inexplicable?’ (Attwood 125)The assumption here is that values and concepts that are ‘untranslatable’ into European understandings mark an absence of such value and concept. Such assumptions are evident in attempts to convince, cajole, or coerce First Nations Peoples into abandoning traditional cultural and custodial relationships with Country in favour of individual private property ownership. The desire to maintain relationships with Country are described by conservative political figures such as Tony Abbott as “lifestyle choices” (Medhora), effectively declaring them non-existent. In addition, processes designed to recognise First Nations relationships to Country are procedurally frustrated. Examples of this are the bizarre decisions made in 2018 and 2019 by Nigel Scullion, the then Indigenous Affairs Minister, to fund objections to land claims from funds designated to alleviate Indigenous disadvantage and to refuse to grant land rights claims even when procedural obstacles have been cleared (Allam). In Australia, given that First Nations social, cultural, and political life is seamlessly interwoven with the environment, ecology, the land–Country, and that the colonial project has always been, and still is, a totalising one, it is a project which aims to sever the connections to place of First Nations Peoples. Concomitantly, when the connections cannot be severed, the people must be either converted, dismissed, or erased.This project, no matter how brutal and relentless, however, has not achieved totality.What Remains Not Regional? If colonisation is a totalising project, and regional Australia stands as evidence of this project’s ongoing push, then what remains not regional, or untouched by the colonial? What escapes the administrative, the institutional, the ecological, the incantatory, and the interpellative reach of the regional? I think that despite this reach, there are such remains. The frustration, the anger, and antipathy of Parker, Abbott, and Scullion bear this out. Their project is unfinished and the resistance to it infuriates. I think that, in Australia, the different ways in which pre-1788 modes of life persist are modes of life which can be said to be ‘keeping Europe at bay’.In Reports from a Wild Country: Ethics for Decolonisation, Deborah Bird Rose compares Western/European conceptualisations of time, with those of the people living in the communities around the Victoria River in the Northern Territory. Rose describes Western constructions of time as characterised by disjunction (for example, the ‘birth’ of philosophy, the beginnings of Christianity) and by irreversible sequence (for example, concepts of telos, apocalypse, and progress). These constructions have become so naturalised as to carry a “seemingly commonsensical orientation toward the future” (15). Orientation, in an Australian society “built on destruction, enables regimes of violence to continue their work while claiming the moral ground of making a better future” (15). Such an orientation “enables us to turn our backs on the current social facts of pain, damage, destruction and despair which exist in the present, but which we will only acknowledge as our past” (17).In contrast to this ‘future vision’, Rose describes what she calls the ‘canonical’ time-space conceptualisation of the Victoria River people (55). Here, rather than a temporal extension into an empty future, orientation is towards living, peopled, and grounded origins, with the emphasis on the plural, rather than a single point of origin or disjunction:We here now, meaning we here in a shared present, are distinct from the people of the early days by the fact that they preceded us and made our lives possible. We are the ‘behind mob’—those who come after. The future is the domain of those who come after us. They are referred to as […] those ‘behind us’. (55)By way of illustration, when we walk into a sheep paddock, even if we are going somewhere (even the future), we are also irrevocably walking behind ancestors, predecessor ecologies, previous effects. The paddock, is how it is, after about 65,000 years of occupation, custodianship, and management, after European surveyors, squatters, frontier conflict and violence, the radical transformation of the country, the destruction of the systems that came before. Everything there, as Freya Mathews would put it, is of “the given” (“Becoming” 254, “Old” 127). We are coming up behind. That paddock is the past and present, and what happens next is irrevocably shaped by it. We cannot walk away from it.What remains not regional is there in front of us. Country, language, and knowledge remain in the sheep paddock, coexisting with everyone and everything else that everyone in this country follows (including the colonial and the regional). It is not gone. We have to learn how to see it.By the Fox or the Little EagleFigure 1: A Scatter of Sulphur-Crested Cockatoo Feathers at Wehla. Image Credit: Terry Eyssens.As a way of elaborating on this, I will tell you about a small, eight hectare, patch of land in Dja Dja Wurrung Country. Depending on the day, or the season, or your reason, it could take fifteen minutes to walk from one end to the other or it might take four hours, from the time you start walking, to the time when you get back to where you started. At this place, I found a scatter of White Cockatoo feathers (Sulphur-Crested Cockatoo—Cacatua galerita). There was no body, just the feathers, but it was clear that the Cockatoo had died, had been caught by something, for food. The scatter was beautiful. The feathers, their sulphur highlights, were lying on yellow-brown, creamy, dry grass. I dwelled on the scatter. I looked. I looked around. I walked around. I scanned the horizon and squinted at the sky. And I wondered, what happened.This small patch of land in Dja Dja Wurrung Country is in an area now known as Wehla. In the Dja Dja Wurrung and many other Victorian languages, ‘Wehla’ (and variants of this word) is a name for the Brushtail Possum (Trichosurus vulpecula). In the time I spend there/here, I see all kinds of animals. Of these, two are particularly involved in this story. One is the Fox (Vulpes vulpes), which I usually see just the back of, going away. They are never surprised. They know, or seem to know, where everyone is. They have a trot, a purposeful, cocky trot, whether they are going away because of me or whether they are going somewhere for their own good reasons. Another animal I see often is the Little Eagle (Hieraaetus morphnoides). It is a half to two-thirds the size of a Wedge-tailed Eagle (Aquila audax). It soars impressively. Sometimes I mistake a Little Eagle for a Wedge-tail, until I get a better look and realise that it is not quite that big. I am not sure where the Little Eagle’s nest is but it must be close by.I wondered about this scatter of White Cockatoo feathers. I wondered, was the scatter of White Cockatoo feathers by the Fox or by the Little Eagle? This could be just a cute thought experiment. But I think the question matters because it provokes thinking about what is regional and what remains not regional. The Fox is absolutely imperial. It is introduced and widespread. Low describes it as among Australia’s “greatest agent[s] of extinction” (124). It is part of the colonisation of this place, down to this small patch of land in Dja Dja Wurrung Country. Where the Fox is, colonisation, and everything that goes with it, remains, and maintains. So, that scatter of feathers could be a colonial, regional happening. Or maybe it is something that remains not regional, not colonial. Maybe the scatter is something that escapes the regional. The Little Eagles and the Cockatoos, who were here before colonisation, and their dance (a dance of death for the Cockatoo, a dance of life for the Little Eagle), is maybe something that remains not regional.But, so what if the scatter of White Cockatoo feathers, this few square metres of wind-blown matter, is not regional? Well, if it is ‘not regional’, then, if Australia is to become something other than a colony, we have to look for these things that are not regional, that are not colonial, that are not imperial. Maybe if we start with a scatter of White Cockatoo feathers that was by the Little Eagle, and then build outwards again, we might start to notice more things that are not regional, that still somehow escape. For example, the persistence of First Nations modes of land custodianship and First Nations understandings of time. Then, taking care not to fetishise First Nations philosophies and cultures, take the time and care to recognise the associations of all of those things with simply, the places themselves, like a patch of land in Dja Dja Wurrung Country, which is now known as Wehla. Instead of understanding that place as something that is just part of the former Aboriginal Protectorate of Loddon or of the Loddon Mallee region of Victoria, it is Wehla.The beginning of decolonisation is deregionalisation. Every time we recognise the not regional (which is hopefully, eventually, articulated in a more positive sense than ‘not regional’), and just say something like ‘Wehla’, we can start to keep Europe at bay. Europe’s done enough.seeing and SeeingChina Miéville’s The City and The City (2009) is set in a place, in which the citizens of two cities live. The cities, Besźel and Ul Qoma, occupy the same space, are culturally and politically different. Their relationship to each other is similar to that of border-sharing Cold War states. Citizens of the two cities are forbidden to interact with each other. This prohibition is radically policed. Even though the citizens of Besźel and Ul Qoma live in adjoining buildings, share roads, and walk the same streets, they are forbidden to see each other. The populations of each city grow up learning how to see what is permitted and to not see, or unsee, the forbidden other (14).I think that seeing a scatter of White Cockatoo feathers and wondering if it was by the Fox or by the Little Eagle is akin to the different practices of seeing and not seeing in Besźel and Ul Qoma. The scatter of feathers is regional and colonial and, equally, it is not. Two countries occupy the same space. Australia and a continent with its hundreds of Countries. What remains not regional is what is given and Seen as such. Understanding ourselves as walking behind everything that has gone before us enables this. As such, it is possible to see the scatter of White Cockatoo feathers as by the Fox, as happening in ‘regional Australia’, as thus characterised by around 200 years of carnage, where the success of one species comes at the expense of countless others. On the other hand, it is possible to See the feathers as by the Little Eagles, and as happening on a small patch of land in Dja Dja Wurrung Country, as a dance that has been happening for hundreds of thousands, if not millions, of years. It is a way of keeping Europe at bay.I think these Cockatoo feathers are a form of address. They are capable of interpellating something other than the regional, the colonial, and the imperial. A story of feathers, Foxes, and Little Eagles can remind us of our ‘behindness’, and evoke, and invoke, and exemplify ways of seeing and engaging with where we live that are tens of thousands of years old. This is both an act of the imagination and a practice of Seeing what is really there. When we learn to see the remains and refuges, the persistence of the not regional, we might also begin to learn how to live here in the Anthropocene. But, Anthropocene or no Anthropocene, we have to learn how to live here anyway.References Allam, Lorena. “Aboriginal Land Rights Claims Unresolved Despite All-Clear from Independent Review.” The Guardian 29 Mar. 2019. <https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2019/mar/29/aboriginal-land-rights-claims-unresolved-despite-all-clear-from-independent-review>.Althusser, Louis. “Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses (Notes towards an Investigation).” On Ideology. Trans. Ben Brewster. London: Verso, [1971] 2008.Attwood, Bain. The Good Country: The Djadja Wurrung, the Settlers and the Protectors. Clayton: Monash UP, 2017.Brown, Lesley. The New Shorter Oxford English Dictionary: On Historical Principles: Volume 2. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993.Crutzen, Paul, J., and Eugene F. Stoermer. “The ‘Anthropocene’.” Global Change Newsletter 41 (May 2000): 17–18.Flannery, Timothy F. “The Fate of Empire in Low- and High-Energy Ecosystems.” Ecology and Empire: Environmental History of Settler Societies. Eds. Tom Griffiths and Libby Robin. Edinburgh: Keele UP, 1997. 46–59.———. The Future Eaters. Sydney: Reed New Holland, 1994.Gammage, Bill. The Biggest Estate on Earth: How Aborigines Made Australia. Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 2012.Griffiths, Tom. Forests of Ash. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2001.Hallam, Sylvia. Fire and Hearth: A Study of Aboriginal Usage and European Usurpation in South-Western Australia. Rev. ed. Crawley: U of Western Australia P, 2014.Kidd, D.A. Collins Gem Latin-English, English-Latin Dictionary. London: Collins, 1980.Lines, William. Taming the Great South Land: A History of the Conquest of Nature in Australia. Berkeley and Los Angeles: U of California P, 1991.Low, Tim. The New Nature: Winners and Losers in Wild Australia. Camberwell: Penguin Books, 2003.———. Feral Future: The Untold Story of Australia’s Exotic Invaders. Ringwood: Penguin Books, 1999.Mathews, Freya. “Becoming Native: An Ethos of Countermodernity II.” Worldviews: Environment, Culture, Religion 3 (1999): 243–71.———. “Letting the World Grow Old: An Ethos of Countermodernity.” Worldviews: Environment, Culture, Religion 3 (1999): 119–37.Medhora, Shalailah. “Remote Communities Are Lifestyle Choices, Says Tony Abbott.” The Guardian 10 Mar. 2015. <https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2015/mar/10/remote-communities-are-lifestyle-choices-says-tony-abbott>.Miéville, China. The City and the City. London: Pan MacMillan, 2009.Pascoe, Bruce. Dark Emu, Black Seeds: Agriculture or Accident? Broome: Magabala Books, 2014.———. “Andrew Bolt’s Disappointment.” Griffith Review 36 (Winter 2012): 226–33.Pyne, Stephen. Burning Bush: A Fire History of Australia. North Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1992.Rose, Deborah Bird. Reports from a Wild Country: Ethics for Decolonisation. Sydney: U of New South Wales P, 2004.

Explorations of the intersecting terrain between the resources (or mining) sector and gendered socialisation are gaining currency (Laplonge and Albury; Lahiri-Dutt). Some argue that mine workers and their families are particularly vulnerable to divorce, suicide, drug and alcohol abuse, injury, violence and worksite conflict, mental health struggles, financial over-extension, isolation, and loss of familial and community connection (Ashby; Paddenburg 14). Others contradict anecdotal evidence to support these concerns (Clifford 58; BHP Billiton 11-5). Substantive research on the emotional cost of mining remains sparse and contested (Windsor 4). Of concern to some, however, is that mining companies may be placing pressure on employees to generate a profit (Brough 10), while failing to acknowledge the cost of “hypermasculinised” mechanisms of domination that characterise mining cultures (Laplonge, Roadshow). I refer to these characteristic mechanisms of domination throughout this paper as “malestream norms” (O’Brien 62). In this paper, I argue that mining cultures have become prime examples of unsustainable practices. They forfeit relationally and ecologically sensitive modes of production that would otherwise celebrate and indeed prioritise a holistic level of care for the Earth, mining cultures, work colleagues and the self. Here, the term “sustainable” refers to a broader spectrum of social, cultural, psychological and ecological needs of mine workers, mining culture, and the environment upon which mining profits depend. I posit that mining communities that tend to the psycho-social needs of mine workers beyond malestream norms are more likely to implement sustainable mining practices that are not only considerate of the broader needs of mine workers, not only profitable for mining companies, but care for the Earth as well. Granted, employee assistance mechanisms do include substantial support services (such as health and wellness programmes, on-site counselling and therapy, mining family support networks, shorter rosters, improved access to family contact from site, etc.). However, these support services—as they may be offered by individual mining companies—do not adequately address the broader psycho-social impact of mining on mine site communities, the relational integrity of mine workers with their families, or how mine workers are faring within themselves in light of the pressures that abound both on-swing and off (Lahiri-Dutt 201). Discussions of a “softer” approach to mining fail to critically analyse malestream norms (Laplonge, Roadshow). In other words, attempts to make mining more sustainable have at-best been superficial by, for example, seeking to increase numbers of women on-site but then “jamming” these new women into cultures of hypermasculinism in hopes that a “trickle-down affect” of softening mining communities of practice will ensue (Laplonge, "You Can't Rely"). A comprehensive approach to sustainable mining practices must begin with deeper psycho-social care for mine workers (both women and men), and shift mining culture towards environmental care as well—an approach to mining that reflects a holistic and integrated model for pursuing profitable company development that is more caring than is currently the norm throughout the corporate world (Anderson). To accomplish this, we must specifically challenge malestream norms as they manifest in mining (Laplonge, Roadshow). In response, I introduce ecological masculinism as a relational approach to softening the malestream norms that pervade mining. To begin, it is recognised that mining masculinities—like all practices of masculinity—are pluralised social constructions that are not fixed but learned (Connell). Ecological masculinism is explored as a path towards fresh systemic practices that can steer men in mining towards masculine identities that are relationally attuned, emotionally articulate, and environmentally aware. It is argued that the approach to mining masculinities introduced here can help the resources sector become more sustainable for men, more conducive to greater numbers of women, more profitable for mining companies over longer periods of time, and gentler on the Earth. Where Are All the Ecomasculinists in Mining? Ecology as a science of relationships can serve as a guide towards the order that emerges among complex systems such as those that pervade mining (Capra). I suggest that Ecology can assist us to better understand and redefine the intricacies of gender dynamics in mining. It would be easy to presume that Ecology is oppositional to mining. I argue that to the contrary, the relational focus of Ecology has much to teach us about how we might reconfigure malestream norms to make it possible for mining cultures to demonstrate deeper care for others and the self at work and at home. An ecological analysis of malestream norms (and their impacts on Earth, community, others and the self) is not new. Richard Twine initiated some of the earliest explorations of the intersecting terrain between men, masculinities and the Earth. This discourse on the need for an “ecologisation” of masculinities grew out of the “broad church” of ecological feminism that explored so called Logics of Dualism that malestream norms construct and maintain (Plumwood 55-59). For more than 40 years, ecological feminism has served as a specialised discourse interrogating the mutual oppression of women and Nature by the male-dominated world. In his contribution to the Essex Ecofem Listerv, Twine posted the following provocative statement: Where are all the ecomasculinists? … there does not seem to be any literature on how the environmental and feminist movements together form a strong critique of the dominant Western masculine tradition. Does anyone know of any critical examinations … of this position, particularly one that addresses masculinity rather than patriarchy? (Twine et al. 1) Twine highlighted the need for a new discourse about men and masculinities that built on the term “ecomasculinity.” This term was originally coined by Shepherd Bliss in his seminal paper Revisioning Masculinity: A Report on the Growing Men's Movement (1987). I suggest that this intersecting terrain between Ecology and masculinities can guide us beyond the constraints of malestream norms that are entrenched in mining and offer us alternatives to mining cultural practices that oppress women and men as well as the environment upon which mining depends. However, these early investigations into the need for more nurturing masculinities were conceptual more so than practical and failed to take hold in scholarly discourses on gender or the pluralised praxes of modern masculinities. Coupled with this, the dominating aspects of malestream norms have continued to characterise mining cultures resulting in, for example, higher than average injury rates that are indicators of some negative consequences of a hypermasculinised workplace (Department of Health, WA 18; Laplonge, Roadshow). Further, the homophobic elements of malestream norms can give many men cause to hesitate seeking out emotional support if and where needed for fear of peer-group ridicule. These are some of the ways that men are subject to “men’s oppression” (Smith; Irwin et al.; Jackins; Whyte; Rohr), a term used here not to posit men as victims but rather as individuals who suffer as a result of their own internalised sense of superiority that drives them to behave inequitably towards other men, women and the Earth. Men’s Oppression Men’s oppression is a term used to illuminate the impact of malestream norms on men’s lives. Richard Rohr noted that: Part of our oppression as men ... is that we are taught to oppress others who have less status than we do. It creates a pecking order and a sense of superiority. We especially oppress racial minorities, homosexuals, the poor and women. (28) Men’s oppression is harmful to men, women and the ways that we mine the Earth. It is consequently of great importance that we explore the impacts of men’s oppression on mining masculinities with an emphasis on deconstructing the ways that it shapes and maintains malestream norms in mining culture. Men’s oppression pressures men to behave in ways that can constrain the spectrum of permissible behaviours that they adopt. Men’s oppression is ego-driven, based in comparing and competing against each other and pressure them to work tirelessly towards being better, higher, stronger, more virile, smarter, richer, more powerful, outwardly composed and more adored by others through status and material wealth often acquired at the expense of others and indeed the compromising of their own capacities to care for others and the self. These products of malestream norms validate an inner sense of feeling good about oneself at the expense of relational connection with others, including the Earth. As mentioned previously, malestream norms enable men to acquire socioeconomic and political advantages. But this has occurred at what has proven to be a terrible cost for all others as well as men themselves. Many men, especially those most strongly immersed in malestream norms, don’t even know that they are subject to this internalise superiority nor do they recognise it as an oppression that afflicts them at the same time and through the same mechanisms that assures their primacy in a world.. Notably, the symptoms of men’s oppression are not unique to mining. However, this form of oppression is intensely experienced by miners precisely because of the isolated and hypermasculine nature of minthat men (and increasing numbers of women) find themselves immersed in when on-site. Unfortunately, perceiving and then countering men’s oppression can undermine men’s primacy (Smith 51-52). As a consequence many men have little reason to want to take a stand against malestream norms that can come to dominate their lives at work and home. But to refuse to do so can erode their health and well-being and set them on a path of perpetration of oppressive thoughts, words and deeds towards others. Pathways to Ecological Masculinism The conceptual core of ecological masculinism is constructed on five precepts (that I refer to as the ADAMN model). These precepts help guide modern Western men towards greater care for others and the self in tangible ways (Pulé). Accompanying these precepts is the need for a plurality of caring behavioural possibilities for men to emerge. Men are encouraged to pursue inner congruency (aligning head with heart and intuition) as a pathway to their fuller humanness so that more integrated and mature masculinities can emerge. In this sense, ecological masculinism can be adapted to any work or home situation, providing a robust and versatile model that redresses gendered norms amongst mining men despite the diversity of individuals and resistances that might characterise some mining cultures. The ADAMN model draws on the vernacular encouragement for men to “give a damn” about all others and themselves. The five key instructions of masculine ecologisation are: A: Accept the central premise that you were born good and have an infinite capacity to care and be caring D: Don’t separate yourself from others; instead strengthen and rebuild your sense of connection with others and yourself A: Amend your own past hurts and any you have caused to others M: Model mature modern masculinity. Construct your masculine identity on caring thoughts, words and actions that nurture the relational space between yourself and others by seeking a life of service for the common good N: Normalise men’s care; support all men to show their care as central features of being a mature modern man Collectively, these key instructions of the ADAMN model are designed to raise men’s capacities to care for others and the self. They are aspects of ecological masculinism that are introduced to men through large group presentations, working with teams and at the level of one-on-one coaching in order to facilitate the recovering of the fuller human self that emerges through masculine ecologisation. This aspect of ecological masculinism offers tangible alternatives to malestream norms that dominate mining cultures by subverting the oppressive aspects of malestream norms in mining with more integrated levels of care for all others and the self. The ADAMN model is drawn as a nested diagram where each layer of this work forms the foundations of and is imbedded within the next, taking an individual man on a step-by-step journey that charts a course towards a heightened relational self and in so doing shifts the culture of masculinities within which he is immersed (see Figure 1). Trials of the ADAMN model over the past three years have applied ecological masculinism to groups of miners, at first in larger groups where hypermasculinised men can remain anonymous. From there masculine ecologisation drills down into the personal stories of individual men’s lives to uncover the sources of individual adherence to malestream norms—interrogating the pressures at play for them to have donned the “armour” that malestream norms demand of them. Stepping further towards the self, we then explore group and team dynamics for examples of hypermasculinism in the context of its benefits and costs to individual men’s lives in a support group type setting, and finally refine the transformational elements of this exploratory in one-on-one coaching of men across the spectrum from natural leaders to those in crises. At this final level of intensive personal reflection, an individual man is coached towards integrative alignment of his head, heart and intuition so that he can discover fresh perspectives for accessing his caring self. The project’s hope is that from this place of heightened “inner congruency” the ecologised man can more easily awaken and engage his care for others and himself not only as a man, but as an active and engaged citizen whose life of service to his employer, community, family, friends, and himself, becomes a central fixture of the ways he interacts with others at work and at home. Effectively, ecological masculinism reaches beyond the constraints of hypermasculinism as it commonly pervades mining by “peeling the onion” of malestream norms in a step-wise manner. It is hoped that, if the ADAMN model is successful, that the emerging “ecomen” become more sensitive to the needs, wants and intrinsic rights of others, develop rich emotional vocabularies, embrace the value of abstract thinking and a strong and engaged intuition concurrently, engage with others compassionately, educate themselves about their world at work and home, willingly assume leadership on the job, within their families and throughout their communities and grow proactively through the process. Such men embody a humanistic worldview towards all of life. They are flexible, responsive, and attentive to the value of others and themselves. Such is the ecoman I suggest might best benefit resource companies, mining cultures, mining families and miners.Figure 1 Conclusion Central to a more gender-aware future for men in mining is hope—hope that we will adapt to the challenges of mining culture swiftly by reaching beyond engineered solutions to the problems that many mine workers face; hope that our responses will be humanistic, creative and transgress malestream norms; hope that those responses are inclusive of softer and more caring approaches mining masculinities. This hope hinges on the willingness of resource companies to support such a shift in mining culture towards greater care for all others and the self. One path towards this fresh future for mining is through ecological masculinism as I have introduced it here. This new conversation for mining men and masculinities gives priority to the ending of men’s oppression for the benefit of individual mining men as well as all those with whom they share their lives at work and at home. In this paper, my intention has been to emphasise a more caring approach to mining. It is my earnest belief that through such work, mining will become more sustainable for men, women and the Earth. The ecologised mining man will have an important role to play in such a transformation.ReferencesAnderson, Ray. Our Sustainability Journey – Mission Zero. 2008. 29 April 2013 ‹http://www.interfaceglobal.com/Sustainability/Interface-Story.aspx›. Ashby, Nicole. The Need for FIFO Families. Personal Interview. 11 Dec 2012. BHP Billiton. Global Workplace, Unique Opportunities. 2013. 22 April 2013 ‹http://www.bhpbilliton.com/home/people/workplace/Pages/default.aspx› Bliss, Shepherd. “Revisioning Masculinity: A Report on the Growing Men's Movement.” In Context: A Quarterly of Humane Sustainable Culture Spring (1987): 21. [First Published in Yoga Journal (Nov./Dec. 1986).] Brough, Paula. “FIFO Work Hits Families Hardest.” The Morning Bulletin [Rockhampton, Queensland] 12 Apr. 2013: 10. Capra, Fritjof. The Web of Life: A New Scientific Understanding of Living Systems. New York: Anchor Books, 1996. Connell, Raewyn. Masculinities. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995. Clifford, Susan. The Effects of Fly-in/Fly-out Commute Arrangements and Extended Working Hours on the Stress, Lifestyle, Relationship and Health Characteristics of Western Australian Mining Employees and Their Partners (Research Report). School of Anatomy and Human Biology: University of Western Australia, 2009. Department of Health, WA. 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